CHAPTER IV

THE SALVE REGINA

Avitus I. and Avitus II.--St. Isidore--The story of St.

Fructuosus--The origin of duplex monasteries in Spain--One of the

favourite saints of Galicia--Almanzor comes to Santiago de

Compostela--San Pedro de Mezonzo--Almanzor returns to Cordova--The

_Salve Regina_--Who wrote the _Salve Regina_?--Alfonso _el

Sabio_--His Cantiga--The Mariner’s prayer--St. Gregory--Foreign

authorities--How the _Salve_ reached France and Italy--Dr. Oviedo’s

Thesis--A startling article--The Dogma of the Immaculate

Conception--_De Consolatione Rationis_--An allegory--Eadmer and

Pedro Compostelano

In our cursory survey of Galicia’s first golden age we have not

attempted to give a full and complete account of all the strong souls

who helped to make that age a golden one; we have been obliged to

content ourselves with giving a few meagre particulars about those whose

life and work have impressed us the most, and refer briefly often only

to the names of those who loom less distinctly out of that distant past;

such men, for instance, as the monk Bacchiarius, as Avitus I., and

Avitus II., as the poet Prudentius and the saint Fructuosus. Of these we

know for certain that the first three visited the East. Florez tells

very fully the story of Bacchiarius, and how he came to wander forth

from his monastery in search of that knowledge which he could not

extract from books alone. As for the two Aviti, they were both in

Jerusalem when Orosius was there, and one of them has been charged with

having become infected with gnostic errors during his stay in Palestine,

and having disseminated them in Galicia on his return thither. As for

the poet Prudentius, he is to-day known to Spanish writers as “the

Horace of the fourth century.” He was born in Galicia, in or near the

town of Braga, about the year 368, during the reign of Constantine the

Great. Two volumes of his lyric poetry have come down to us, both

bearing Greek names, _Kathemerion_ (Songs for Every Day) and

_Peristephanon_ (The Book of Garlands). Critics tell us that the lyrics

contained in the former bear distinct traces of the literary influence

of St. Ambrose; those contained in the latter, fourteen in number, are

dedicated to the glorious sufferings of the early martyrs. Boissier

calls Prudentius “un véritable Espagnol,” a poet who expressed the

thoughts and feelings of his own people, and he adds, “c’est là le

principal verité de la poèsie lyrique: jamais elle n’est plus grande que

quand elle traduit ainsi les sentiments populaires.”

St. Isidore, bishop of Seville, who was the most illustrious

representative of intellectual Spain at the close of Galicia’s first

golden age, and who earned for himself the title of “the oracle of the

Spanish Church,” died in 636. “God created at this time,” says a

contemporary monk, “two great suns to light these western shores with

the rays of that flaming truth which shone from the Apostolic See; the

one, Isidore of Seville, relighted among us, by his eloquence, his

writings, his wisdom, and active industry, the great light of dogmatic

truth issued by the Supreme Chair of Rome; the other, Fructuosus, by the

immaculate innocence of his life, by the spiritual fire of his

contemplations, made the virtues of the first fathers of the desert and

the prodigies of the Thebaid shine into our hearts.”[59]

St. Fructuosus was a son of a general of the Gothic army. We read that

when, as a boy, he was taken by his father into one of his estates upon

the frontiers of Galicia, to number his flocks, “he secretly noted in

his soul a site for a future monastery in that wild country.” Later on,

when he had become his own master, he retired to the spot he had chosen

as a child, and built a monastery, which he endowed with all he had.

Montalembert tells us how he was shortly joined by a numerous band of

monks, but that he himself, flying from the renown of his virtue, took

refuge in the woods and most precipitous rocks, that he might be

forgotten by all. One day, while he was at prayer in the forest, a

labourer passing by took him for a fugitive slave, questioned him, and,

dissatisfied with his answers, overwhelmed him with blows and led him

with a rope round his neck to a place where he was recognised. Another

time, like St. Bernard, he was taken for a wild beast. A hunter, seeing

him covered merely with a goat-skin, and prostrated upon the summit of a

rock, had aimed an arrow at him, when he perceived, by seeing him lift

his hands to heaven, that it was a man occupied in prayer.[60]

