As chemist of the United States Geological Survey, Professor Clarke has

published ten official bulletins of work done in the laboratory under

his charge, of which Bulletin 125, The Constitution of the Silicates,

and Bulletin 148, Analyses of Rocks and Analytical Methods, by F. W.

Clarke and W. F. Hillebrand jointly, are the most important. Other works

are: Weights, Measures, and Money of All Nations, 1875; The Elements

of Chemistry, a school text-book, 1884; and a Report on the Teaching

of Chemistry and Physics in the United States, published by the United

States Bureau of Education in 1881.

A paper published by him in the Popular Science Monthly for January,

1873 (Volume II), on Evolution and the Spectroscope, showed that the

evolution of the planets from nebulæ was possibly accompanied by an

evolution of the chemical elements. This was nearly a year in advance of

Lockyer's first paper suggesting the same general view. The discussion

of this subject was taken up again in the eighth volume of the Monthly

(February, 1876), in an article, Are the Elements Elementary? in which

the author, after showing how subtle connections significant of unity

run through them all, inquired: "If the elements are all in essence one,

how could their many forms originate save by a process of evolution

upward? How could their numerous relations with each other, and their

regular serial arrangements into groups, be better explained? In this,

as in other problems, the hypothesis of evolution is the simplest,

most natural, and best in accordance with facts. Toward it all the

lines of argument presented in this article converge. Atomic weights,

specific volumes, and spectra, all unite in telling the same story,

that our many elements have been derived from simpler stock." These

views were admitted to be speculative but not baseless. "Science is

constantly reaching forward from the known to the unknown, partly by

careful experiment and partly by the prophetic vision of thought."

Then, speculation upon such questions "is not altogether unprofitable.

The time spent in conjectures and surmises is not wholly wasted, for

it is impossible to follow up any of the lines of thought thus opened

without reaching some valuable suggestions which may pave the way to

new discoveries. New truth, in one direction or another, is sure to be

reached in the long run. So, then, we may proceed to theorize in the

most barefaced manner without entirely quitting the legitimate domain

of science." An article on The Present Status of Mineralogy, in the

thirty-second volume of the Monthly, presents the mutual bearings of

that study and chemistry and geology.

Professor Clarke contributed the chapter Element to the last edition of

Watts's Dictionary of Chemistry. He was made president of the Washington

Chemical Society in 1885, and of the Philosophical Society of Washington

in 1896. He organized and had charge of Government exhibits, on behalf

of the Department of the Interior, at the expositions of Cincinnati,

Chicago, Atlanta, Nashville, and Omaha. He is a corresponding member of

the British Association, of the Edinburgh Geological Society, and of the

New York Academy of Sciences.

Correspondence.

THE MOON AND THE WEATHER.

_Editor Popular Science Monthly_:

DEAR SIR: Scientific investigators in meteorology have again and

again declared they have not been able to discover by accurate and

long-continued observation that the moon has any effect whatever upon

terrestrial weather; yet the farmers have, for unreckoned years,

undoubtingly ascribed certain kinds of weather--changes, especially--to

the moon; and, despite the dictum of the scientists, they have persisted

in their confidence in the pale orb as a weather-breeder, and as a

disposer, in a large degree, of the wet and dry features of the months.

Now comes Mr. H. H. Clayton, meteorologist at the Blue Hill

Meteorological Observatory, and shows by diagram and dates that the

_electrical_ condition of the atmosphere varies in close accord with the

position of the moon in her orbit.

That electricity performs various offices in the atmosphere, notably

among the particles of vapor, is well known; but just how and to what

extent atmospheric phenomena result from electrical action has not yet

been clearly demonstrated. However, we have now a scientific basis for

the assumption that the moon has an influence on the weather.

An interesting summary of present knowledge concerning the atmosphere

is contained in Studies of the Upper Atmosphere, by A. Lawrence

Rotch, director of the Blue Hill institution. The diagram of

comparative altitudes, which forms the last illustration of my article

on kite-flying, in the May number of this magazine, is from the

frontispiece of Mr. Rotch's pamphlet just mentioned, for which credit

was inadvertently omitted.

GEORGE J. VARNEY.

57 CORNHILL, BOSTON, _August 19, 1898_.

Editor's Table

_THE GOAL IN EDUCATION._

Many of our readers, we are sure, must have been impressed by the

articles on The Philosophy of Manual Training lately contributed

by Professor Henderson to the pages of this magazine. The thought

underlying them is one to which we have ourselves often endeavored

to give expression, namely, that the end of education is wholly

misconceived unless we consider it as aiming to bring the individual

into right relations, at as many points as possible, with the world in

which he lives, and to place him in as full possession as possible of

the varied powers and capacities of his nature. It is because he regards

manual training as the most effective instrument for awakening the

intellect in the first place, and then for establishing a proper balance

between the mental and bodily activities, that Professor Henderson has

advocated it with so much earnestness. All that he has said on the

subject seems to us deserving of the closest attention.

