=Rāna Partāp Singh II., A.D. 1751-54.=—Partap II. succeeded in A.D.
1752. Of the history of this prince, who renewed the most illustrious
name in the annals of Mewar, there is nothing to record beyond the fact,
that the three years he occupied the throne were marked by so many
Mahratta invasions[4.16.1] and war contributions. By a daughter of Raja
Jai Singh of Amber he had a son, who succeeded him.
=Rāna Rāj Singh II., A.D. 1754-61.=—Rana Raj Singh II. was as little
entitled to the name he bore as his predecessor. During the seven years
he held the dignity at least seven shoals of the Southrons overran
Mewar,[4.16.2] and so exhausted this country, that the Rana was
compelled to ask pecuniary aid from the Brahman collector of the
tribute, to enable him to marry the Rathor chieftain’s daughter. On his
death the order of succession retrograded, devolving on his uncle [426],
=Rāna Arsi Singh II., A.D. 1761-73.=—Rana Arsi, in S. 1818, A.D. 1762.
The levity of Jagat Singh, the inexperience of his successors Partap and
Raj Singh, with the ungovernable temper of Rana Arsi, and the
circumstances under which he succeeded to power, introduced a train of
disorders which proved fatal to Mewar. Until this period not a foot of
territory had been alienated. The wisdom of the Pancholi ministers, and
the high respect paid by the organ of the Satara government, for a while
preserved its integrity; but when the country was divided by factions,
and the Mahrattas, ceasing to be a federate body, prowled in search of
prey under leaders, each having an interest of his own, they formed
political combinations to suit the ephemeral purposes of the former, but
from which they alone reaped advantage. An attempt to depose Partap and
set up his uncle Nathji introduced a series of rebellions, and
constituted Malhar Rao Holkar, who had already become master of a
considerable portion of the domain of Mewar, the umpire in their family
disputes.
=Malhār Rāo Holkar invades Mewār. Famine, A.D. 1764.=—The ties of blood
or of princely gratitude are feeble bonds if political expediency
demands their dissolution; and Madho Singh, when firmly established on
the throne of Amber, repaid the immense sacrifices by which the Rana had
effected it by assigning his fief of Rampura, which he had not a shadow
of right to alienate, to Holkar: this was the first limb severed from
Mewar.[4.16.3] Holkar had also become the assignee of the tribute
imposed by Bajirao, but from which the Rana justly deemed himself
exempt, when the terms of all further encroachment in Mewar were set at
nought. On the plea of recovering these arrears, and the rent of some
districts[4.16.4] on the Chambal, Malhar, after many threatening
letters, invaded Mewar, and his threats of occupying the capital were
only checked by draining their exhausted resources of six hundred
thousand pounds.[4.16.5] In the same year[4.16.6] a famine afflicted
them, when flour and tamarinds were equal in value, and were sold at the
rate of a rupee for one pound and a half. Four years subsequent to this,
civil war broke out and continued to influence all posterior
proceedings, rendering [427] the inhabitants of this unhappy country a
prey to every invader until 1817, when they tasted repose under British
protection.
=Civil War in Mewār. Revolt of Ratan Singh.=—The real cause of this
rebellion must ever remain a secret: for while some regard it as a
patriotic effort on the part of the people to redeem themselves from
foreign domination, others discover its motive in the selfishness of the
hostile clans, who supported or opposed the succession of Rana Arsi.
This prince is accused of having unfairly acquired the crown, by the
removal of his nephew Raj Singh; but though the traditional anecdotes of
the period furnish strong grounds of suspicion, there is nothing which
affords a direct confirmation of the crime. It is, however, a public
misfortune when the line of succession retrogrades in Mewar: Arsi had no
right to expect the inheritance he obtained, having long held a seat
below the sixteen chief nobles; and as one of the ‘infants’ (_babas_) he
was incorporated with the second class of nobles with an appanage of
only £3000 per annum. His defects of character had been too closely
contemplated by his compeers, and had kindled too many enmities, to
justify expectation that the adventitious dignity he had attained would
succeed in obliterating the memory of them; and past familiarity alone
destroyed the respect which was exacted by sudden greatness. His
insolent demeanour estranged the first of the home nobility, the Sadri
chieftain,[4.16.7] whose ancestor at Haldighat acquired a claim to the
perpetual gratitude of the Sesodias, while to an unfeeling pun on a
personal defect of Jaswant Singh of Deogarh is attributed the hatred and
revenge of this powerful branch of the Chondawats. These chiefs formed a
party which eventually entrained many of lesser note to depose their
sovereign, and immediately set up a youth called Ratna Singh, declared
to be the posthumous son of the last Rana by the daughter of the chief
of Gogunda, though to this hour disputes run high as to whether he was
really the son of Raj Singh, or merely the puppet [428] of a faction. Be
the fact as it may, he was made a rallying point for the disaffected,
who soon comprehended the greater portion of the nobles, while out of
the ‘sixteen’ greater chiefs five[4.16.8] only withstood the defection:
of these, Salumbar, the hereditary premier, at first espoused, but soon
abandoned, the cause of the Pretender; not from the principle of loyalty
which his descendants take credit for, but from finding the superiority
of intellect of the heads of the rebellion[4.16.9] (which now counted
the rival Saktawats) too powerful for the supremacy he desired. Basant
Pal, of the Depra tribe, was invested with the office of Pardhan to the
Pretender. The ancestor of this man accompanied Samarsi in the twelfth
century from Delhi, where he held a high office in the household of
Prithiraj, the last emperor of the Hindus, and it is a distinguished
proof of the hereditary quality of official dignity to find his
descendant, after the lapse of centuries, still holding office with the
nominal title of Pardhan. The Futuri[4.16.10] (by which name the court
still designates the Pretender) took post with his faction in
Kumbhalmer; where he was formally installed, and whence he promulgated
his decrees as Rana of Mewar. With that heedlessness of consequences and
the political debasement which are invariable concomitants of civil
dissension, they had the meanness to invite Sindhia to their aid, with a
promise of a reward of more than one million sterling[4.16.11] on the
dethronement of Arsi.
=Zālim Singh of Kotah.=—This contest first brought into notice one of
the most celebrated Rajput chiefs of India, Zalim Singh of Kotah, who
was destined to fill a distinguished part in the annals of Rajasthan,
but more especially in Mewar, where his political sagacity first
developed itself. Though this is not the proper place to delineate his
history, which will occupy a subsequent portion of the work, it is
impossible to trace the events with which he was so closely connected
without adverting slightly to the part he acted in these scenes. The
attack on Kotah, of which his father was military governor (during the
struggle to place Madho Singh on the throne of Amber), by Isari Singh,
in conjunction with Sindhia, was the first avenue to his distinguished
career, leading to an acquaintance with the Mahratta chiefs, which
linked him with their policy for more than half a century [429]. Zalim
having lost his prince’s favour, whose path in love he had dared to
cross, repaired, on his banishment from Kotah, to the Rana, who,
observing his talents, enrolled him amongst his chiefs, and conferred on
him, with the title of Raj Rana, the lands of Chitarkhera for his
support. By his advice the Mahratta leaders, Raghu Paigawala and Daula
Miyan, with their bands, were called in by the Rana, who, setting aside
the ancient Pancholi ministry, gave the seals of office to Agarji Mehta.
