CHAPTER I

GALICIA

BY THE SAME AUTHOR

A RIBBON OF IRON (The Great Siberian Railway)

IN RUSSIAN TURKESTAN

RUSSIA: TRAVELS AND STUDIES

WOMAN IN TRANSITION

[Illustration: THE PORTICO DE GLORIA, IN THE CATHEDRAL OF SANTIAGO]

GALICIA

THE SWITZERLAND OF SPAIN

BY

ANNETTE M. B. MEAKIN

“Lugar mais hermoso

No mundo n’hachara

Qu’aquel de Galicia

Galicia encantada.”

ROSALIA CASTRO

WITH 105 ILLUSTRATIONS AND A MAP

METHUEN & CO.

36 ESSEX STREET W.C.

LONDON

_First Published in 1909_

THIS VOLUME

IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED

TO

HER MAJESTY

VICTORIA EUGENIA

GALICIA’S QUEEN

CONTENTS

CHAP. PAGE

I. ANCIENT GALICIA 1

II. THE GEOGRAPHY OF GALICIA 17

III. THE FIRST GOLDEN AGE 24

IV. THE SALVE REGINA 39

V. THE LANGUAGE OF GALICIA 49

VI. PILGRIMS TO SANTIAGO 60

VII. THE ARCHITECTURE OF GALICIA 78

VIII. THE CATHEDRAL OF SANTIAGO 94

IX. THE PÓRTICO DE GLORIA 107

X. SCULPTURED CAPITALS 126

XI. THE ROYAL HOSPITAL 136

XII. THE COLEGIATA DE SAR 145

XIII. LA CORUÑA 152

XIV. EMIGRATION 172

XV. ROSALIA CASTRO 182

XVI. SANTIAGO DE COMPOSTELA 190

XVII. GALICIA’S LIVESTOCK 210

XVIII. PADRON 222

XIX. LA BELLÍSIMA NOYA 231

XX. PONTEVEDRA 254

XXI. VIGO AND TUY 276

XXII. ORENSE 286

XXIII. MONFORTE AND LUGO 297

XXIV. BETANZOS AND FERROL 308

XXV. THE GREAT MONASTERIES OF GALICIA 317

XXVI. TREES, FRUITS, AND FLOWERS 343

XXVII. DIVES CALLAECIA 352

BIBLIOGRAPHY 359

INDEX 363

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

THE _PÓRTICO DE GLORIA_ IN THE CATHEDRAL OF SANTIAGO _Frontispiece_

FACING PACE

MAP OF GALICIA 1

THE RIVER SIL, ORENSE 22

WHERE THE SIL JOINS THE CABE 57

A MOUNTAIN VINEYARD 57

THE TREASURY, SANTIAGO CATHEDRAL 102

PUERTA DE LAS PLATERIAS, SANTIAGO CATHEDRAL 102

PUERTA SANTA, SANTIAGO CATHEDRAL 102

THE SILVER ALTAR WITH STATUE OF ST. JAMES IN SANTIAGO CATHEDRAL 104

THE STONE COFFIN IN WHICH THE LOST BODY OF ST. JAMES

WAS DISCOVERED IN 1879. IT HAD BEEN HIDDEN THERE

WHEN SIR FRANCIS DRAKE ATTACKED CORUÑA 104

WINDOW IN THE PALACE OF GELMIREZ 127

ARCHWAY IN THE PALACE OF GELMIREZ 127

SCULPTURE IN THE CHAPEL BENEATH SANTIAGO CATHEDRAL 127

SCULPTURE IN THE REFECTORY OF THE PALACE OF GELMIREZ 128

SCULPTURE IN THE CHAPEL 130

SCULPTURED PILLAR IN THE CHAPEL 130

ENTRANCE TO THE CHAPEL BENEATH SANTIAGO CATHEDRAL 130

SCULPTURED CAPITALS EXACTLY BENEATH THE _PÓRTICO DE GLORIA_ 132

THE PALACE OF GELMIREZ 132

ENTRANCE TO THE ROYAL HOSPITAL AT SANTIAGO 136

VESTIBULE OF THE ROYAL HOSPITAL 140

CLOISTER IN THE ROYAL HOSPITAL 140

CONVENT OF SAN PAYO, WHERE EACH NUN HAD A SEPARATE

KITCHEN AND A MAID TO WAIT ON HER 142

ROYAL HOSPITAL, SANTIAGO 142

A CORNER OF A CLOISTER, ROYAL HOSPITAL, SANTIAGO 144

A DOORWAY LEADING TO A CLOISTER, ROYAL HOSPITAL, SANTIAGO 144

A SCULPTURED ALTAR, ROYAL HOSPITAL, SANTIAGO 144

INTERIOR OF THE COLEGIATA DE SAR 147

CLOISTER OF THE COLEGIATA DE SAR 147