Eventually the example of Fructuosus became so contagious that he had to

build other monasteries to shelter his crowds of followers. Their number

became so great that the duke of one of the provinces wrote to the king

to warn him that if some obstacle were not interposed the country would

be so depopulated that there would be no men to fill up the ranks of the

army. The women imitated the men. A young girl of noble family, who was

about to be married to an officer of the Visigothic Court, fled from her

father’s house and hid in the woods near the monastery of Fructuosus, to

whom she wrote, begging him to have pity upon her as upon a sheep which

he must snatch from the fangs of the wolf. He received her, and built

her a little cell in the forest, which soon became the centre of a

community of eighty nuns. The officer endeavoured in vain to recover his

betrothed. He compelled the superior of the new monastery to bring her

to him; she came, but refused to look at him, and he remained mute in

her presence. Then the royal judge said: “Leave her to serve the Lord,

and find for yourself another wife.” Thus it was that Fructuosus

originated the system of duplex monasteries in Spain.

Fructuosus cultivated literature sedulously, and led his monks to do

likewise. He also wrote poetry, some of which is still extant; it is

quoted by Florez. His monks kept great flocks of sheep, the profit of

which they spent in charity. Some years before his death he was made

archbishop of Braga, but he did not cease to practise the rule of

monastic life, and he built many new monasteries. He surveyed all the

coasts of Spain from Cape Finisterre to Cape St. Vincent, crossed the

rivers Duero and Guadalquivir, reaching the promontories and islands,

even to the spot where Cadiz now stands, and seeking everywhere asylums

for prayer and solitude. “Thanks to him,” continues Montalembert, in a

prophetic strain, “the extreme frontiers of the West become guarded by a

line of monastic garrisons. The great waves of the ocean rushing from

the shores of another hemisphere, from that half of the world still

unknown to Christians, is met by the gaze and the prayers of the monks

from the lofty cliffs of the Iberian Peninsula. There they stand firm,

awaiting the Mohammedan invasion; there they endure and survive it;

there they preserve a nucleus of faith and Christian virtue, for those

incomparable days, when, from those shores freed by unwearied heroism,

Spain and Portugal shall spring forth to discover a new world and to

plant the Cross in Africa, in Asia, and in America.”

St. Fructuosus is still one of the favourite saints of Galicia. The

cathedral of Santiago has a chapel dedicated to him, built in 1696,[61]

and his day is honoured by every peasant in the land.

Galicia has some valuable archæological monuments of the eighth century,

to which we shall refer in a later chapter, but she produced no great

literary character whose history need detain us here. It was in this

century that the Moors first invaded the Peninsula; and Galicia, though

not then invaded, began from this time to send the flower of her youth

to fight the Saracens. In the ninth century there took place the

discovery of the tomb of the apostle St. James on the spot where the

cathedral of Santiago now stands, a discovery which led to the

concentration of the reverential love of all medieval Christendom upon

that distant corner of Spain, and eventually caused Santiago to rival

Jerusalem as a centre for holy pilgrimage from all parts of the known

world.

In the tenth century, in 997, the Moor Almanzor, a celebrated minister

of the Moorish Court, arrived with his devastating army at the gates of

Santiago, having reduced thirty monasteries and palaces to ruin on his

way. Troops of Moors had come over from Cordova to join forces with

Almanzor’s hosts. San Pedro de Mezonzo, the author of the _Salve

Regina_, was then archbishop. When the Moorish army reached Santiago,

they found to their surprise that its towers and its walls were

deserted, and that no resistance was being offered to their advance.

Penetrating into the heart of the city, they found stillness and

solitude everywhere; they found the doors of the cathedral open, but

there was only one living person inside it--an aged monk prostrate in

prayer.

“What are you doing here?” demanded Almanzor.

“I am praying before the sepulchre of St. James,” replied the monk.

“Pray as much as you wish,” replied Almanzor, and he thereupon gave

orders that none should molest him; after which, according to some, the

Moor stationed himself before the altar to protect it from desecration

at the hands of his followers.