At this period (S. 1824, A.D. 1768), Mahadaji Sindhia was at Ujjain,
whither the conflicting parties hastened, each desirous of obtaining the
chieftain’s support. But the Pretender’s proposals had been already
entertained, and he was then encamped with Sindhia on the banks of the
Sipra.[4.16.12]
=Battle at the Sipra, and Siege of Udaipur, A.D. 1769.=—The Rana’s
force, conducted by the chief of Salumbar, the Rajas of Shahpura and
Banera, with Zalim Singh and the Mahratta auxiliaries, did not hesitate
to attack the combined camp, and for a moment they were victorious,
driving Mahadaji and the Pretender from the field, with great loss, to
the gates of Ujjain. Here, however, they rallied, and being joined by a
fresh body of troops, the battle was renewed with great disadvantage to
the Rajputs, who, deeming the day theirs, had broken and dispersed to
plunder. The chiefs of Salumbar, Shahpura, and Banera were slain, and
the auxiliary Daula Miyan, Raja Man (ex-prince of Narwar), and Raj
Kalyan, the heir of Sadri, severely wounded. Zalim Singh had his horse
killed under him, and being left wounded on the field, was made
prisoner, but hospitably treated by Trimbak Rao, father to the
celebrated Ambaji. The discomfited troops retreated to Udaipur while the
Pretender’s party remained with Sindhia, inciting him to invest that
capital and place Ratna on the throne. Some time, however, elapsed
before he could carry this design into execution; when at the head of a
large force the Mahratta chief gained the passes and besieged the city.
The Rana’s cause now appeared hopeless. Bhim Singh of Salumbar, uncle
and successor to the chief slain at Ujjain, with the Rathor chief of
Badnor (descendant of Jaimall), were the only nobles of high rank who
defended their prince and capital in this emergency; but the energies of
an individual saved both.
=Amar Chand, Minister of Mewār.=—Amra Chand Barwa, of the mercantile
class, had held office in the preceding reigns, when his influence
retarded the progress of evils which no human means could avert. He was
now displaced, and little solicitous of recovering his [430] transient
power, amidst hourly increasing difficulties, with a stubborn and
unpopular prince, a divided aristocracy, and an impoverished country. He
was aware also of his own imperious temper, which was as ungovernable as
his sovereign’s, and which experienced no check from the minor Partap,
who regarded him as his father. During the ten years he had been out of
office, mercenaries of Sind had been entertained and established on the
forfeited lands of the clans, perpetuating discontent and stifling every
latent spark of patriotism. Even those who did not join the Pretender
remained sullenly at their castles, and thus all confidence was
annihilated. A casual incident brought Amra forward at this critical
juncture. Udaipur had neither ditch nor walls equal to its defence. Arsi
was engaged in fortifying Eklinggarh, a lofty hill south of the
city,[4.16.13] which it commanded, and attempting to place thereon an
enormous piece of ordnance, but it baffled their mechanical skill to get
it over the scraggy ascent. Amra happened to be present when the Rana
arrived to inspect the proceedings. Excuses were made to avert his
displeasure, when turning to the ex-minister, he inquired what time and
expense ought to attend the completion of such an undertaking. The reply
was, “A few rations of grain and some days”: and he offered to
accomplish the task, on condition that his orders should be supreme in
the valley during its performance. He collected the whole working
population, cut a road, and in a few days gave the Rana a salute from
Eklinggarh. The foster-brother of the Rana had succeeded the Jhala
chieftain, Raghu Deo, in the ministerial functions. The city was now
closely invested on every side but the west, where communications were
still kept open by the lake, across which the faithful mountaineers of
the Aravalli, who in similar dangers never failed, supplied them with
provisions. All defence rested on the fidelity of the mercenary Sindis,
and they were at this very moment insolent in their clamours for arrears
of pay. Nor were the indecisive measures daily passing before their eyes
calculated to augment their respect, or stimulate their courage. Not
satisfied with demands, they had the audacity to seize the Rana by the
skirt of his robe as he entered the palace, which was torn in the effort
to detain him. The haughtiness of his temper gave way to this
humiliating proof of the hopelessness of his condition; and while the
Dhabhai (foster-brother) counselled escape by water to the mountains,
whence he might gain Mandalgarh, the Salumbar chief confessed his
inability to offer any advice [431] save that of recourse to Amra Chand.
He was summoned, and the uncontrolled charge of their desperate affairs
offered to his guidance. He replied that it was a task of which no man
could be covetous, more especially himself, whose administration had
formerly been marked by the banishment of corruption and disorder, for
that he must now call in the aid of these vices, and assimilate the
means to the times. “You know also,” he added, "my defect of temper,
which admits of no control. Wherever I am, I must be absolute—no secret
advisers, no counteraction of measures. With finances ruined, troops
mutinous, provisions expended, if you desire me to act, swear that no
order, whatever its purport, shall be countermanded, and I may try what
can be done: but recollect, Amra ‘the just’ will be the unjust, and
reverse his former character." The Rana pledged himself by the patron
deity to comply with all his demands, adding this forcible expression:
"Should you even send to the queen’s apartment and demand her necklace
or _nathna_,[4.16.14] it shall be granted." The advice of the Dhabhai
encountered the full flood of Amra’s wrath. “The counsel is such as
might be expected from your condition. What will preserve your prince at
Mandalgarh if he flies from Udaipur, and what hidden resources have you
there for your support? The project would suit you, who might resume
your original occupation of tending buffaloes and selling milk, more
adapted to your birth and understanding than state affairs; but these
pursuits your prince has yet to learn.” The Rana and his chiefs bent
their heads at the bold bearing of Amra. Descending to the terrace,
where the Sindi leaders and their bands were assembled, he commanded
them to follow him, exclaiming, “Look to me for your arrears, and as for
your services, it will be my fault if you fail.” The mutineers, who had
just insulted their sovereign, rose without reply, and in a body left
the palace with Amra, who calculated their arrears and promised payment
the next day. Meanwhile he commanded the bhandars (repositories) to be
broken open, as the keeper of each fled when the keys of their trust
were demanded. All the gold and silver, whether in bullion or in
vessels, were converted into money—jewels were pledged—the troops paid
and satisfied, ammunition and provisions laid in—a fresh stimulus
supplied, the enemy held at defiance, and the siege prolonged during six
months [432].