PEASANTS IN COSTUMES PECULIAR TO GALICIA 154

A NATIVE CART 158

A STREET IN LA CORUÑA 158

A WATER-CARRIER 158

KEEPING MAY DAY 158

THE TOWER OF HERCULES 159

THE TOMB OF SIR JOHN MOORE ON THE RAMPARTS OF LA CORUÑA 159

PADRON 228

BRIDGE OF ALONSO WHERE THE TAMBRE JOINS THE RIA DE NOYA 228

NOYA 234

THE BED OF SAN MAMED, NOYA 236

CLOISTER OF SAN JUSTO DE TOJOSUTOS 236

GROUP OF MUSICIANS; ONE IS HOLDING THE GALICIAN BAGPIPE 239

MERCHANT’S PALACE OF SIXTEENTH CENTURY, NOYA 239

RUINED CHURCH OF CAMBADOS 256

INTERIOR OF SANTA MARIA LA GRANDE 256

THE CHURCH OF SANTA MARIA LA GRANDE AND HOUSES ONCE

INHABITED BY MERCHANT FISHERMEN 256

OLD JEWISH QUARTER, PONTEVEDRA 260

THE RUINS OF SANTA DOMINGO NOW AN OPEN-AIR ARCHÆOLOGICAL

MUSEUM, PONTEVEDRA 260

PART OF THE MUSEUM OF ARCHÆOLOGY, PONTEVEDRA 262

TOMB OF AN AMBASSADOR TO TAMERLANE IN THE MUSEUM

OF SANTA DOMINGO, PONTEVEDRA 262

THE VILLAGE OF COMBARRO, PONTEVEDRA 267

A NATIVE DOVECOT 267

CASTELLO MOS, NOW THE SUMMER RESIDENCE OF THE MARQUIS

DE LA VEGA DE ARMIJO, PONTEVEDRA 272

PREHISTORIC WRITING DISCOVERED ON BOULDERS NEAR THE

TOWN OF PONTEVEDRA IN 1907 274

(_From a Drawing by E. Campo_)

BELL TOWER OF THE CATHEDRAL, TUY 282

THE CATHEDRAL AT TUY 282

PORCH OF TUY CATHEDRAL 284

APSE OF THE PARISH CHURCH AT ALLARIZ 289

FAÇADE OF THE CHURCH OF EL MOSTEIRO 289

ENTRANCE TO ORENSE CATHEDRAL 289

STONE REREDOS IN THE CAPILLA DE LOS CONDES, MONTERREY 290

THE PUENTE MAYOR, ONE OF THE WONDERS OF ORENSE 290

NORTHERN ENTRANCE TO ORENSE CATHEDRAL 292

SIDE ENTRANCE TO THE CHURCH OF SANTA DOMINGO AT TUY 292

ROMANESQUE FAÇADE OF THE PARISH CHURCH AT ALLARIZ 292

WINDOW IN THE CHURCH OF SANTIAGO AT RIBADAVIA 292

TOWER NEAR MONTERREY 294

CHURCH OF AQUASANTAS 294

APSE OF THE CHURCH OF EL MOSTEIRO 294

APSE OF A CHURCH NEAR ORENSE 296

CONVENTUAL CHURCH OF THE MONASTERY OF OSERA 296

PART OF THE APSE OF THE CHURCH OF AQUASANTAS 296

THE MARKET-PLACE, LUGO 312

CHILDREN PLAYING HIDE-AND-SEEK AMONG THE COFFINS EXPOSED

FOR SALE IN A STREET OF SANTIAGO 312

ROMANESQUE SIDE ENTRANCE TO CHURCH OF TIOBRE, BETANZOS 312

TOMB OF ANDRADA, BETANZOS 312

THE MONASTERY OF OSERA, ORENSE 321

CLOISTERS IN THE MONASTERY OF OSERA, TWO PICTURES 321

CLOISTER IN THE COLEGIATA DE JUNQUERA DE AMBIA 321

CLOISTER IN THE MONASTERY OF CELANOVA 329

SANTA COMBA DE BANDE 332

HORSESHOE ARCH IN SANTA COMBA DE BANDE 332

ORATORY OF SAN MIGUEL IN GARDEN OF CELANOVA MONASTERY 332

MONASTERY AND CHURCH OF CELANOVA 332

THE RIVER CABE 335

MY GUIDE LEADING ME UP TO THE MONASTERY OF SAN ESTEVAN 335

THE BISHOP’S CLOISTER, MONASTERY OF SAN ESTEVAN, ORENSE 338

ROCK-HEWN CHAPEL IN THE MONASTERY OF SAN PEDRO DE ROCAS 340

VESTIBULE OF THE ROCK CHAPELS OF SAN PEDRO DE ROCAS 340

PRIMITIVE MAIZE BARN IN VILLAGE NEAR OSERA 345

MOUNTAIN SLOPE CULTIVATED IN STEPS OR TERRACES, ORENSE 345

[Illustration: MAP OF

GALICIA]

