3:29 P.M.

Events were getting serious enough that the operation had been moved

down to the Situation Room, in the White House basement. Scarcely

twenty feet on a side, it was dominated by a teak conference table,

with leather-bound chairs lining the walls. Although it appeared

cramped by corporate standards, especially when the full National

Security Council met, its close quarters intensified the focus needed

for international crisis management. Besides, in the new age of

electronic decisions, it was state-of-the-art, making up in technology

what it lacked in spaciousness. Installed behind the dark walnut panels

that covered three of the walls was the latest in high-tech electronic

equipment, including a variety of telecommunications terminals, video

monitors, and apparatus for projecting and manipulating images on the

large screen on the fourth wall--normally concealed by a drawn curtain

but now open and ready.

"We'll have to work through Joint Special Operations Command," the

President was saying as he looked around the room. The five people

there were intensely at work--their coat jackets crumpled across the

chairs, shirt sleeves pushed back, ties loosened or off. They included

Chief of Staff Morton Davies, Special Assistant for National Security

Affairs Ted Brock, and Head of the Joint Chiefs Ed Briggs. "So we're

about to find out if this country has any counterterrorist assault

capability."

Special Operations Command had been created in the eighties after the

string of embarrassing communication snafus during the Grenada

invasion. Headquartered at MacDill Air Force Base in Florida, it had

overall control and supervision of America's major commando units.

"I guess the first decision they'll have to make," he continued, "is

who we should send in."

There were two options. The Navy had a 175-frogman unit, Sea-Air-Land

Team Six, operating out of the Little Creek Naval Amphibious Base near

Norfolk, Virginia. SEAL Team Six specialized in underwater demolitions,

clandestine coastal infiltrations, hand-to-hand operations. The other

unit trained to carry out hostage-rescue missions was Delta Force,

headquartered in a classified installation at Fort Bragg. The SEALs

were high profile, whereas everybody denied the very existence of

Delta's assault team--called "shooters" in military parlance. Delta

Force was probably the worst-kept secret in America.

"Shouldn't we hold up a minute and talk first about the hostages?"

Morton Davies wondered aloud. "How much risk is there?"

"There's always risk," Hansen declared. "With anything you do in this

office, there's always a downside. What was it Harry Truman said about

the place where the buck stops? Well, I've got an uncomfortable feeling

I'm about to find out what he was talking about." He turned and hit the

intercom. "Alicia, get hold of Admiral Cutter and tell him to get over

here. We've got to get Special Operations in on this ASAP."

"Yes, sir," came the quick reply. Despite the migraine now increasing

her tension, she continued to offer Johan Hansen total support. In

fact, she rejoiced at the opportunity. His wife, off somewhere

dedicating flower parks in America's inner cities, certainly provided

none.

That, at least, was what Alicia Winston preferred to think.

"Another worry I've got," the President continued after he had clicked

off the intercom, "is how to keep this out of the press as long as

possible. If there's any truth to their bomb hints, we'll need to try

and minimize the panic factor. From here on, every aspect, even the

smallest insignificant detail, is classified. Top Secret."

'The Israelis will most certainly get with that," Ted Brock observed

wryly, nervously cleaning his horn-rims for what seemed the tenth time

that hour. The strain was all over his face.

"Now," the President continued, "SatCom is on Andikythera. Do we have

any KH-12 PHOTOINT of the island here yet?"

"It's in, Mr. President," Briggs said, then pushed two green buttons on

an electronic console on the conference table. A photo came up on the

screen behind them, a dull black-and-white rectangle.

'That's it?" Hansen said, annoyed. He scanned the photo, then looked

around. "Ed, there's not enough detail here to use. How long before we

can get some computer enhancement of this? A blowup."

"I thought you would want that," Briggs answered, "so I've already made

the arrangements. We're on-line to NSA. We should be able to get it in

about ten minutes."

"Then we'll wait." He switched off the screen and turned back. "Okay,

we have to start planning our first move. For the moment let's talk

about logistics. If we have to make an insert, what do we need?"

"Well, to begin with, ISA would have to have twenty-four hours,

minimum, to get somebody in there on the ground to gather enough intel

to support a move," Briggs announced, almost apologetically.