The Pretender’s party had extended their influence over a great part of
the crown domain, even to the valley of Udaipur; but unable to fulfil
the stipulation to Sindhia, the baffled Mahratta, to whom time was
treasure, negotiated with Amra to raise the siege, and abandon the
Pretender on the payment of seventy lakhs. But scarcely was the treaty
signed, when the reported disposition of the auxiliaries, and the
plunder expected on a successful assault, excited his avarice and made
him break his faith, and twenty lakhs additional were imposed. Amra tore
up the treaty, and sent back the fragments to the faithless Mahratta
with defiance. His spirit increased with his difficulties, and he
infused his gallantry into the hearts of the most despairing. Assembling
the Sindis and the home-clans who were yet true to their prince, he
explained to them the transaction, and addressed them in that language
which speaks to the souls of all mankind, and to give due weight to his
exhortation, he distributed amongst the most deserving, many articles of
cumbrous ornament lying useless in the treasury. The stores of grain in
the city and neighbourhood, whether public or private, were collected
and sent to the market, and it was proclaimed by beat of drum that every
fighting man should have six months’ provision on application. Hitherto
grain had been selling at little more than a pound for the rupee, and
these unexpected resources were matter of universal surprise, more
especially to the besiegers.[4.16.15] The Sindis, having no longer cause
for discontent, caught the spirit of the brave Amra, and went in a body
to the palace to swear in public never to abandon the Rana, whom their
leader, Adil Beg,[4.16.16] thus addressed: “We have long eaten your salt
and received numerous favours from your house, and we now come to swear
never to abandon you. Udaipur is our home, and we will fall with it. We
demand no further pay, and when our grain is exhausted, we will feed on
the beasts, and when these fail we will thin the ranks of the Southrons
and die sword in hand.” Such were the sentiments that Amra had inspired,
the expression of which extorted tears from the Rana—a sight so unusual
with this stern prince, as to raise frantic shouts from the Sindis and
his Rajputs. The enthusiasm spread and was announced to Sindhia with all
its circumstances by a general discharge of cannon on his advanced [433]
posts. Apprehensive of some desperate display of Rajput valour, the wary
Mahratta made overtures for a renewal of the negotiation. It was now
Amra’s turn to triumph, and he replied that he must deduct from the
original terms the expense they had incurred in sustaining another six
months’ siege. Thus outwitted, Sindhia was compelled to accept sixty
lakhs, and three-and-a-half for official expenses.[4.16.17]
=Cessions made to Sindhia.=—Thirty-three lakhs in jewels and specie,
gold and silver plate, and assignments on the chiefs, were immediately
made over to Sindhia, and lands mortgaged for the liquidation of the
remainder. For this object the districts of Jawad, Jiran, Nimach, and
Morwan were set aside to be superintended by joint officers of both
governments, with an annual investigation of accounts. From S. 1825 to
S. 1831 [A.D. 1768-74] no infringement took place of this arrangement;
but in the latter year Sindhia dismissed the Rana’s officers from the
management, and refused all further settlement; and with the exception
of a temporary occupation on Sindhia’s reverse of fortune in S. 1851
[A.D. 1794], these rich districts have remained severed from Mewar. In
S. 1831 [A.D. 1774] the great officers of the Mahratta federation began
to shake off the trammels of the Peshwa’s authority; and Sindhia
retained for the State of which he was the founder, all these lands
except Morwan, which was made over to Holkar, who the year after the
transaction demanded of the Rana the surrender of the district of
Nimbahera, threatening, in the event of non-compliance, to repeat the
part his predatory coadjutor Sindhia had just performed. The cession was
unavoidable.
Thus terminated, in S. 1826 [A.D. 1769], the siege of Udaipur, with the
dislocation of these fine districts from Mewar. But let it be remembered
that they were only mortgaged:[4.16.18] and although the continued
degradation of the country from the same causes has prevented their
redemption, the claim to them has never been abandoned. Their recovery
was stipulated by the ambassadors of the Rana in the treaty of A.D. 1817
with the British Government; but our total ignorance of the past
transactions of these countries, added to our amicable relations with
Sindhia [434], prevented any pledge of the reunion of these districts;
and it must ever be deeply lamented that, when the treacherous and
hostile conduct of Sindhia gave a noble opportunity for their
restoration, it was lost, from policy difficult to understand, and which
must be subject to the animadversions of future historians of that
important period in the history of India. It yet remains for the wisdom
of the British Government to decide whether half a century’s abeyance,
and the inability to redeem them by the sword, render the claim a dead
letter. At all events, the facts here recorded from a multiplicity of
public documents, and corroborated by living actors[4.16.19] in the
scene, may be useful at some future day, when expedience may admit of
their being reannexed to Mewar.
=Ratan Singh defeated.=—Amra’s defence of the capital, and the retreat
of the Mahrattas, was a deathblow to the hopes of the Pretender, who had
obtained not only many of the strongholds, but a footing in the valley
of the capital. Rajnagar, Raepur, and Untala were rapidly recovered;
many of the nobles returned to the Rana and to their allegiance; and
Ratna was left in Kumbhalmer with the Depra minister, and but three of
the sixteen principal nobles, namely Deogarh, Bhindir, and Amet. These
contentions lasted till S. 1831 [A.D. 1774], when the chiefs above named
also abandoned him, but not until their rebellion had cost the feather
in the crown of Mewar. The rich province of Godwar, the most fruitful of
all her possessions, and containing the most loyal of her vassalage, the
Ranawats, Rathors, and Solankis, was nearly all held on tenure of feudal
service, and furnished three thousand horse besides foot, a greater
number than the aggregate of the Chondawats. This district, which was
won with the title of Rana from the Parihara prince of Mandor, before
Jodhpur was built, and whose northern boundary was confirmed by the
blood of the Chondawat chief in the reign of Jodha, was confided by the
Rana to the care of Raja Bijai Singh of Jodhpur, to prevent its
resources being available to the Pretender, whose residence, Kumbhalmer,
commanded the approach to it: and the original treaty yet exists in
which the prince of Marwar binds himself to provide and support a body
of three thousand men for the Rana’s service, from its revenues.
=Assassination of Rāna Ari Singh, A.D. 1773.=—This province might have
been recovered; but the evil genius of Arsi Rana at this time led him to
Bundi to [435] hunt at the spring festival (the Aheria), with the Hara
prince, in spite of the prophetic warning of the suttee, who from the
funeral pile denounced a practice which had already thrice proved fatal
to the princes of Mewar.[4.16.20] Rana Arsi fell by the hand of the
Bundi prince, and Godwar, withheld from his minor successor, has since
remained severed. The Bundi heir, who perpetrated this atrocious
assassination, was said to be prompted by the Mewar nobles, who detested
their sovereign, and with whom, since the late events, it was impossible
they could ever unite in confidence. Implacable in his disposition, he
brooded over injuries, calmly awaiting the moment to avenge them. A
single instance will suffice to evince this, as well as the infatuation
of Rajput devotion. The Salumbar chief, whose predecessor had fallen in
support of the Rana’s cause at the battle of Ujjain, having incurred his
suspicions, the Rana commanded him to eat the _pan_ (betel leaf)
presented on taking leave. Startled at so unusual an order, he
remonstrated, but in vain; and with the conviction that it contained his
death-warrant he obeyed, observing to the tyrant, “My compliance will
cost you and your family dear”: words fulfilled with fearful accuracy,
for to this and similar acts is ascribed the murder of Arsi, and the
completion of the ruin of the country. A colour of pretext was afforded
to the Bundi chief in a boundary dispute regarding a patch of land
yielding only a few good mangoes; but, even admitting this as a
palliative, it could not justify the inhospitable act, which in the mode
of execution added cowardice to barbarity: for while both were pursuing
the boar, the Bundi heir drove his lance through the heart of the Rana.
The assassin fell a victim to remorse, the deed being not only
disclaimed, but severely reprobated by his father, and all the Hara
tribe. A cenotaph still stands on the site of the murder, where the body
of Arsi was consumed, and the feud between the houses remains
unappeased.