GALICIA

CHAPTER I

ANCIENT GALICIA

Ancient Galicia--Never conquered by the Moors--The cradle of

Spanish nobility--A goal for pilgrims--Modern writers on Galicia--A

rich literature--National traditions--Martial genius--No

Basques--Iberian words--Ligurians in Spain--Barrows and

tumuli--Druidical stones--Celtic Spain--Derivation of

“Galicia”--Scotch and Irish traditions--Julius Cæsar--Phœnician

colonies--The Cassiterides--Plato’s theory--Iron

implements--Quintus Fabius--Brutus in Galicia--The theatre of

Cæsar’s battles--The Roman Legions--The most ancient of all the

Spanish kingdoms

Galicia is the least known and the least written about of all the little

kingdoms that go to the making of Spain. Her boundaries have been

greatly reduced since the days when the Romans divided the Peninsula

into five provinces and called one of them Galicia. In the fourth and

fifth centuries, when the Sueves and the Vandals poured into Spain, they

made Galicia their centre, and their kingdom extended into what is now

the kingdom of Portugal, while Braga, now a Portuguese town, was for a

long time the residential city of their kings. At the end of the seventh

century King Witiza resided in Galicia, not as its king, but as the

companion of his father in the kingdom of the Goths, whose seat was

Toledo; it was as governor of Galicia that he resided at Tuy. In the

days of the historian Mariana part of his palace was still to be seen

there. His father died in 706, and he then became king of the Goths. The

irruption of the Saracens in 713 again changed the aspect of the

Peninsula, and the limits of Galicia were contracted; but Spanish

geographers to this day call her a _reino_, or kingdom, and divide her

into four little provinces--Coruña, Pontevedra, Orense, and Lugo. Like

our Wales, Galicia once had kings of her own, and at a later date the

title “king of Galicia” was given to the heir to the Spanish throne,

just as that of “Prince of Asturias” is given now. It is an interesting

fact that Moorish historians speak of that part of the Peninsula which

retained the Christian faith during their occupation as “Galicia,” and

of all the rest of the territory as “Spain.” Just as Novgorod proudly

boasts of never having been conquered by the Tartars when the rest of

Russia was subjected to their sway, so Galicia is proud to remember that

she, at least, was never conquered by the Moors.

Galicia may justly be called the cradle of the Spanish nobility, for

almost all Spain’s proudest families have their roots in Gallegan soil,

their titles having been given to their ancestors as a reward for the

heroic resistance they offered to the Moors.

During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries Galicia seems to have

been left out of count, and to have gradually sunk into oblivion. Even

the Spaniards themselves know very little about her to-day. Yet in the

Middle Ages her fame as a goal of pilgrims rivalled that of Palestine,

not only throughout Spain, but throughout the length and breadth of

Christendom; while earlier still, when she bravely resisted Julius

Cæsar’s attempt at conquest, she won for herself no little glory.

The small amount of information relative to Galicia which is to be

obtained from English and French books is distinctly unfavourable. We

are told that her climate is damp and rainy, and that her inhabitants

are dull, stubborn, and stupid; while her wonderful history, her

exquisite scenery, and her fascinating architecture are barely alluded

to, if not passed over in absolute silence. It is to Spanish writers

that we must turn for information that is neither superficial nor

unreliable.

There exists in the Spanish language a rich literature relating to

Galicia, but a good history of this province has yet to be written.

Aguiar began to write one in the thirties of the nineteenth century, but

death frustrated the completion of his design, as it did those of

several other competent men who had planned a similar task.[1] Aguiar

explained in his first volume that he had been led to undertake the work

by finding how unjustly and incorrectly Galicia had been treated by

earlier writers, and how little she was known to the rest of Spain, in

spite of her being one of the most important, one of the most beautiful,

and one of the most cultured of the Spanish provinces. He further

complained that no historians had ever taken the trouble to visit

Galicia, except Ambrosio Morales,[2] whose sole object in doing so was

to search for antiquities for the Escurial collection.

Galicia was the province that suffered most from the political

unification of Spain; she was the one most sacrificed to the

centralisation of political administration, partially, no doubt, in

consequence of her position being the most distant and the most isolated

one. There are many devoted Gallegans who compare their beloved

territory to Finland, to Ireland and Hungary, and are never tired of

saying that self-government alone could restore to her the prosperity

that has forsaken her shores. They feel that as long as she is governed

at a distance and by strangers she can never hope to raise her head.

Less troubled by invaders, less influenced by the Moors than the rest of

Spain, Galicia at one time became the centre in which was propagated the

purest of Spain’s lyric poetry; she constituted a neo-Gothic society the

hearth on which were kindled the earliest flames of Peninsular

civilisation;[3] hither came even kings to complete their education, and

the language of Galicia--“O crown of fame!”--was the medium chosen by

Spain’s greatest troubadours in which to express their poetic thoughts.

But Galicia lost her political existence, and with it her culture was

also extinguished.

But neither unification nor centralisation have the power to destroy

national traditions, and Galicia is still, as one of her children has

expressed it, “the land of glorious recollections.” The songs of her

bards are still in the hearts of her people, and a passionate love for

her mountains, vales, and rivers is perhaps the most marked of all the

interesting traits to be found in the Gallegan character.

We were all taught at school, if not in the nursery, that Spain was

conquered by the Romans, and later on by the Moors,--all Spain, except

one little corner to the north-west,--and some of us have wondered how

it came to pass that one little corner of the Peninsula should have

succeeded in resisting so stoutly, not only Julius Cæsar, but the

Moorish hosts who for eight long centuries held sway over the rest of

the land. We have wondered what sort of people the Gallegans were, and

whence came their martial genius, and, above all, their unconquerable

love of liberty.