St. Pedro de Mezonzo had fled to a neighbouring stronghold, bearing with

him as much of the treasure of the cathedral as he could manage to

carry.[62] It is clear that he at least was not one of the fighting

prelates for which Galicia has been famous. Ferreiro tells us that when

excavations were made in the cathedral of Santiago in 1878, traces of

fire were certainly found. He argues from this that the Moors must have

used fire in their attempt to destroy the building. Almanzor returned to

Cordova laden with booty, and driving before him four thousand Christian

captives, bearing on their shoulders the gates of Santiago Cathedral and

its smaller bells, which, according to Fernandez Sandez, served as lamps

in the great mosque of Cordova until the day when Ferdinand took the

capital of the Calyphate, and caused captive Moors to bear them back to

Santiago on their shoulders and restore them to the cathedral.

Almanzor’s triumph was merely that of a successful expedition into the

heart of Galicia, for the Moors never conquered that province.

San Pedro de Mezonzo was a monk of the Benedictine Order before he was

raised to the archbishopric. The fact of his having been archbishop of

Santiago at the time of Almanzor’s entry is not the only one that

contributes to his fame. He is illustrious in the annals of Spanish

history as being the supposed author of that beautiful prayer to the

Virgin so universally revered throughout Catholic countries, the _Salve

Regina_,[63] a prayer which every Catholic child lisps at its mother’s

knee, and which has been translated into every language:--

“_Salve Regina, Mater misericordiae; vita, dulcedo et spes nostra,

salve. Ad te clamamus, exules filii Evae; ad te suspiramus gementes

et flentes in hac lacrymarum valle. Eia, ergo, advocata nostra,

illos tuos misericordes oculos ad nos converte, et Jesum,

benedictum fructum ventris tui, nobis post hoc exilium ostende: O

clemens, O pia, O dulcis Virgo Maria._”

Of late years there has been much discussion among students of

ecclesiastical literature as to who was really the author of that

prayer. At a recent Catholic Congress held at Munich this question was

raised by a Benedictine monk. Florez devoted many pages to his argument

that St. Bernard was its author.[64] In 1892 a book on the subject was

published at Karlsruhe, in which W. Brambach tried to prove that

Hermanus Contractus, a Benedictine monk born in 1013 in Suabia, had

composed the _Salve_. There are French writers who support the claims of

a French priest, Ademar de Monteil, bishop of Puy-en-Velay about 1087,

said to have been one of the most active organisers of the first

European crusade. But the most recent as well as the most learned and

scholarly thesis[65] on this question is that of Dr. Eladio Oviedo,

professor of Ecclesiastical History and Archæology at the Pontifical

University of Santiago. Dr. Oviedo has spared no pains in his search for

the real author of the _Salve_; he has weighed every atom of available

evidence, and patiently searched through the religious literature of

centuries for traces of its influence, with the result that he is

convinced that--not St. Bernard, not Hermanus Contractus, not Ademar de

Monteil, but Pedro de Mezonzo of Galicia was the author of this prayer

so dear to the Catholic heart.

The idea is not a new one. I have met with it in several old works on

Galicia, but the proofs brought forward by Dr. Oviedo are more

convincing than any others that have as yet appeared in print. He shows,

and I think conclusively, that the _Salve_ was known in Spain long

before any allusion to it or sign of its influence appeared in French,

German, or Italian literature. Gonzalo de Berceo, in the thirteenth

century, introduced it into his _Milagros de Nuestra Señora_. Alfonso

_el Sabio_ relates in his Cantiga 262 a legend of how an old woman, who

was deaf and dumb, was cured by the Holy Virgin, and straightway taught

her townspeople the memorable _Salve_, which she, in her turn, had been

taught by the angels. According to Alfonso _el Sabio_, it was sung for

the first time in the church of Santa Maria del Puy.

In the sixteenth century the _Salve_ was known to the fisherfolk on the

Spanish coast as “The mariner’s prayer.” In the sixteenth century it had

already become popular in France, Portugal, and Italy. It is mentioned

in the Legends of St. Francis of Assisi by St. Buenaventura in 1274.