=Rāna Hamīr Singh II., A.D. 1773-78.=—Rana Arsi left two sons, Hamir and
Bhim Singh. The former, a name of celebrity in their annals, succeeded
in S. 1828 (A.D. 1772) to the little enviable title of Rana. With an
ambitious mother, determined to control affairs during his minority, a
state pronounced by the bard peculiarly dangerous to a Rajput
dynasty,—and the vengeful competition of the Salumbar chief (successor
to the murdered noble), who was equally resolved to take the lead,
combined with an unextinguishable enmity to the Saktawats, who supported
the policy of the queen-mother [436], the demoralization of Mewar was
complete: her fields were deluged with blood, and her soil was the prey
of every paltry marauder.
=Outbreak of the Sindis.=—The mercenary Sindis, who, won by the
enthusiasm of Amra, had for a moment assumed the garb of fidelity, threw
it off at their prince’s death, taking possession of the capital, which
it will be remembered had been committed to the charge of the Salumbar
chief, whom they confined and were about to subject to the torture of
the hot iron[4.16.21] to extort their arrears of pay, when he was
rescued from the indignity by the unlooked-for return of Amra from
Bundi. This faithful minister determined to establish the rights of the
infant prince against all other claimants for power. But he knew
mankind, and had attained, what is still more difficult, the knowledge
of himself. Aware that his resolution to maintain his post at all
hazards, and against every competitor, would incur the imputation of
self-interest, he, like our own Wolsey, though from far different
motives, made an inventory of his wealth, in gold, jewels, and plate,
even to his wardrobe, and sent the whole in trays to the queen-mother.
Suspicion was shamed and resentment disarmed by this proceeding; and to
repeated entreaties that he would receive it back he was inflexible,
with the exception of articles of apparel that had already been in use.
This imperious woman was a daughter of Gogunda. She possessed
considerable talents, but was ruled by an artful _intrigante_, who, in
her turn, was governed by a young _homme d’affaires_, then holding an
inferior office, but who subsequently acted a conspicuous part; slew and
was slain, like almost all who entered into the politics of this
tempestuous period. The queen-mother, now supported by the Chondawats,
opposed the minister, who maintained himself by aid of the Sindis, kept
the Mahrattas from the capital, and protected the crown land; but the
ungrateful return made to his long-tried fidelity rendered his temper
ungovernable. Rampiyari[4.16.22] (such the name of the _intrigante_)
repaired on one occasion to the office of the minister, and in the name
of the regent queen reviled him for some supposed omission. Amra, losing
all temper at this intrusion, applied to the fair abigail the coarsest
epithets used to her sex, bidding her begone as a Kothi ki Rand (a
phrase we shall not translate), which was reported with exaggeration to
the queen, who threw herself into a litter and set off to the Salumbar
chief. Amra, anticipating [437] an explosion, met the cavalcade in the
street, and enjoined her instant return to the palace. Who dared
disobey? Arrived at the door of the Rawala, he made his obeisance, and
told her it was a disgrace to the memory of her lord that she should
quit the palace under any pretext; that even the potter’s wife did not
go abroad for six months after her husband’s death, while she, setting
decorum at defiance, had scarcely permitted the period of mourning to
elapse. He concluded by saying he had a duty to perform, and that he
would perform it in spite of all obstacles, in which, as it involved her
own and her children’s welfare, she ought to cooperate, instead of
thwarting him. But Baiji Raj (the royal mother) was young, artful, and
ambitious, and persevered in her hostility till the demise of this
uncompromising minister shortly after, surmised to be caused by poison.
His death yielded a flattering comment on his life: he left not funds
sufficient to cover the funeral expenses, and is, and will probably
continue, the sole instance on record in Indian history of a minister
having his obsequies defrayed by subscription among his fellow-citizens.
The man who thus lived and thus died would have done honour to any, even
the most civilized, country, where the highest incentives to public
virtue exist. What, therefore, does not his memory merit, when amongst a
people who, through long oppression, were likely to hold such feelings
in little estimation, he pursued its dictates from principle alone, his
sole reward that which the world could not bestow, the applause of the
monitor within? But they greatly err who, in the application of their
own overweening standard of merit, imagine there is no public opinion in
these countries; for recollections of actions like this (of which but a
small portion is related) they yet love to descant upon, and an act of
vigour and integrity is still designated Amrachanda;[4.16.23] evincing
that if virtue has few imitators in this country, she is not without
ardent admirers.
=Revolt of the Chief of Begūn.=—In S. 1831 (A.D. 1775) the rebellion of
the Begun chief, head of a grand division of the Chondawats, the
Meghawat, obliged the queen-mother to call upon Sindhia for his
reduction, who recovered the crown lands he had usurped, and imposed on
this refractory noble a fine of twelve lakhs of rupees, or £100,000
[438] sterling.[4.16.24] But instead of confining himself to punishing
the guilty, and restoring the lands to the young Rana, he inducted his
own son-in-law Berji Tap into the districts of Ratangarh Kheri and
Singoli; and at the same time made over those of Irnia, Jath, Bichor,
and Nadwai to Holkar, the aggregate revenue of which amounted to six
lakhs annually. Besides these alienations of territory, the Mahrattas
levied no less than four grand war contributions in S. 1830-31,[4.16.25]
while in S. 1836[4.16.26] their rapacity exacted three more. Inability
to liquidate these exorbitant demands was invariably a signal for
further sequestration of land. Amidst such scenes of civil strife and
external spoliation, one Mahratta following another in the same track of
rapine, Hamir died before he had attained even Rajput majority,[4.16.27]
in S. 1834 (A.D. 1778).
=Recapitulation.=—We may here briefly recapitulate the diminution of
territory and wealth in Mewar from the period of the first Mahratta
visitation in A.D. 1736, to the death of Hamir. It were a waste of time
to enumerate the rapacious individuals who shared in the spoils of this
devoted country. We may be content to say their name was ‘legion.’ These
forty years were surcharged with evil. The Mogul princes observed at
least the forms of government and justice, which occasionally tempered
their aggressions; the Mahrattas were associations of vampires, who
drained the very life-blood wherever the scent of spoil attracted them.
In three payments we have seen the enormous sum of one crore and
eighty-one lakhs,[4.16.28] upwards of two millions English money,
exacted from Mewar, exclusive of individual contributions levied on
chiefs, ministers, and the Pretender’s party: and a schedule drawn up by
the reigning prince of contributions levied up to his own time, amounts
to £5,000,000 sterling. Yet the land would eventually have reimbursed
[439] these sums, but the penalty inflicted for deficiencies of payment
renders the evil irremediable; for the alienated territory which then
produced an annual revenue of twenty-eight lakhs,[4.16.29] or £323,000
sterling, exceeds in amount the sum-total now left, whether fiscal or
feudal, in the present impoverished state of the country.
-----
Footnote 4.15.1:
[September 29, 1719.]
Footnote 4.15.2:
[Nizāmu-l-mulk, Asaf Jāh, titles of Chīn Qilīch Khān, a Turkmān
officer in the service of Aurangzeb, governor of the Deccan, died May
22, 1748.]
Footnote 4.15.3:
Amongst the archives of the Rana to which I had access, I discovered
an autograph letter of Raja Jai Singh, addressed at this important
juncture to the Rana’s prime minister, Biharidas.