Every group of human beings, every town, every nation, leaves to

posterity some record of its civil life and of its customs, according to

the degree of civilisation in which it lived. These records come down to

us preserved in rocks and stones, in hieroglyphics, in Runic characters

and in Greek and Latin inscriptions, in lines upon parchment and in

rustic dwellings. Such is the book in which our past is written, the

book in which every generation has written a page. Some British

ethnologists still think that the Basques are the oldest inhabitants of

Spain, and that they once spread all over the Peninsula, but, as Barros

Sivelo[4] and others have pointed out, that is impossible, for there is

no trace of the Basques in the whole of Galicia. On the other hand, it

has been proved many times and beyond all doubt that Celtic tribes

inhabited that part of Spain for a considerable period. Borrow, after

translating the Bible into Basque, strongly opposed the theory that this

language was of Celtic origin. As this gifted student of languages spoke

Erse, the native language of Ireland, fluently as well as that of the

Basques, I think we may consider him a competent judge when he tells us

that “perhaps in the whole of Europe it would be difficult to discover

two languages which exhibit fewer points of mutual resemblance than the

Basque and the Irish.”[5]

The oldest-known inhabitants of Spain were called Iberians. There are

many theories about these people as to who they really were and whence

they came, the most interesting and probable theory being that of Marcus

Varro (who was about ten years older than Cicero), that conscientious

historians believed that they were originally Scythian Iberians, and

that they made their way from the neighbourhood of Armenia by way of

northern Africa to Spain.[6] It is, at any rate, an interesting fact

that Georgia also bore the name of Iberia in olden days, and that the

hemispheric writing found among the Georgians of the present day is

brought to our memory by the appearance of the wonderful hemispheric

writing still to be distinctly traced upon the boulders of Galicia.

Furthermore, we learn from the chronicle of Idatius, written in the

fifth century, that the Roman Emperor Theodosius was born in the town of

Cauca, in the province of Galicia.[7] No one can say with certainty

where the town of Cauca was situated, but it is thought to have been

somewhere between Braga and the river Miño. Now the word _cauca_ in the

language of the ancient Scythians meant “white,” and the name of the

mountains of Georgia which divide Europe from Asia is “Caucasus,” said

to have been given to them on account of their peaks being eternally

“white” with snow.[8] So here we have at least one Asiatic Iberian name

given to a town of Galicia, and we should in all probability find others

were we to begin to search for them.[9]

The Iberians of the Caucasus are believed to have established themselves

on the banks of the Caucasian rivers as far back as 3000 B.C. They

multiplied so fast, we are told, that four hundred years after their

arrival numbers of them wandered forth to seek a new home. They hurried

along the northern coast of Africa and entered Spain by what was then

the Isthmus of Hercules. But when the Celts came to Spain there were two

other peoples already there besides the Iberians--the Ligurians and the

Phœnicians. Jubainville assures us that the presence of Ligurians in

Spain is attested by the presence of twenty-one names ending in _asco_,

_asca_, _ascon_, and _usco_, and three of these names are found in

Galicia. The Phœnicians never conquered Spain, they were only her

masters as far as commerce was concerned. From the first to the last the

Spanish Peninsula has never been completely conquered by any of its

invaders except the Romans.

I have not had an opportunity of following the more recent

anthropological studies of Señor Anton Ferrandez in connection with the

subject of the first inhabitants of Spain, but in some of his lectures

in the Athenæum of Madrid he has propounded a theory that the two

primitive races of Spain were that of the Cro-Magnon and that of the

Celto-Slav. His conviction had been supported, moreover, by the recent

discovery of prehistoric antiquities in Egypt analogous to those that

have been found in Spain such as stone instruments, ornamental vases,

and pictorial engravings upon rocks, representations of men and animals.

In certain cases the signs discovered on Egyptian rocks have been found

to be identical with those found in central Spain (Fuencaliente, Cueva

di los Letreros, etc.); even the red colour with which some of them were

engraved appeared to be the same. It is also anticipated that the recent

discoveries made by Evans in the island of Crete may throw more light

upon this problem.[10] I saw recently in the Archæological Museum at

Madrid some cases of glazed terra-cotta fragments from the neighbourhood

of Cordova exactly similar to those that have been found at Arezzo in

Italy, and which are considered to be Etruscan; in another room I found

some remarkable stone figures of women with peaked head-dresses, said to

be Phœnician antiquities, but which bore an unmistakable resemblance to

the stone _babus_ found on the plains of Russia, and attributed to the

Huns.[11] The Spanish ones were, it is true, very much smaller, but the

attitude and the position of the hands was identical. Another recent

discovery is that of fragments of pottery in various parts of Spain

bearing the zigzag ornamentation--supposed to represent the running of

water--which is so often found upon Egyptian pottery.[12] Señor Melida

considers this a fresh testimony to the Libian origin of the primitive

inhabitants of Spain.

So far no comparative study has been made of the barrows and tumuli of

Spain, but it has at least been ascertained that there are none in the

east and only a few in the centre, while in the north, west, and south

they are frequently to be met with--a fact that has been supposed by

some to indicate the isolation in which their constructors lived. There

are two distinct kinds of dolmen: some are square in form, notably those

in Cataluña and Andalusia; others are circular, with walls arranged in a

conical form--the latter being the type most frequent in Galicia and in

Portugal.