In the old system of education language was regarded as the supreme

and sufficient instrument of mental development; and in the great

public schools of England this idea enjoyed the very highest degree of

prestige and authority. By language in these establishments, the two

classical languages of Greek and Latin were meant, the English language

receiving very scant attention, and English literature none. If any

one was so far in advance of the times as to express a doubt whether a

knowledge of Greek and Latin was the only preparation needed for life,

he was pointed to the brilliant men who had come from the forms and the

playgrounds of Eton and Winchester and Harrow; and the discussion was

considered closed. The fact is that the radical insufficiency of the

system was masked to a great extent by the circumstance that it was

mainly applied to a ruling class, who early in life obtained a more

practical training in public affairs. Pitt was educated, as has been

remarked, by that great statesman, his father, the Earl of Chatham,

and Peel by a great manufacturer who took a keen interest in politics.

Robert Walpole, leaving the university at an early age, had the society

of his father, a most practical-minded country squire, whose original

ambition had been to make him the greatest grazier in the kingdom. Many

similar cases could be cited in which early introduction to society and

to practical life made up for the deficiencies of scholastic training,

and reflected, or seemed to reflect, on that training a much greater

credit than it deserved.

It may be admitted, however, that as a preparation for a political or

forensic career an old-fashioned classical education was not wholly

without efficacy. It was systematic and orderly; it was rigid in its

requirements; it presented difficulties which had to be overcome, and

afforded the means for unmasking looseness and inaccuracy of thought;

finally, it called into constant activity, though in a narrow field,

the discriminative, and analytical faculties. Its weakness lay in this,

that it did not reveal the nature of things, but promoted a dangerous

habit of "moving about in worlds not realized," and of giving to words

an importance which should only be conceded to verified and comprehended

facts.

Nowadays we mix, or try to mix, a modicum of scientific knowledge with

the education we impart. This is so far good. It affords a training

in observation and verification, and opens up to the young sources of

interest of which they may increasingly avail themselves in later years.

Moreover, as the scientific instruction generally embraces more or less

of physiology and hygiene, it places them on their guard against the

formation of injurious habits, and shows them the conditions on which

health depends. These are advantages which, so far as they go, it is

impossible to appreciate too highly.

It takes more, however, than the admixture of a little physical science

in a school curriculum to make, in a wide sense, the education that

is required for life. What is further required is a proper adjustment

of the mind toward life with its varied activities and its infinite

possibilities of good and evil. When we see men of fine literary

gifts growing more cynical as they advance in years, and treating the

world to stronger and stronger doses of pessimism in their writings,

we are compelled to believe that their adjustment to life must have

been wrong. When we see men of science who year by year appear to have

less and less in common with their fellow-creatures, and whose studies

only develop on the intellectual side an ever-increasing passion for

the infinitely minute and the vastly unimportant, and, on the moral,

a morbid sensitiveness to all kinds of personal questions, we find it

difficult to think that they were properly oriented at the start. It may

not be given to every one to "see life steadily and see it whole"; but

it ought to be possible for a well-trained mind to see it with an eye of

calm, tolerant, and sympathetic contemplation. No education is complete

which leaves out such knowledge of the world, and of the relation which

the individual sustains to it, as shall at least tend to give a right

purpose and direction to the individual life. "The world is very evil,"

is a pious utterance; but it is equally pious for each of us to ask

how much of evil is lurking in ourselves. We conceive of a scientific

education in the full sense as one which, while it imparts true ideas in

regard to the physical history of the globe and the chemical elements

that compose it, aims no less at unfolding the true constitution of

society, the springs of human action, the strength and weakness of human

character, the possibilities of good and evil that reside in every

individual, the misery that waits on wrongdoing, and the happiness that

flows from just and pure deeds. There is a way, we are persuaded, of

presenting the world of humanity to the minds of the young which would

tend to create in most--in the vast majority--a strong desire to take

a helpful part in the work of their age and generation, and not to

concentrate all their efforts on the business of self-advancement. It is

merely a question of seeing the facts in a broadly human, which is after

all the only true, light.

Let us have in education literature and analytical studies and science

with its grand constructions and sanifying discipline--all the useful

elements--but let the true goal of education be kept ever in view, which

is, not to enable this individual or that to shoot to a pre-eminence

over his fellows, but to place the individual in right relations with

his fellows, to give to each a career of useful activity, and to prevent

that dreary disappointment with life and all its works which overtakes

so many in their declining years. Life has its burdens, but it is not

vanity; and the normal action of human beings on one another should be

to give to each separate existence a higher value and deeper sources of

happiness.