"The Amiru-l-umara has arrived, and engagements through Balaji Pandit
have been agreed to: he said that he always had friendship for me, but
advised me to march, a measure alike recommended by Kishan Singh and
Jiwa Lal. On this I presented an _arzi_ to his Majesty, stated the
advice, but desired to have his Majesty’s commands; when the king
sanctioning my leave, such being the general desire, on Thursday the
9th of Phālgun I moved, and pitched my tents at Sarbal Sarai. I told
the Rao Raja (of Bundi) to accompany me, but it did not reach his
mind, and he joined Kutbu-l-mulk, who gave him some horse, and made
him encamp with Ajit Singh. Bhim Singh’s (of Kotah) army arrived, and
an engagement took place, in which Jeth Singh Hara was killed, and the
Rao Raja fled to Allahwirdi Khan’s sarai. I sent troops to his aid;
the king has made over the baths and wardrobe to the Sayyids, who have
everything their own way. You know the Sayyids; I am on my way back to
my own country, and have much to say _vivâ voce_ to the
Huzur:[4.15.3.A] come and meet me. Phālgun, S. 19, 1775 (A.D. 1719)."
"Siddh Sri Maharaja dhiraj Sri Sangram Singhji; receive the
_mujra_[4.15.3.B] of Raja Sawai Jai Singh. Here all is well; your
welfare is desired; you are the chief, nor is there any separation of
interests: my horses and Rajputs are at your service; command when I
can be of use. It is long since I have seen the royal mother (Sri
Baiji Raj); if you come this way, I trust she will accompany you. For
news I refer you to Dip Chand Pancholi. Asoj 6, S. 1777."
Footnote 4.15.3.A:
_Huzur_ signifies the Presence. Such was the respectful style of the
Amber prince to the Rana; to illustrate which I shall add another
letter from the same prince, though merely complimentary, to the Rana.
Footnote 4.15.3.B:
_Mujra_ is a salutation of respect used to a superior.
Footnote 4.15.4:
[For a sketch of the history of this period see Keene, _Sketch of the
History of Hindustan_, 304 ff.]
Footnote 4.15.5:
Raja Jai Singh to Biharidas, the Rana’s minister:—“You write that your
Lord despatches money for the troops—I have no accounts thereof; put
the treasure on camels and send it without delay. The Nawab
Nizamu-l-mulk is marching rapidly from Ujjain, and Chhabile Ram is
coming hither, and according to accounts from Agra he has crossed at
Kalpi. Let the Diwan’s army form a speedy junction. Make no delay; in
supplies of cash everything is included.” Bhadon, 4th S. 1776 (A.D.
1720).
Footnote 4.15.6:
Letter from Raja Bakhta Singh of Nagor to Biharidas, the Rana’s prime
minister:—"Your letter was received, and its contents made me happy.
Sri Diwan’s _ruqa’_ reached me and was understood. You tell me both
the Nawabs (_Sayyids_) had taken the field, that both the Maharajas
attended, and that your own army was about to be put in motion, for
how could ancient friendships be severed? All was comprehended. But
neither of the Nawabs will take the field, nor will either of the
Maharajas proceed to the Deccan: they will sit and enjoy themselves
quietly in talking at home. But should by some accident the Nawabs
take the field, espouse their cause; if you cling to any other you are
lost; of this you will be convinced ere long, so guard yourself—if you
can wind up our own thread, don’t give it to another to break—you are
wise, and can anticipate intentions. Where there is such a servant as
you, that house can be in no danger."
Footnote 4.15.7:
[Haidar Khān assassinated Husain Ali on September 18, 1720.]
Footnote 4.15.8:
Girdhardas was a Nagar Brahman, son of Chhabile Ram, the chief
secretary of Ratan Chand.
Footnote 4.15.9:
Jagatkhunt, the Jagat point, of our maps, at Dwarka, where the
Badhels, a branch of the Rathors, established themselves.
Footnote 4.15.10:
In the dialect, _chhari mazbūt thi_, his rod was strong—a familiar
phrase, which might be rendered ‘sceptre’—a long rod with an iron
spike on it, often placed before the _gaddi_, or throne.
Footnote 4.15.11:
The dames attendant on the queens,—the Lady Mashams of every female
court in Rajasthan.
Footnote 4.15.12:
£25,000.
Footnote 4.15.13:
There were eight ministers; from this the Mahrattas had their _asht
pardhans_, the number which formed the ministry of Rama.
Footnote 4.15.14:
[Krishna.]
Footnote 4.15.15:
I discovered the following letter from one of the princesses of Amber
to Rana Sangram, written at this period; it is not evident in what
relation she stood to him, but I think she must have been his wife,
and the sister of Jai Singh:
"To Siddh Sri Sangram Singh, happiness! the Kachhwaha Rani (_queen_)
writes, read her _asis_[4.15.15.A] (blessing). Here all is well; the
welfare of the Sri Diwanji is desired. You are very dear to me; you
are great, the sun of Hindustan; if you do not thus act, who else can?
the action is worthy of you; with your house is my entire friendship.
From ancient times we are the Rajputs of your house, from which both
Rajas[4.15.15.B] have had their consequence increased, and I belong to
it of old, and expect always to be fostered by it, nor will the Sri
Diwanji disappoint us. My intention was to proceed to the feet of the
Sri Diwanji, but the wet weather has prevented me; but I shall soon
make my appearance." S. 1778 (A.D. 1722).
Footnote 4.15.15.A:
_Asis_ is benediction, which only ladies and holy men employ in
epistolary writing or in verbal compliment.
Footnote 4.15.15.B:
Amber and Marwar; this expression denotes the letter to have been
written on intermarriage with the Rana’s house, and shows her sense of
such honour.
Footnote 4.15.16:
The _bira_ is the betel or pan-leaf folded up, containing aromatic
spices, and presented on taking leave. The Kanor chieftain, being of
the second grade of nobles, was not entitled to the distinction of
having it from the sovereign’s own hand.
Footnote 4.15.17:
Treaty.
Seal of Rana.
┌───────────────────┐
│ Sri Eklinga. (_a_)│
└───────────────────┘
Agreed. Agreed.
┌───────────────────────┐ ┌─────────────────┐ ┌──────────────────┐
│Sita Rama jayati. (_c_)│ │Vraj Adhis. (_b_)│ │Abhai Singh. (_d_)│
└───────────────────────┘ └─────────────────┘ └──────────────────┘
1. All are united, in good and in evil, and none will withdraw
therefrom, on which oaths have been made, and faith pledged,
which will be lost by whoever acts contrary thereto. The
honour and shame of one is that of all, and in this everything
is contained.
2. No one shall countenance the traitor of another.
3. After the rains the affair shall commence, and the chiefs of
each party assemble at Rampura; and if from any cause the head
cannot come, he will send his Kunwar (heir), or some personage
of weight.
4. Should from inexperience such Kunwar commit error, the Rana
alone shall interfere to correct it.
5. In every enterprise all shall unite to effect it.
(_a_) (_b_) (_c_). All these seals of Mewar, Marwar, and Amber bear
respectively the names of the tutelary divinity of each prince and his
tribe Swasti Sri! By the united chiefs the under-written has been
agreed to, from which no deviation can take place. Sawan sudi 13, S.