In Galicia, barrows, locally known as _castros_, are very numerous. On

one occasion four were pointed out to me during an hour’s drive. As

Señor Villa Amil has remarked, they are too well fortified to be

temples, and too numerous and too near together to be war camps. During

the Middle Ages the Gallegans used them as forts; and earlier still,

when defending themselves against the Romans, they made them their chief

strongholds. These _castros_ are frequently mentioned in the _Historia

Compostelana_, and always as fortresses. Señor Villa Amil concludes that

they must have originally been, at one and the same time, both

fortresses and towns. Strabo’s statement that the Celts lived in little

villages close to one another supports this view. Some authors, taking

the accessary for the principal, have called these _castros_, _mamoas_,

or _modorras_; but _mamoas_ are, in fact, what archæologists have agreed

to call _tumuli_. In the old Latin documents of Galicia these last are

called _mamulas_ and _mamonas_. The most important articles found in

these _mamoas_ are the so-called torcs, or torques, of massive gold,

with coarse workmanship and very little ornamentation. Señor Villa Amil

explains the paucity of iron instruments by the climatic conditions of

the country, which he thinks lead to the total decomposition of iron

weapons. Handmills of two pieces of granite have been found, very

similar to those discovered in French caves. Though he has found many

fragments of pottery, Señor Villa Amil has never come across a whole

vase, and he takes this as a proof that the people who formed these

tumuli could not have used funeral urns; the fragments are in almost

every case of a material which gives them an undoubtedly historic

character--they are of clay mixed with sand and scattered over with

mica. Some iron instruments and some bronze jewellery, more finely

worked than the gold torques, were found with these. Our friend

concludes that the tumuli must be prehistoric citadels which continued

to be used as fastnesses right down to the end of the Middle Ages.

Melida states that on all the _mamoas_ of Galicia there have been found

indications of the cremation of the dead. Señor Macineira has prepared a

map of the _castros_ in the neighbourhood of Ortigueira (Galicia),

showing which of them he considers to be of ante-Roman and which of

Roman origin,[13] those of Roman origin being similar to our “Cæsar’s

camps.” Many of them served as defences of the coast. They are oblong or

circular in shape with double parapets, often showing that much thought

must have been expended upon their construction. It is supposed that the

ante-Roman ones were used as the residences of tribal chiefs as well as

for sepulchres, while Druidical stones resembling those of Stonehenge

are to be seen in several wild and mountainous spots, and huge heaps of

stones like the cairns of Scotland and Ireland also testify to Celtic

customs. Galicia certainly rivals the British Isles in her megalithic

remains; she can also boast of “rocking” boulders[14] such as those that

were formerly used as tests of female virtue in Brittany. That Celts

inhabited Galicia at a very early period in the history of the human

race is certain, but they were not her earliest inhabitants. Barros

Sivelo was convinced, after years of study, that the earliest

inhabitants of Galicia were neither Celts nor Iberians. To discover who

were the forerunners of these two races will be the business of

archæology, and in archæology the words “prehistoric” and “historic”

cease to have any value, for every object that comes down to us from

the earliest times is itself a historical document, which, if properly

interpreted, will help to throw light upon the past.

Jubainville,[15] who has devoted years of patient study to the ancient

history of the Celtic race, tells us in his latest work that the Britons

reached Great Britain from the continent in the eleventh century B.C.,

and that their language is represented to-day by two of their living

daughters, the Welsh-speaking people in Britain and the Breton-speaking

people of Brittany in France. He also believes that the Celts penetrated

into Spain from France before Druidism had reached Gaul from its

birthplace, Britain. When the Celts and the Iberians had, in certain

parts of Spain, amalgamated into one race, they began to be called

Celtiberians; but in the corner of Spain with which we have now to do a

small group of Celtic tribes kept themselves quite distinct from the

Iberians. The Celts of Galicia were still Celts pure and simple when the

Romans, under Decimus Brutus, conquered that province in B.C. 136, and

it is from them that the present inhabitants of Galicia have inherited

their Celtic place-names, their Celtic bagpipe, their Celtic dances,

their Celtic temperament, and many other things Celtic which they share

with their neighbours of Scotland, Ireland, and Brittany to-day.

Celtic Spain is thought to have embraced part of Lusitania (now the

north of Portugal), the whole of the territory now called Galicia,

Asturias, and all the other northern kingdoms of the Peninsula. Paul

Orosius, a local writer of the fourth century, is one of our authorities

here, but Manuel de la Huerta y Vega was somewhat doubtful on this

point.

With regard to the derivation of the word “Galicia” there are still many

contested opinions. Florez[16] tells us that the ancients spelt it both

with a C and a G. Martial speaks of “Oceano Callaico,” and Brutus was

called “Callaicus” when he returned to Rome for his “triumph.” St.