_A DOUBTFUL APPENDIX TO SCIENCE._

It was perhaps to be expected that Sir William Crookes, as president

of the British Association, would, whatever else he touched upon in

his presidential address, say something in regard to the special views

which have now for many years been associated with his name. In point of

fact he did do so. Beginning with a survey of the world's resources in

the matter of wheat production, and an inquiry as to how the fertility

of the soil may in future be kept up, he passed to the constitution of

matter and molecular action as illustrated by the phenomena of Röntgen

rays, and finally referred to "experiments tending to show that, outside

our scientific knowledge, there exists a force exercised by intelligence

differing from the ordinary intelligence common to mortals." These

experiments were made, we are told, more than thirty years ago. It does

not appear that any substantial or indubitable addition has been made

to the evidence which these experiments afforded, or were supposed to

afford; but Professor Crookes "thinks" he can "see a little further

now." "I have glimpses," he says, "of something like coherence among the

strange, elusive phenomena." That undoubtedly is a good thing to get

glimpses of; but there is perhaps room for question whether the extreme

interest of the professor in the "strange elusive phenomena" has not

led him to make a little more of the "glimpses" than strict scientific

method would warrant.

It is really only necessary to read the concluding portion of Professor

Crookes's address to see that he is dealing not with science but with

crude imaginations. He says that "confirmation of telepathic phenomena

is afforded by many converging experiments," but especially by "the

subconscious workings of the mind when these are brought into conscious

survey." There is really no meaning in this. How can any "survey" be

other than conscious? And what is there in the subconscious workings

of the mind adapted to prove that impressions can be made upon the

mind otherwise than through the recognized channels of sense? "The

patient experimentation of the Society for Psychical Research is probing

subliminal processes and learning lessons of alternating personalities

and abnormal states." There is no objection in the world to all that;

but it would take more than an alternating personality or an abnormal

state to enable a mind to gather knowledge from another mind without

the intermediation of intelligible signs. A sick man may act in a very

singular way, but his sickness does not enable him to transcend the

ordinary powers of humanity.

The eminent professor speaks of the cures wrought by suggestion

(hypnotism); but seeing that the suggestions are made by intelligible

signs, verbal or other, we find no support here for the telepathic

hypothesis. We really gather from the professor's remarks that while a

great many persons--some of high intelligence and of recognized position

in the scientific or philosophical world--have been pottering away at

this matter of telepathy and other phases of spiritualism for a great

many years, things are to all intents and purposes just as they were

before all these laborious researches began. This is not just the way

the professor puts it; his words are: "A formidable range of phenomena

must be scientifically sifted before we effectually grasp a faculty

so strange, so bewildering, and for ages so inscrutable as the direct

action of mind on mind." Sometimes the reason why a thing is inscrutable

is because it isn't so; and that, we suspect, is the explanation in

the present case. One hypothesis which the professor puts forward is

simple to the last degree. It is that the molecular action of the

brain, when thoughts are passing through it, is taken up by the ether

and communicated to another brain in which it awakens similar thoughts.

But the question we ask at once is why this wireless telegraphy between

brain and brain is not going on all the time, and why we are all not

driven crazy by the everlasting intrusion of other people's thoughts?

If this is the process, why should neighboring brains be skipped, and

the effect be produced upon one particular brain hundreds, perhaps

thousands, of miles away?

"It is henceforth open to science," says Sir William Crookes, "to

transcend all we now think we know of matter, and to gain glimpses of

a profounder scheme of cosmic law." We really do not know when it was

_not_ open to science to do this _if it could_; and we do not see that

the telepathists and other denominations of spiritualists have in any

appreciable manner improved the situation as regards the probability

of the thing being done. They have contributed floods of talk and tons

upon tons of printed matter, and have worked thousands of people into

variously grewsome conditions of mind; but if any one can point to a

single distinct advance in scientific theory due to their peculiar

methods, we can only say that we do not know what it is. Professor

Crookes has been one of the foremost scientific workers of his day; and

we find it hard to believe that he can be under any illusion as to the

futility of the efforts of the spiritualist school. At the same time

he is entitled to the utmost freedom of thought and utterance; and if

he believes there is still hope of important gains to humanity from the

side of spiritualism, he is justified in holding his position; and while

we may think he is sadly misled, we must accord him the respect due to

eminent talents and unquestioned sincerity.