1791 (A.D. 1735), Camp Hurra.
(_a_) Ėklinga, or Mahadeva of the Sesodias of Mewar; (_b_) Vraj Adhis,
the lord of Vraj, the country round Mathura; the epithet of Krishna;
seal of the Hara prince; (_c_) Victory to Sita and Rama, the demi-god,
ancestor of the princes of Amber; (_d_) Abhai Singh, prince of Marwar.
Footnote 4.15.18:
[Sūbahdār of Mālwa, killed in battle at Tala near Dhār in 1732 (Grant
Duff 227).]
Footnote 4.15.19:
[Sarbuland Khān was superseded by Abhai Singh (_ibid._ 226).]
Footnote 4.15.20:
[Mahābat Jang, in 1740 usurped the Government of Bengal, over which he
reigned for sixteen years, died April 10, 1756 N.S., buried at
Murshidābād (Beale, sv.).]
Footnote 4.15.21:
[Nephew and son-in-law of Burhānu-l-mulk, Sa’ādat Khān, was appointed
Wazīr in 1748, died October 17, 1754.]
Footnote 4.15.22:
[Akbar Shāh II., King of Delhi, reigned from 1806 to 1827.] I have
conversed with an aged Shaikh who recollected the splendour of
Muhammad Shah’s reign before Nadir’s invasion. He was darogah
(superintendent) to the Duab canal, and described to me the fête on
its opening.
Footnote 4.15.23:
Sindhia’s family were husbandmen.
Footnote 4.15.24:
Holkar was a goat-herd.
Footnote 4.15.25:
The ford near Dholpur still is called Bhaoghat. [Bājirāo appeared at
Delhi in 1736 (Grant Duff 226).]
Footnote 4.15.26:
A.D. 1740.
Footnote 4.15.27:
[Near Pānipat, February 13, 1739 (Elphinstone 717).]
Footnote 4.15.28:
It is yet pointed out to the visitor of this famed city. [The Golden
Mosque of Roshanu-d-daula (Fanshawe, _Delhi Past and Present_, 50).]
Footnote 4.15.29:
[This is not certain. Many officials committed suicide, and Sa’ādat
Khān was believed to have been among these: it is certain that he died
the night before the massacre (Keene, _Sketch Hist. Hindustan_, 324).]
Footnote 4.15.30:
As the hour of departure approached, the cruelties of the ruthless
invaders increased, to which the words of the narrator, an
eye-witness, can alone do justice: "A type of the last day afflicted
the inhabitants of this once happy city; hitherto it was a general
massacre, but now came the murder of individuals. In every house was
heard the cry of affliction. Basant Rae, agent for pensions, killed
his family and himself; Khalik Yar Khan stabbed himself; many took
poison. The venerable chief magistrate was dishonoured by stripes;
sleep and rest forsook the city. The officers of the court were beaten
without mercy, and a fire broke out in the imperial _farash-khana_,
and destroyed effects to the amount of a crore (a million sterling).
There was a scarcity of grain, two seers of coarse rice sold for a
rupee, and from a pestilential disorder crowds died daily in every
street and lane. The inhabitants, like the affrighted animals of the
desert, sought refuge in the most concealed corners. Yet four or five
crores (millions) more were thus extracted." On the 5th April, Nadir’s
seals were taken off the imperial repositories, and his farmans sent
to all the feudatories of the empire to notify the place and to
inculcate obedience ‘to his dear brother,’ which, as a specimen of
eastern diplomatic phraseology, is worth insertion. It was addressed
to the Rana, the Rajas of Marwar and Amber, Nagor, Satara, the Peshwa
Bajirao, etc. “Between us and our dear brother, Muhammad Shah, in
consideration of the regard and alliances of the two sovereigns, the
connexions of regard and friendship have been renewed, so that we may
be esteemed as one soul in two bodies. Now our dear brother has been
replaced on the throne of this extensive empire, and we are moving to
the conquest of other regions, it is incumbent that ye, like your
forefathers, walk in the path of submission and obedience to our dear
brother, as they did to former sovereigns of the house of Timur. God
forbid it; but if accounts of your rebelling should reach our ears, we
will blot you out of the pages of the book of creation” (‘Memoirs of
Iradat Khan,’ _Scott’s History of Dekhan_, vol. ii. p. 213).
Footnote 4.15.31:
Bikaner and Kishangarh arose out of Marwar, and Macheri from Amber; to
which we might add Shaikhavati, which, though not separate, is
tributary to Amber (now Jaipur).
Footnote 4.15.32:
A.D. 1735.
Footnote 4.15.33:
These documents are interesting, if merely showing the high respect
paid by every Rajput prince to the Ranas of Mewar, and illustrating
what is recorded in the reign of Partap, who abjured all intercourse
with them.
No. 1.
"From Kunwar Bijai Singh of Marwar to the Maharana Sri-Sri-Sri.
"Jagat Singh’s Presence—let my _mujra_ (obedience) be known. You
honoured me by sending Rawat Kesari Singh and Biharidas, and
commanding a marriage connexion. Your orders are on your child’s head.
You have made me a servant. To everything I am agreed, and now I am
your child; while I live I am yours. If a true Rajput, my head is at
your disposal. You have made 20,000 Rathors your servants. If I fail
in this, the Almighty is between us. Whoever is of my blood will obey
your commands, and the fruit of this marriage shall be sovereign, and
if a daughter, should I bestow her on the Turkana, I am no true
Rajput. She shall be married to a proper connexion, and not without
your advice; and even should Sri Bavaji (an epithet of respect to his
father), or others of our elders, recommend such proceeding, I swear
by God I shall not agree. I am the Diwan’s, let others approve or
disapprove. Asarh Sudi Punim, Full Moon, Thursday, S. 1791 (A.D.
1735-36).“
”_N.B._—This deed was executed in the balcony of the Kishanbilas by
Rawat Kesari Singh and Pancholi Biharidas, and written by Pancholi
Lalji—namely, marriage-deed of Kunwar Bijai Singh, son of Bakht
Singh."
No. 2.
"From Bijai Singh to Rana Jagat Singh.
"Here all is well. Preserve your friendship and favour for me, and
give me tidings of your welfare. That day I shall behold you will be
without price (_amolak_). You have made me a thorough Rajput—never
shall I fail in whatever service I can perform. You are the father of
all the tribes, and bestow gifts on each according to his worth—the
support and preservation of all around you—to your enemy destruction;
great in knowledge, and wise like Brahma. May the Lord of the world
keep the Rana happy. Asarh 13."
No. 3.
"Raja Bakht Singh to the Rana.
"To Maharana Sri-Sri-Sri Jagat Singh, let Bakht Singh’s respects
(_mujra_) be made known. You have made me a thorough Rajput, and by
such your favour is known to the world. What service I can perform,
you will never find me backward. The day I shall see you I shall be
happy, my heart yearns to be with you. Asarh 11."
No. 4.
"Sawai Jai Singh to the Rana.
"May the respects of Sawai Jai Singh be known to the Maharana.
According to the Sri Diwan’s commands (_hukm_), I have entered into
terms of friendship with you (Abhai Singh of Marwar). For neither
Hindu nor Musalman shall I swerve therefrom. To this engagement God is
between us, and the Sri Diwanji is witness. Asarh Sudi 7."