Isidore of Seville derived the word “Galicia” from γαλα, the

Greek word for milk, thinking that the inhabitants had received the name

on account of their milky-white complexions. Julius Cæsar begins his

_Commentaries_ by saying that they called themselves Celts in their own

language[17] and that the Roman equivalent was “Galli,” but Florez

argues that as the Celts had relations with the Greeks long before they

had any with Rome, we must take the name _Galatos_ to be much more

ancient than that of Galli, the former having been used by the Greeks,

and the latter by the Romans. St. Isidore says that the Gallegos were

also called Galos, and that both these names originated in the fairness

of their complexions; but again Florez demurs, assuring us that he has

never seen in any document the name of Gallos applied to the Gallegans.

“We know,” he adds, “that the Celts entered Galicia, but the territory

they occupied was called ‘_celtico_,’ not ‘galico’ nor ‘galiciense.’”

Mela and others thought, on the other hand, that the term _Calaicos_ was

derived from the name of a town called Cale. Florez says that it is

certain, from the writings of Sallust, that there once existed a town of

the name of Cale to the north of the Duero, and that at the mouth of

that river there was a Portus Cale, from which the name of Portugal is

derived; but he concludes his chapter on this subject by declaring that

it is impossible to say what is the true derivation of the word

“Galicia.”

The question as to how and whence the Celts entered Galicia has become

of late years a thorny subject to Spanish students of Gallegan history,

and a foreigner who has followed their discussions can hardly approach

it without feeling that he is treading upon dangerous ground. I shall

avoid taking it upon myself to decide which of the many theories put

before the Spanish public is nearest to the truth. There are some who

think that Galicia, Ireland, and America were once connected by land,

and there are many who maintain that in prehistoric times there must

have been a close maritime intercourse between Ireland and Galicia.

Both the Scotch and the Irish have traditions to the effect that the

native races of Scotland and Ireland are descended from Spaniards.

Curiously enough, I came across a proof of the freshness of such

traditions in the minds of the Irish of my own day just as I was

starting for Galicia in 1907. An Irish maid who was assisting me to

prepare for my departure, on hearing that Spain was the destination of

my journey, remarked, “That is the country my people came from. All the

Irish came from Spain a long time ago.” “Are you quite sure?” I asked.

“Yes,” she replied, “quite sure. Everybody in Ireland knows that; even

the poor people know it.”

Some Spanish writers believe that the Celts, passing from Galicia to

Ireland, crossed thence to England. “But if it is true,” says Aguiar,

“that the English Celts came to France from England, how comes it that

Julius Cæsar tells us that the Galli went to England to be instructed in

the sciences?” Others are of the opinion that the earliest inhabitants

of Galicia entered Spain at a much earlier date than that which the

Gauls settled in France--Herodotus having written about Spanish Celts,

but not about French ones. They believe that the Spanish Celts are a

branch of the Cimmerians described by Herodotus as dwelling in the

Crimea,[18] who disappeared completely from the neighbourhood of the

Black Sea, and were thought to have settled in Wales under the name of

Cimbri.[19] There have come down to our own times many geographical

names, not only in Britain, but also in Galicia, containing the roots

Cam, Camb, Cambr, Cim, and Cimbr.

The earliest documentary information about Galicia comes to us from the

Romans, from the writings of Julius Cæsar, Strabo, and Pliny the

Younger, from Justin, Silicus Italicus, and Asclepiades. The last-named

writer speaks of Greek colonies in Galicia and Lusitania, but many

Spanish writers have discredited their existence, and Barros Sivelo

affirms that there is not a single monument in Galicia testifying to the

Greeks having settled there. Recent writers have devoted much time to

the extraction of imaginary Greek roots from words in daily use among

the Gallegan peasantry, but, as far as I can judge, too much free play

has been allowed to their imagination; and when one remembers how

distinct are the traces left by Greek colonies in other parts of the

world, one naturally looks for more substantial proof than that which is

afforded by a page or two of strained philological comparisons.[20] The

tradition has, however, been handed down to us that several Gallegan

towns, notably those of Tuy and Pontevedra, owe their origin to Greek

settlers, and certain Greek customs are said to be still extant there.

There were Phœnician colonies in Galicia in the twentieth century B.C.

In Pontevedra I came across an interesting little Spanish book with the

title, “A Critical Dissertation, undertaken to prove that William

Cambden was wrong in stating that the islands to which the Phœnicians

came for tin were the Scilly Islands, and that these islands (known to

the ancients as the Cassiterides) are those which are situated on the

coast of the kingdom of Galicia”[21] (opposite Vigo harbour). Ptolemy

wrote of them as being ten in number, and all inhabited, except one, by

a people who clad themselves in long black tunics with a girdle round

their waist, who walked staff in hand and wore beards like goats.

Pliny, quoting Herodotus, owned that he knew nothing about the islands

in question, “_Nec Cassiterides novi insulas, unde ad nos venit

stanum._” The first writer to mention these islands is Herodotus.

Himilcon’s expedition is supposed by the Spanish historian Velazquez to

have taken place in 400 B.C. Cornide quotes many Spanish writers who

believed the Cassiterides to have been situated on the coast of Galicia;

he then complains that Cambden only quoted that part of Diodorus Siculus

which was favourable to his theory, and passed over in silence the words

“_supra Lusitanorum provinciam multum stannei est metalli in insulis

videlicet occidentalibus Oceano Iberico adjacentibus quas idcirco

Cassiterides nuncuparit_.” How could this passage possibly refer to the

Scilly Islands? Then, too, if the Scilly Islands were once so rich in

tin, it surely is strange that they now show traces of nothing but

granite and quartz. But what islands are these on the Gallegan coast

that may once have contained so rich a supply of tin? Only a group of

minute ones opposite the harbour of Vigo. “Perhaps,” say some, “the

group contained larger islands once; they may have been swallowed by the

sea.”