Dr. Oviedo points out that the melody of the _Salve_ is written in the

purest Gregorian style, and evidently composed at a date anterior to the

musical innovation which first showed itself at the beginning of the

eleventh century, and was fully consummated in the first half of the

twelfth. In order to perceive the archaic character of the musical style

of the _Salve_, Dr. Oviedo observes, it is sufficient to compare it with

the melodies of the first period of liturgic song, which begins with its

creator, St. Gregory,[66] and terminates with the tenth century. Our

friend has made the comparison, he has noted the beauty, the freshness,

the spontaneity of the ancient melodies that sprang from the musical

vein of St. Gregory, Charlemagne, Paul Varnefried, and others, and he

has decided that this is the school in which the _Salve_ must be

classed; he has studied it also from a paleographical point of view, and

made himself acquainted with its primitive form and with the various

changes through which it has passed. Those who wish to follow these

interesting investigations step by step can do so by perusing Dr.

Oviedo’s own account of them.

A set of homilies preached upon the _Salve Regina_ in the thirteenth

century has been attributed by many, but without any foundation, to St.

Bernard. It was in the sixteenth century that this prayer became

crystallised into its present form. The first instance of its

translation into a romance language occurs in the Cantiga 262 of Alfonso

_el Sabio_. Yepes, the first Spaniard to claim for Spain the glory of

being the birthplace of the _Salve_, wrote: “It has been usual for

Germans and other authors to say that a Benedictine monk called Herman

Contractus was the composer of this impassioned _antiphona_ so

celebrated in the Church. But Claudio de Rota, Antonio de Mocares, and

Durando think that St. Pedro Mezonzo (or Mozonzo) composed the _Salve_;

and I do not see why we Spaniards need let our hands be tied and assent

unquestioningly to the statement that a German was its author.” Dr.

Oviedo laughs to scorn the absurd theory that it was originally composed

in Greek by one of the Apostles, and only translated by Pedro de

Mezonzo.

Having fixed, then, the period within which the _Salve_ must have first

appeared, namely, the eleventh century, Dr. Oviedo goes on to search for

the precise moment in that century at which the prayer became a

historical fact. St. Pedro de Mezonzo died in 1003, Herman Contractus in

1054, and Ademar de Monteil in 1098. One of these three must have been

the author of the _Salve_. In the eighteenth century the famous

poet-priest of Fruime, in Galicia,[67] published a little work entitled

_Who Wrote the Salve?_ and he brought all his erudition, all his power

of literary criticism, to bear upon the subject, with the result that he

was able to successfully combat the theory upheld by Florez, that St.

Bernard was its author, as well as to prove that it was not written by

Contractus or by Monteil. His judgment has been upheld by the most

eminent writers of Galicia in our own time, including Lopez

Ferreiro.[68] Among foreign authorities who have held this view may be

mentioned Mabillon, Du Cange, and Pope Benedict XIV. Dr. Oviedo in his

recent thesis brings forward two important witnesses. The first is

Guillermo Durando, a canon of the school of Bologna, who became bishop

of Menda in 1285, best known as the author of a book on ancient

ecclesiastical institutions, entitled _Rationale Divinorum Officeorum_.

The second is Ricobaldo de Ferrara, canon of the cathedral of Ravenna,

who was a contemporary of Durando, and who is best known as the author

of a Universal History. Both these writers clearly affirm that St. Pedro

de Mezonzo was the author of the _Salve Regina_. Dr. Oviedo has copied

out their words on the subject with full contexts. I have them before me

as I write. “If anyone should ask,” says Dr. Oviedo, “how it comes that

the _Salve_ was known in France and Italy in those remote times, I reply

that it was from Provence in the eleventh and twelfth centuries that the

greater number of the pilgrims who visited Galicia came. Thence also

there came those pious caravans who, attracted by the throngs of French,

Belgians, Germans, Hungarians, Poles, juglares and troubadours, who

animated the streets and palaces of Compostela, the Holy City of the

West, the emporium and centre of a powerful movement which carried

multitudes of clever men from Galicia to occupy the professional chairs

of the most celebrated schools of the Middle Ages, and multitudes of

inspired Gallegan poets to sing before the most splendid courts of

Europe. Who doubts that by means of these troubadours, of these

scholars, the glorious traditions which join the name of _Salve_ to that

of St. Pedro de Mezonzo should have been spread far and wide?”