No. 5.
"Raja Bakht Singh to the Rana.
"Your _Khas ruqa’_ (note in the Rana’s own hand) I received, read, and
was happy. Jai Singh’s engagement you will have received, and mine
also will have reached you. At your commands I entered into friendship
with him, and as to my preserving it have no doubts, for having given
you as my guarantee, no deviation can occur; do you secure his.
Whether you may be accounted my father, brother, or friend, I am
yours; besides you I care for neither connexion nor kin. Asarh 6."
No. 6.
"From Raja Abhai Singh to the Rana.
"To the Presence of Maharana Jagat Singh, Maharaja Abhai Singh
writes—read his respects (_mujra_). God is witness to our engagement,
whoever breaks it may he fare ill. In good and in evil we are joined;
with one mind let us remain united, and let no selfishness disunite
us. Your chiefs are witnesses, and the true Rajput will not deviate
from his engagement. Asoj 3, Thursday."
Abhai Singh and Bakht Singh were brothers, sons of Raja Ajit of
Marwar, to whom the former succeeded, while Bakht Singh held Nagor
independently. His son was Bijai Singh, with whom this marriage was
contracted. He ultimately succeeded to the government of Marwar or
Jodhpur. He will add another example of political expediency
counteracting common gratitude, in seizing on domestic convulsions to
deprive the Rana’s grandson of the province of Godwar. Zalim Singh was
the fruit of this marriage, who resided during his elder brother’s
(Fateh Singh) lifetime at Udaipur. He was brave, amiable, and a
distinguished poet. The Yati (priest), who attended me during twelve
years, my assistant in these researches, was brought up under the eye
of this prince as his amanuensis, and from him he imbibed his love of
history and poetry, in reading which he excelled all the bards of
Rajwara.
Footnote 4.15.34:
Letters from Rana Jagat Singh to Biharidas Pancholi.
No. 1.
“Swasti Sri, chief of ministers, Pancholiji, read my Juhar.[4.15.34.A]
The remembrance of you never leaves me. The Deccani question you have
settled well, but if a meeting is to take place,[4.15.34.B] let it be
beyond Deolia—nearer is not advisable. Lessen the number of your
troops, by God’s blessing there will be no want of funds. Settle for
Rampura according to the preceding year, and let Daulat Singh know the
opportunity will not occur again. The royal mother is unwell. Gararao
and Gaj Manik fought nobly, and Sundar Gaj played a thousand
pranks.[4.15.34.C] I regretted your absence. How shall I send
Sobharam? Asoj 6, S. 1791 (A.D. 1735).”
No. 2.—_To the Same._
"I will not credit it, therefore send witnesses and a detail of their
demands. Bajirao is come, and he will derive reputation from having
compelled a contribution from me, besides his demand of land. He has
commenced with my country, and will take twenty times more from me
than other Rajas—if a proportionate demand, it might be complied with.
Malhar came last year, but this was nothing—Bajirao this, and he is
powerful. But if God hears me he will not get my land. From Devichand
learn particulars.
"Thursday. S. 1792.
“At the Holi all was joy at the Jagmandir,[4.15.34.D] but what is food
without salt? what Udaipur without Biharidas?”
No. 3.—_Same to the Same._
"With such a man as you in my house I have no fears for its stability;
but why this appearance of poverty? perhaps you will ask, what fault
have you committed, that you sit and move as I direct? The matter is
thus: money is all in all, and the troubles on foot can only be
settled by you, and all other resolutions are useless. You may say,
you have got nothing, and how can you settle them—but already two or
three difficulties have occurred, in getting out of which, both your
pinions and mine, as to veracity, have been broken, so that neither
scheming nor wisdom is any longer available. Though you have been
removed from me for some time, I have always considered you at hand;
but now it will be well if you approach nearer to me, that we may
raise supplies, for in the act of hiding you are celebrated, and the
son[4.15.34.E] (_beta_) hides none: therefore your hoarding is
useless, and begets suspicions. Therefore, unless you have a mind to
efface all regard for your master and your own importance at my court,
you will get ready some jewels and bonds under good security and bring
them to me. There is no way but this to allay these troubles: but
should you think you have got ever so much time, and that I will send
for you at all events, then have I thrown away mine in writing you
this letter. You are wise—look to the future, and be assured I shall
write no second letter. S. 1792."
This letter will show that the office of prime minister is not a bed
of roses. The immediate descendants of Biharidas are in poverty like
their prince, though some distant branches of the family are in
situations of trust; his ambassador to Delhi, and who subsequently
remained with me as medium of communication with the Rana, was a
worthy and able man—Kishandas Pancholi.
I shall subjoin another letter from the Satara prince to Rana Jagat
Singh, though being without date it is doubtful whether it is not
addressed to Jagat Singh the First; this is, however, unimportant, as
it is merely one of compliment, but showing the high respect paid by
the sovereign of the Peshwas to the house whence they originally
sprung.
"Swasti Sri, worthy of all praise (_opma_), from whose actions credit
results; the worshipper of the remover of troubles; the ambrosia of
the ocean of the Rajput race[4.15.34.F] (_amrita ratnakara kshatriya
kula_); resplendent as the sun; who has made a river of tears from the
eyes of the wives of your warlike foes; in deeds munificent. Sriman
Maharaja dhiraj Maharana Sri Jagat Singhji, of all the princes chief,
Sriman Sahu Chatarpati Raja writes, read his Ram, Ram! Here all is
well; honour me by good accounts, which I am always expecting, as the
source of happiness.
“Your favour was received by the Pandit Pardhan[4.15.34.G] with great
respect; and from the period of the arrival of Raj Sri Rawat Udai
Singh to this time my goodwill has been increasing towards him: let
your favour between us be enlarged: what more can I write?”
Footnote 4.15.34.A:
A compliment used from a superior to any inferior.
Footnote 4.15.34.B:
To the Peshwa is the allusion.
Footnote 4.15.34.C:
As the Rana never expected his confidential notes to be translated
into English, perhaps it is illiberal to be severe on them; or we
might say, his elephants are mentioned more _con amore_ than his sick
mother or state affairs. I obtained many hundreds of these autograph
notes of this prince to his prime minister.
Footnote 4.15.34.D:
The Hindu saturnalia held in the island, ‘The Minster of the world.’
Footnote 4.15.34.E:
The Rana always styled him ‘father.’
Footnote 4.15.34.F:
The ocean has the poetical appellation of _ratnakara_, or ‘house of
gems’ [‘mine of jewels’]; the fable of the churning of the ocean is
well known, when were yielded many bounties, of which the _amrita_ or
‘immortal food’ of the gods was one, to which the Rana, as head of all
the Rajput tribes, is likened.
Footnote 4.15.34.G:
This expression induces the belief that the letter is written by the
Peshwa in his sovereign’s name, as they had at this time commenced
their usurpation of his power. It was to the second Jagat Singh that
an offer was made to fill the Satara throne by a branch of his family,
then occupied by an imbecile. A younger brother of the Rana, the
ancestor of the present heir presumptive, Sheodan Singh, was chosen,
but intrigues prevented it, the Rana dreading a superior from his own
family.