The Phœnicians had long held sway over the empire of the sea, and to

this they owed their immense wealth. In the Bible they are alluded to as

merchant princes. They visited India for their own private interests,

and fetched thence gold, precious stones, valuable woods, ivory,

monkeys, and peacocks’ feathers. Herodotus tells us that to satisfy the

curiosity of Necho, king of Egypt, they sailed round Africa, starting

from the Red Sea and taking three years for the voyage. When they

explored the coast of Africa they brought away as trophies the skins of

some Ethiopian women who had refused to be taken captive alive. The

Carthaginians and the Phœnicians were both from the same Semitic stock

as the Hebrews. Aguiar, quoting Pliny, says that Midacritus made a

voyage to the Cassiterides in 1600 B.C., thus initiating commerce in the

famed tin of these islands, and he goes on to say that without doubt the

Cassiterides, if they were not on the coast of Galicia, were the British

Isles. The Phœnicians even visited Ireland and brought information to

the Romans about far-off Thule. If these navigators reached Britain,

where vestiges of their language still remain, they must of a certainty

have been acquainted with the coast of Galicia, whose mountains

contained tin of so fine a quality that where English tin contained six

parts per hundred of lead these contained thirty. According to

Jubainville, it was from the Phœnicians that the Celts (after their

establishment in Gaul) heard of the rich mines in Spain which induced

them to conquer that country. The power of the Phœnicians was already in

its decline when they came under the sway of Persia about the year 537

B.C. Jubainville believes that the word Cassiterides is derived through

the Greek χασσιτερος, from a Celtic root _cassi_, meaning

agreeable--whence also he derives the Irish word _caise_, meaning

esteem, love. He believes that the Celts from what is now

Hesse-Darmstadt, being pleased with Great Britain, gave it that name,

and he agrees with Reinach’s suggestion that tin came to be called

χασσιτερος, because it was found in the country known by that

name.[22]

Galicia has traditions reaching back into the remotest antiquity. The

name of the famous tower of Hercules, at the entrance to the harbour of

Coruña, proves the presence of Phœnicians in Galicia. It was they who

named the Straits of Gibraltar the Pillars of Hercules, and they who

gave the name of Hercules to a tower they erected in the harbour of

Cadiz.

Local archæologists are, as we have seen, convinced that some other race

dwelt in Galicia before it was invaded by the Celts, but they tell us

that, so far, no very distinct vestige of such people has been traced,

there is nothing sufficiently definite to prove their identity.

The fact that no iron implements from their time had been discovered

till quite recently, leads to the conclusion that they were in absolute

ignorance of the use of metals, but I speak with hesitation on this

point, awaiting the final decision of Señor Villa Amil at the

conclusion of the interesting studies he is engaged in with respect to

the iron instruments he has himself excavated in Galicia. Barros Sivelo,

quoting Italicus, says that the ancient Celts wore their hair flowing

down their backs, and semicircular caps upon their heads, while their

women wore high peaked head-dresses covered with black veils which

drooped over their foreheads. These people had a strange custom of

exposing their sick upon the public highways in order that those who had

suffered from the same malady might recommend a cure.

Florez says that Galicia sent forth the flower of her youth to fight

under Hannibal, and he quotes Silius Italicus, “_Misit dives Gallaecia

pubes_,” etc.

For twenty-four years Rome and Carthage had fought over Sicily. After

the Sicilian defeat the Carthaginians, who were (like the Phœnicians) of

Semitic extraction, landed at Cadiz with the flower of their army that

they might gain in Spain what they had lost in Sicily.[23] Their leader

was Hamilcar Barca, whose ambition it was to conquer Italy as well as

Spain. Carthage had exploited Spain for four hundred years when, after

the second Punic war, Rome took up the cause of the inhabitants of Spain

against their Carthaginian oppressors, and Hamilcar found a worthy

opponent in Scipio Africanus. The people of Spain, after fighting on the

side of Scipio, were also crushed by the Romans in their turn, but they

cost Rome every year an army and a consul. The cruelty of Lucullus and

Galba made the name of Rome hateful to Spanish ears. Spanish bandits

continually attacked the Roman legions; Rome feared insurrection more

and more, and at last was not ashamed to buy with gold the life of her

enemy.

When Quintus Fabius had subjugated the greater part of Lusitania,[24]

now northern Portugal, the tribes dwelling in Galicia came down against

the Roman cities, continually raiding them in flying columns, and

fleeing to the mountains for refuge when the Romans gave them chase.

Brutus, when he crossed the river Limia, was the leader of an expedition

sent out to follow and punish them. In all these skirmishes the Gallegan

women played a prominent part, taking the field beside their husbands

and brothers, and employing their weapons with the greatest courage and

determination. They received their wounds with silent fortitude, and no

cry of pain ever escaped their lips, even when the wounds which laid

them low were mortal. Both sexes preferred death to loss of liberty, and

when taken prisoners they put themselves and their little ones to death

that they might not fall into slavery.