The _Salve Regina_ made its first appearance in history as the product

of Galician soil. We have seen that that royal troubadour of the

thirteenth century, King Alfonso _el Sabio_, introduced a legend of the

origin of the _Salve_ into his _Cantigas_.[69] “Where,” asks Dr. Oviedo,

“did he get that legend?” It is precisely those of his cantigas which

have to do with this legend that give us the most difficulty, and whose

source we are to-day unable to trace.[70] The fact is, that the source

of all _Canciones_ of the _Salve_, no matter whose name they bear, is

popular tradition, which had its rise in Santiago, at the tomb of St.

James, at the sepulchre of St. Pedro de Mezonzo. From this source the

story spread, first all over Galicia and then all over Spain. In the

last decade of the eleventh century the _Salve_--carried by the

pilgrims--was being intoned in countries far from the land of its birth.

But it gained such an early popularity in Spain as to be reflected in

Spanish lyric poetry in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, at which

time it had not yet begun to influence the poetry of France.

The reader cannot fail to be struck, while perusing the pages of Dr.

Oviedo’s thesis, with the patient perseverance and the stubborn

determination with which these battles over the authorship of the

_Salve_ has been carried on by French, German, and Spanish patriots

wishing to claim the glory for their own respective lands. But now, if

fresh combatants enter the lists, their efforts will have to be

superhuman indeed if they are to refute the proofs brought forward by

this valiant Gallegan to show that Galicia rightfully claims the

authorship of the _Salve Regina_.

In the summer of 1906 there appeared a startling article in the

newspapers of Galicia,[71] entitled “The Dogma of the Immaculate

Conception.” It began with the question, “Who was the first Western

Theologian to Defend the Dogma of the Immaculate Conception?” “Dr.

Eladio Oviedo,” it continued, “has brought about quite a revolution in

history by affirming that before Eadmer must be mentioned Pedro de

Compostela.” “Eadmer,” wrote Dr. Oviedo, “was an English monk of the

twelfth century, educated under the rule of St. Anselm in the celebrated

school of philosophy at Canterbury. He wrote about the year 1151 _De

Conceptione Sanctae Mariae_--in which he argued, against all the most

learned doctors of his time, that the Virgin Mary was born immaculate.

Not only England, but France, Belgium, Germany, and even Spain believed

till now that Eadmer was the first to defend this theory. But they were

all wrong. About the year 1140, Pedro Compostelano (Petrus Micha,

according to Lopez Ferreiro) wrote a treatise entitled _De Consolatione

Rationis_, of which a manuscript, possibly the original, is still

preserved in the Escurial Library, but, alas, unpublished. In this

treatise Pedro presents, in the form of an allegory to Catholic Reason,

the questions which occupied his mind, and, among them, that of the

Immaculate Conception of the Virgin. It is in the form of a dialogue,

and begins thus--

“_Compostellanus._--One doubt occupies my mind. Tell me, Was she who

merited the honour of becoming the mother of Christ conceived without

original sin, or with it? Truly, the former appears the most likely,

because I think that to the glorious Virgin Mother of our Lord were

granted all the virtues it was possible for Her to have; from this I

infer that Mary was sanctified in Her conception, and thus immune from

original sin.

“_Reason._--No one can deny that the Virgin was given every virtue, and

this is a sufficient answer to thy question. Further, it is evident that

before life she could not be sanctified, as she was not yet a rational

being, which alone is capable of receiving Divine grace, but I do not

vacillate an inch in affirming the fortunate Mary was enriched with the

plenitude of sanctity in the precise instant that her soul had its

birth, _in ipsa animae infusione omnium gratiarum plenitudine Eam beari

non ambigo_.”

“It was the seed sown,” wrote Dr. Oviedo, “by Pedro Compostelano, of the

Galician school of the twelfth century, that produced Cantiga 5 of the

_Festas de Sancta Maria_, which begins thus--

“E logo que foi viva (Maria),

no corpo de sa madre

foi quida do pecado,

lines which appear to be a romanced version of part of the book _De

Consolatione Rationis_, which was written in Galicia by Pedro before he

became a priest, and at least ten years before Eadmer in England took up

his pen to defend an opinion which was subsequently upheld by a host of

eminent Catholic writers, including Feijoó, and which has since been

incorporated among the unalterable dogmas of the Catholic Church.”

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