Footnote 4.15.35:
The descendant of Bhim, son of Rana Raj Singh. The seat assigned to
Bajirao was made the precedent for the position of the representative
of the British Government. [The Rāwat of Banera, on succession, has
the right of receiving a sword, on the arrival of which he goes to
Udaipur to be installed (Erskine ii. A. 92).]
Footnote 4.15.36:
The amount was 160,000 rupees, divided into three shares of 53,333 0
4½ assigned to Holkar, Sindhia, and the Puar. The management was
entrusted to Holkar; subsequently Sindhia acted as receiver-general.
This was the only regular tributary engagement Mewar entered into.
Footnote 4.15.37:
See letter No. 2, in note, p. 492.
Footnote 4.15.38:
A.D. 1743.
Footnote 4.15.39:
A.D. 1747.
Footnote 4.15.40:
The great Jai Singh built a city which he called after himself, and
henceforth Jaipur will supersede the ancient appellation, Amber.
Footnote 4.15.41:
[Āpaji was one of Sindhia’s best officers. Suffering from a painful
disease, he committed suicide in 1797 by drowning himself in the Jumna
(Compton, _European Military Adventurers_, 132).]
Footnote 4.15.42:
See letters from Rana Jagat Singh to Biharidas, p. 492.
Footnote 4.16.1:
The leaders of these invasions were Satwaji, Jankoji, and Raghunath
Rao.
Footnote 4.16.2:
In S. 1812, Raja Bahadur; in 1813, Malhar Rao Holkar and Vitthal Rao;
in 1814, Ranaji Burtia; in 1813 three war contributions were levied,
namely, by Sudasheo Rao, Govind Rao, and Kanaji Jadon.
Footnote 4.16.3:
This was in S. 1808 (A.D. 1752); portions, however, remained attached
to the fisc of Mewar for several years, besides a considerable part of
the feudal lands of the Chandarawat chief of Amad. Of the former, the
Rana retained Hinglajgarh and the Tappas of Jarda Kinjera, and Budsu.
These were surrendered by Raj Singh, who rented Budsu under its new
appellation of Malhargarh.
Footnote 4.16.4:
Budsu, etc.
Footnote 4.16.5:
Holkar advanced as far as Untala, where Arjun Singh of Kurabar and the
Rana’s foster-brothers met him, and negotiated the payment of
fifty-one lakhs of rupees.
Footnote 4.16.6:
S. 1820, A.D. 1764.
Footnote 4.16.7:
An autograph letter of this chief’s to the minister of the day I
obtained, with other public documents, from the descendant of the
Pancholi:
“To Jaswant Rao Pancholi, Raj Rana Raghudeo writes. After compliments.
I received your letter—from old times you have been my friend, and
have ever maintained faith towards me, for I am of the loyal to the
Rana’s house. I conceal nothing from you, therefore I write that my
heart is averse to longer service, and it is my purpose in Asarh to go
to Gaya.[4.16.7.A] When I mentioned this to the Rana, he sarcastically
told me I might go to Dwarka.[4.16.7.B] If I stay, the Rana will
restore the villages in my fief, as during the time of Jethji. My
ancestors have performed good service, and I have served since I was
fourteen. If the Darbar intends me any favour, this is the time.”
Footnote 4.16.7.A:
Gaya is esteemed the proper pilgrimage for the Rajputs.
Footnote 4.16.7.B:
Dwarka, the resort for religious and unwarlike tribes.
Footnote 4.16.8:
Salumbar (Chondawat), Bijolia, Amet, Ghanerao, and Badnor.
Footnote 4.16.9:
Bhindir (Saktawat), Deogarh, Sadri, Gogunda, Delwara, Bedla, Kotharia,
and Kanor.
Footnote 4.16.10:
Agitator, or disturber.
Footnote 4.16.11:
One crore and twenty-five lakhs.
Footnote 4.16.12:
[The Sipra River in Mālwa, passes Ujjain, and finally joins the
Chambal (_IGI_, xxiii. 14 f.).]
Footnote 4.16.13:
[Eklinggarh, two miles south of Udaipur city; 2469 feet above
sea-level.]
Footnote 4.16.14:
The nose-jewel, which even to mention is considered a breach of
delicacy.
Footnote 4.16.15:
To Amra’s credit it is related, that his own brother-in-law was the
first and principal sufferer, and that to his remonstrance and hope
that family ties would save his grain pits, he was told, that it was a
source of great satisfaction that he was enabled through him to evince
his disinterestedness.
Footnote 4.16.16:
See grant to this chief’s son, p. 233.
Footnote 4.16.17:
_Mutasadi kharch_ [_mutasadi_, ‘a clerk, accountant’; _kharch_,
‘expenses’] or douceur to the officers of government, was an
authorized article of every Mahratta _mu’āmala_, or war contribution.
Footnote 4.16.18:
Little Maloni, now Gangapur, with its lands, was the only place
decidedly alienated, being a voluntary gift to Sindhia, to endow the
establishment of his wife, Ganga Bai, who died there.
Footnote 4.16.19:
Zalim Singh of Kotah, and Lalaji Belal, both now dead.
Footnote 4.16.20:
[In 1382 Rāna Khet Singh was murdered by Lāl Singh of Banbaoda,
brother of Bar Singh, Rāo of Būndi. Rāna Ratan Singh II. and Rāo
Sūrajmall killed each other while shooting at Būndi in 1531. The feud
between the two houses is not yet forgotten (Erskine ii. A. 25).]
Footnote 4.16.21:
A heated platter used for baking bread, on which they place the
culprit.
Footnote 4.16.22:
‘The beloved of Rama.’
Footnote 4.16.23:
Amra Chand, it will be recollected, was the name of the minister.
Footnote 4.16.24:
The treaty by which Sindhia holds these districts yet exists, which
stipulates their surrender on the liquidation of the contribution. The
Rana still holds this as a responsible engagement, and pleaded his
rights in the treaty with the British Government in A.D. 1817-18. But
half a century’s possession is a strong bond, which we dare not break;
though the claim now registered may hereafter prove of service to the
family.
Footnote 4.16.25:
1830, Mahadaji Sindhia’s contribution (_mu’āmala_) on account of
Begun; 1831, Berji Tap’s _mu’āmala_ through Govind and Ganpat Rao;
1831, Ambaji Inglia, Bapu Holkar, and Daduji Pandit’s joint
_mu’āmala_.
Footnote 4.16.26:
1. Apaji and Makaji Getia, on Holkar’s account; 2. Tukuji Holkar’s,
through Somji; 3. Ali Bahadur’s, through Somji.
Footnote 4.16.27:
The age of eighteen.
Footnote 4.16.28:
Namely, S. 1808, by Rana Jagat Singh to Holkar Lakhs 66
1820, Partap and Arsi Rana to 51
Holkar
1826, Arsi Rana to Mahadaji Sindhia 64
——
Total. 181
Footnote 4.16.29:
S. 1808, Rampura, Bhanpura Lakhs 9
1826, Jawad, Jiran, Nimach, Nimbahera 4½
1831, Ratangarh Kheri, Singoli, Irnia,
Jath, Nadwai, etc. etc. 6
1831, Godwar 9
——
Total 28½
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