The President sighed. ISA was the Army's Intelligence Support Activity,

which provided intelligence for Delta Force and SEAL Team Six. As an

intelligence organization, ISA was required to secure Central

Intelligence Agency approval before entering foreign countries--which

meant institutional gridlock and bureaucratic tie-ups before they could

even get started.

"Then forget it. We'll just have to use satellite PHOTOINT and pray.

The next problem is, who can we get there and how long would it take?"

He knew that the Air Force's Special Operations Wing and the Army Task

Force supported long-range missions by Delta Force and the SEALs. Were

they ready?

"Well, let's back up a second,'' Briggs interjected. "We can't just

send in a task force cold. They'd need to practice an assault on

something resembling the same kind of terrain."

No country in Europe, the President knew, had ever given permission for

American commando bases on their territory. So why would they suddenly

permit an assault rehearsal?

"That's going to be a tough sell. We're talking about Greek soil. But

if these terrorists really have a nuclear device, then the government

of Greece might well take an interest in what happens to it. Still, we

don't know for sure. It'd be--"

"They'd damned well better take an interest," Briggs declared. "If

these terrorists plan a demonstration bombing, they could just be

thinking about the air and naval facility at Souda Bay. Which would

mean taking out the western end of Crete. Every anti-American in the

world would doubtless cheer. They'd claim that our presence in a

country makes it a military target. There'd be a groundswell of

sentiment worldwide to send us packing. Everywhere."

The chief of staff was thinking. "Do you suppose these fuckers have

really got a bomb? What did he mean about checking with our closest

allies?"

The President had already been pondering that. "Well, the Israelis have

a nuclear arsenal, of course, but they also have enough safeguards to

take care of anything. They even shot down one of their own planes once

when it accidentally strayed over the Dimona plutonium-reprocessing

facility. Nobody is going to steal one of theirs. The same goes for

South Africa."

"So who does that leave?" Stubbs asked. He had a feeling he already

knew.

"Let's save the obvious for last," Hansen answered. "And let me give

you a quick briefing on who's in the bomb business on this planet. It

just happens to be a particular interest of mine."

He leaned back. "In the Middle East proper, only one country presently

has full capability. That is, obviously, Israel. They have, in fact, a

lot more bombs than anybody realizes. Their plutonium-reprocessing

plant at Dimona extracts plutonium from the spent fuel in their

research reactor there, and CIA claims they've got at least two hundred

strategic nuclear weapons. Normal plutonium bombs need eight kilograms

of the stuff, but we think they've come up with a sophisticated way to

make one with five. Then there're the tactical nukes. They've got

nuclear artillery shells, nuclear landmines in the Golan Heights, and

hundreds of low-yield neutron bombs. That's more or less common

knowledge, but what's less well known is that they've also got fusion

capability-- H-bombs. Which, God help us, I assume is not our problem

here today. Then there's Libya, though they're still trying to get

enough enriched uranium together to become a credible threat. Having

only one or two bombs means that if you start anything, somebody else

is going to finish it, so you need a lot before you get going. Iraq,

thankfully, has been put out of business. Of course, there's still

India, which has plenty of unrestricted plutonium and they've even

claimed they could make a bomb in a month. We happen to think they've

already done it. Because . . ." He paused. "Because we know damned well

Pakistan has."

"There's your non-Caucasian in the fuel supply," Davies noted. "The

fuckers."

The special assistant for national security affairs, Theodore Brock,

who happened to be black, did not find Davies' Alabama good-old-boy

remark especially amusing.

"Exactly," Hansen continued, wondering when he would have a good public

excuse to send Davies to greener pastures. 'That's got to be the 'ally'

the bastard was talking about. It's a Muslim country, and their

controls are a joke. It's the obvious choice."

Brock agreed solemnly. "We can start with an inquiry through their

embassy. But it's going to be sticky."

The President nodded, wishing he had a hot line to the desk of every

head of state in the world. It would make this kind of crisis so much

more manageable.