In the year 131 B.C., Brutus, entering Rome in triumph, received the

name of Calaicus[25] in honour of his successes in Galicia.

Nevertheless, he had not succeeded in penetrating into Galicia farther

than the river Miño. Valerius Maximus tells us that Brutus found one

city in Lusitania--Cinania or Cinninia--so hard to conquer that at last

he sent legates to offer them money, to which the citizens replied that

their ancestors had left them iron in order that they might defend their

city, not gold with which to buy liberty from an avaricious emperor--“A

speech,” adds Valerius Maximus, “that would have sounded better in the

_mouths_ of the Romans than in their ears.” The name of this city is not

mentioned by other writers, and no trace of its site has remained.

The inscription relating to the Triumph of Brutus shows that Galicia as

well as Lusitania belonged to “Further Spain.” But in the time of Julius

Cæsar historians spoke of that general’s having made Galicia and

Lusitania equally the goal of his campaigns. “Further Spain” was the

theatre of his battles from first to last. It was there that he set the

seal to his triumph over the sons of Pompey, and there that he did the

deeds of prowess that won him, first the title of Quæstor, and at length

that of Prætor of Spain. It was when he received the last-mentioned

title that his head began to be filled with the idea of a universal

empire, and that he added ten Cohorts to the twenty he had already.[26]

For one of his expeditions in these parts he caused ships full of troops

to be sent round the coast from Cadiz. Doubling Cape Finisterre, he

arrived with his fleet before Coruña (Brigantium), and terrifying the

nations who had never before set eyes on such an Armada. Galicia was

peopled at that time with many different tribes and races.

Strabo, writing in the reign of the Emperor Tiberius, stated that

between the Tagus and Cape Finisterre there dwelt as many as thirty

different races, most of whom bore such strange names that the Greeks

and Romans found them difficult to pronounce, and Mela remarks that some

of these names could not be fitted to the Roman tongue. Plutarch tells

us that Julius Cæsar then conquered not only the Lusitanians and

Gallegans, but also many peoples till then unheard of at Rome. It was

then that, proud of their general, his soldiers for the first time

proclaimed Cæsar _Imperator_ (they being intoxicated with the booty with

which he had enriched them). It was in Galicia that Julius Cæsar first

dreamed of becoming an emperor.

When the Gallegans fled for refuge to their mountains, these seemed

inaccessible to the Roman legions. In fact, so much importance did

Augustus attach to their complete subjugation, that, rather than trust

the task to one of his generals, he prepared to command in person; but

in spite of all his efforts he was so continually repulsed that he fell

ill from sheer worry, and was obliged to retire from the field and leave

his generals in command. At last the Romans gained the upper hand, and

Augustus made Galicia into a province. It was then that Galicia was

separated from Lusitania by the river Duero. She was not separated from

Taraconensis till the reign of Constantine the Great, in the year 330.

The Emperor Theodocius, we have already observed, was born in Galicia in

346. It is thought that his son Arcadius was also born there. The mother

of the latter, Flacila, was herself a native of Galicia; the poet

Claudia praises her beauty in a poem in honour of the marriage of the

Emperor Honorius. It was in the reign of Theodocius that the heresy of

Priscillian spread throughout Galicia.[27]

From the year 411 the northern barbarians who had invaded Spain, the

Sueves and Vandals, began to hold sway over Galicia. As these two tribes

could not manage to agree, it ended in the Vandals vacating that

territory and passing southward to Bætica: thence they passed over to

Africa in the year 429. The Sueves, who were one of the bravest of the

German tribes, then spread all over Galicia, the Gallegans defending

themselves in the mountain fastnesses with great bravery, and often

forcing the Sueves to make treaties with them.

Very little is known about the doings of the Sueves during the century

and a half of their power, before they were finally overthrown by

Theodoricus, king of the Goths. But certain recent Spanish historians

have filled in that part of their narrative with original legends, and

made as much as they could out of the historical fact of the conversion

of the king of the Sueves to Christianity through the instrumentality of

St. Martin Dumiensis. In the year 585, Leovigild, king of the Goths,

finally destroyed the kingdom of the Sueves, and made himself lord of

all the territory within and around Galicia which had come under their

rule. Although St. Martin was the means of the conversion of King Miro,

his people were not brought into the fold of the Church till the reign

of Recaredo, son of Leovigild.

Florez impresses upon his readers that the kingdom of Galicia is the

most ancient of all the Spanish kingdoms; that not only is it older than

that of the Goths, but also than that of the Franks in Gaul, seeing that

it existed in the year 411, and never from that date did it cease to be

a kingdom. So wide did its boundaries become at one time, that

Archbishop Rodrigo spoke, in his _History of the Barbarians_, of the

king of the Sueves as practically the sole monarch in Spain. Leovigild

did not destroy it, he incorporated it into the kingdom of the Goths.

“Therefore,” says Florez, “the Spanish monarchy clearly dates from the

year 411, when the Sueves established the kingdom of Galicia, that being

quite independent of the Roman Empire.”

Galicia, the Switzerland of Spain · 第 1 / 27 章