_THE CAUSE OF SPAIN'S DECADENCE._

Until account is taken of the effect of war on the thoughts, feelings,

and institutions of men, no headway can be made toward a rational

explanation of the decadence of Spain. Since the outbreak of hostilities

with that country, which has made the topic a favorite one with

newspaper and magazine writers, every other explanation has been

vouchsafed; but all of them, including the favorite one about the mental

and industrial paralysis produced by the Spanish Inquisition, mistake

effects for causes. Not one of them, so far as we have seen, has touched

the root of the matter and pointed out that Spain has simply gone the

way of every other nation that has devoted itself, not to the pursuits

of peace, but to the destruction of life and property.

Like all other despotisms, Spanish despotism has been the inevitable

product of the necessities of war. Success in that pursuit requires

that the subjects of a monarch shall place unreservedly their lives and

property at his disposal. He must be permitted to levy conscriptions

without let or hindrance, and to impose taxes with the same freedom. The

longer and more intense the militant activities, the more unmitigated

the despotism. In Spain the conditions for the uninterrupted growth of

such irresponsible power have been especially favorable. There were

first the long wars with the Moors, then the Italian wars, the wars of

the Reformation, the wars of the Spanish Succession, the Napoleonic

wars, followed by a period of chronic revolution, and the wars carried

on against the natives and other adversaries in the New World. The

impulse toward a concentration of power in the hands of one man

engendered by these incessant conflicts could not fail to blot out of

existence every sentiment and institution of freedom. Only during the

past twenty-five years of peace has either been able to gain a foothold

and to give a promise of regeneration.

But the despotism growing out of war means more than the bare statement

that all power over life and property has been placed in the hands of

a monarch. It means that his subjects have been deprived of the right

to think and act for themselves. He has taken charge of both their

consciences and their conduct. In Spain, for some reason not easy to

discover, the ecclesiastical despotism that accompanies the growth of

political despotism became more potent and deadly than in the other

countries of Europe. There the priests were more powerful sometimes than

the monarch himself. With the institution of the Inquisition during the

reign of Ferdinand and Isabella they wrought a havoc to the Spanish

intellect that has no parallel outside of the great Oriental despotisms.

To them is due the mental torpor of the Spaniards, who, according to U.

J. Burke, wrapped themselves in a cloak and "sought safety in dignified

silence." How could the spectacle of an _auto-da-fé_ do otherwise than

disincline a prudent man to think for himself and to tell what he

thought?

That devotion to military pursuits inspires a contempt for industrial

pursuits and gives birth to a feeling of superiority over the people

engaged in them we see to-day in France and Germany. In those countries

it has come to such a pass that civilians are regarded as almost without

rights, since an officer imagining himself insulted may run them through

with his sword, and as having no other function in the economy of the

world but to work for their masters. In Spain during the years of her

greatest military activity these feelings of a barbarian reached an

intensity that can not now be realized. The only occupation outside

of killing and plundering enemies either in Europe or America that a

gentleman could follow was a career as a churchman or as an official

in the home or colonial administration. "Public offices," says Henry

C. Lea, describing the results of this absurd belief, "were multiplied

recklessly, and the steady increase in the ranks of the clergy, regular

and secular, was a constant subject of remonstrance. In 1626 Navarette

tells us that there were thirty-two universities and more than four

thousand grammar schools crowded with sons of artisans and peasants

striving to fit themselves for public office or holy orders. Most of

them failed in this through inaptitude, and drifted into the swarms

of tramps and beggars who were a standing curse to the community."

Hence the abnormal proportions of the ecclesiastical and bureaucratic

establishments; hence also the almost total failure to develop the great

natural resources of the country; hence, finally, the unprosperous

condition of the industries, not crushed out of existence by the

regulations of the official parasites.

To many people the callousness of Spaniards to suffering and their

disregard of the rights of others have seemed the greatest mystery. Why

is it that they still cling so tenaciously to the pleasures of the bull

ring? Why was it that they appeared so indifferent to the miseries of

the Cuban reconcentrados? In the light of the influence of war on the

sympathies these questions present no difficulty. Clear also does it

become why the Spaniards possess as little patriotism as the Chinese.

Training for centuries in the belief that the most honorable occupation

is the killing and plundering of enemies or the filling of positions

in church and state that obviate the necessity of earning a livelihood

by honest toil is not fitted to inspire a keen sense of justice or a

lively fellow-feeling. When people have been plundered for centuries by

a greedy bureaucratic despotism they can not persuade themselves that

it is their duty to protect their oppressors from foreign or domestic

assailants. What they are most interested in is an opportunity to get a

living. Whether the honor of their country is at stake, or whether there

is threatened the loss of the last remnant of a colonial empire that has

cost them blood and treasure beyond estimate, they are certain to be as

indifferent as the victims of a slave driver to the misfortunes that

have overtaken him.

Appletons' Popular Science Monthly, November 1898 Volume 54, November 1898 · 第 12 / 16 段