Part of the problem, he thought, was how do you ask somebody if they've

lost something that they've never admitted having in the first place? A

marvel of diplomacy was in order. Still, he would have to do it. At

worst, a denial wouldn't prove the terrorists did not have a bomb, but

if the answer was affirmative, then knowing the size of the device

could be crucial.

"We're receiving the enhanced satellite photos now." Briggs was pulling

the first sheet off the machine. "Looks like ten-meter grids." He

scanned over it. "But I don't see much. There're two big rockets here,

but they seem to be all right."

"Which is in line with their threat to use them," Hansen observed

dryly.

"I don't suppose a surgical air strike is possible?" Briggs wondered

aloud. If the Gulf War had shown anything, it was the power of air

superiority.

Hansen tried unsuccessfully to smile. "You're asking me to go to the

Greek government and ask them if they would mind terribly if we bombed

one of the islands in their Aegean tourist paradise, their cash cow.

And, by the way, we'd probably kill a few hundred Greek civilians in

the process. But we'd explain that we need to do this because I got an

unsettling phone call. With no proof of anything." He sighed. "Keep

thinking. This has to be a commando insertion. And, frankly, I'd just

as soon Athens got a phone call after it happened, not before. For a

lot of reasons."

"You know, there's something funny right here." Briggs was bent over,

squinting. "Here, next to what appears to be a radar complex." He

looked up. "Gentlemen, I think I've located our Hind. Or what's left of

it. Looks like it was smashed into the side of the mountain, just below

where the radars are."

"Let me have a look." The President stepped over. "You mean there?" He

picked up a magnifying glass. "I'm no expert, but whatever it is, it's

big. It could be a Soviet assault helicopter, you're right."

"There appear to be two other choppers on the site as well." Briggs

continued to study the photo. "One down here on the helipad looks to be

a light commercial model. But there's another one over here, down by

the launch vehicles. It's bigger."

The President looked. "You're right. I see them. That big one down by

the vehicles is probably how they brought in the damned bomb, if they

actually have one. Most likely the Hind wasn't up to the job, maybe

took some fire from the Glover. So they used a second one to deliver

the package. Nice logistics."

"Too damned nice. I'm beginning to believe this is in no way a hoax."

"Roger." Ted Brock had been on the phone and now was hanging up. "That

was Special Operations Command, sir. Cutter's people want to use a

Delta task force, but they'll need at least forty-eight hours to get

them in place for an operation."

"Forty-eight hours!" Hansen exploded. "Our crack counterterrorist

assault force needs two days just to get into position to do what

they're trained for?"

"Well, we'll be using an Air Force C-130 to deploy the Deltas to Souda

Bay. And then they'd need at least two Combat Talons for the final

insertion. Those are all kept down at the Air Force's First Special

Operations Wing, you know, Hurlburt Field in Florida."

"I know that, Ted," Hansen said.

Brock nodded sheepishly, then continued. "Well, after the insertion,

they'd need support from our long-range HH-53 Pave-Low choppers, but

only three are flying at the moment. And--"

"I get the picture." The President cut him off. "Transportation is

lousy and half the equipment we need is somewhere else or in

maintenance. Any other bad news?"

"One thing, an assault would have to be at night. It's the only way

that makes any sense. Which means more special equipment. If they go in

during daylight, it's going to be a slaughter of the hostages,

particularly if these bastards are armed the way we have to assume. And

from the looks of everything so far, I'd say they know how the game is

played. Which means that even if we do our best, it's going to be

tricky. They're going to assume we're coming. The way I figure it, even

with no rehearsals, forty-eight hours would be tight."

"We invest millions training the finest counterterrorist units in the

world and then they can't be deployed in less than half a week?" He

exhaled angrily, remembering a classified internal Pentagon study that

claimed the best time to launch a successful assault with the least

number of casualties among hostages was within twenty-four hours of

their capture. "It's a goddamn outrage."

"Forty-eight hours, minimum, Mr. President. And even so, that's pushing

it." He squirmed. "There's a lot of paperwork that'll have to be

processed, and--"

"Well, tell Cutter to get the Special Forces mobilized and moving,"

Hansen interjected. "In the meantime, our job is going to be to try and

find out what happened. Do they really have a nuke, and if they do, how

in hell did they get it and what are they planning to do with it?"

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