=Rāna Amar Singh I., A.D. 1597-1620.=—Of the seventeen sons of Partap,
Amra, who succeeded him, was the eldest. From the early age of eight to
the hour of his parent’s death, he had been his constant companion and
the partner of his toils and dangers. Initiated by his noble sire in
every act of mountain strife, familiar with its perils, he entered on
his career[4.12.1] in the very flower of manhood, already attended by
sons able to maintain whatever his sword might recover of his patrimony.
Akbar, the greatest foe of Mewar, survived Partap nearly eight
years.[4.12.2] The vast field in which he had to exert the resources of
his mind, necessarily withdrew him from a scene where even success ill
repaid the sacrifices made to attain it. Amra was left in perfect repose
during the remainder of this monarch’s life, which it was not wisdom to
disturb by the renewal of a contest against the colossal power of the
Mogul. An extended reign of more than half a century permitted Akbar to
consolidate the vast empire he had erected, and to model the form of his
[351] government, which displays, as handed down by Abu-l Fazl, an
incontestable proof of his genius as well as of his natural beneficence.
Nor would the Mogul lose, on being contrasted with the contemporary
princes of Europe: with Henry IV. of France, who, like himself, ascended
a throne weakened by dissension; with Charles V., alike aspiring to
universal sway: or the glorious queen of our own isle, who made advances
to Akbar and sent him an embassy.[4.12.3] Akbar was fortunate as either
Henry or Elizabeth in the choice of his ministers. The lofty integrity,
military genius, and habits of civil industry, for which Sully was
distinguished, found their parallel in Bairam; and if Burleigh equalled
in wisdom, he was not superior in virtue to Abu-l Fazl, nor possessed of
his excessive benevolence. Unhappily for Mewar, all this genius and
power combined to overwhelm her. It is, however, a proud tribute to the
memory of the Mogul that his name is united with that of his rival
Partap in numerous traditionary couplets honourable to both; and if the
Rajput bard naturally emblazons first on his page that of his own hero,
he admits that none other but Akbar can stand a comparison with him;
thereby confirming the eulogy of the historian of his race, who, in
summing up his character, observes that, “if he sometimes did things
beneath the dignity of a great king, he never did anything unworthy of a
good man.” But if the annalist of the Bundi State can be relied upon,
the very act which caused Akbar’s death will make us pause ere we
subscribe to these testimonies to the worth of departed greatness, and,
disregarding the adage of only speaking good of the dead, compel us to
institute, in imitation of the ancient Egyptians, a posthumous inquest
on the character of the monarch of the Moguls. The Bundi records are
well worthy of belief, as diaries of events were kept by her princes,
who were of the first importance in this and the succeeding reigns: and
they may be more likely to throw a light upon points of character of a
tendency to disgrace the Mogul king, than the historians of his court,
who had every reason to withhold such. A desire to be rid of the great
Raja Man of Amber, to whom he was so much indebted, made the emperor
descend [352] to act the part of the assassin. He prepared a _ma’ajun_,
or confection, a part of which contained poison; but, caught in his own
snare, he presented the innoxious portion to the Rajput and ate that
drugged with death himself.[4.12.4] We have a sufficient clue to the
motives which influenced Akbar to a deed so unworthy of him, and which
were more fully developed in the reign of his successor; namely, a
design on the part of Raja Man to alter the succession, and that Khusru,
his nephew, should succeed instead of Salim. With such a motive, the
aged emperor might have admitted with less scruple the advice which
prompted an act he dared not openly undertake, without exposing the
throne in his latter days to the dangers of civil contention, as Raja
Man was too powerful to be openly assaulted.
=The Administration of Rāna Amar Singh.=—Let us return to Mewar. Amra
remodelled the institutions of his country, made a new assessment of the
lands and distribution of the fiefs, apportioning the service to the
times. He also established the gradation of ranks such as yet exists,
and regulated the sumptuary laws even to the tie of a turban,[4.12.5]
and many of these are to be seen engraved on pillars of stone in various
parts of the country.
The repose thus enjoyed realized the prophetic fears of Partap, whose
admonitions were forgotten. Amra constructed a small palace on the banks
of the lake, named after himself ‘the abode of immortality,’[4.12.6]
still remarkable for its Gothic contrast to the splendid marble edifice
erected by his successors, now the abode of the princes of Mewar.
=Jahāngīr attacks Mewār.=—Jahangir had been four years on the throne,
and having overcome all internal dissension, resolved to signalize his
reign by the subjugation of the only prince who had disdained to
acknowledge the paramount power of the Moguls; and assembling the royal
forces, he put them in motion for Mewar.
Amra, between the love of ease and reputation, wavered as to the conduct
he should adopt; nor were sycophants wanting who
Counselled ignoble ease and peaceful sloth,
Not peace:
and dared to prompt his following the universal contagion, by accepting
the imperial farman. In such a state of mind the chiefs found their
prince, when [353] they repaired to the new abode to warn him, and
prepare him for the emergency. But the gallant Chondawat, recalling to
their remembrance the dying behest of their late glorious head, demanded
its fulfilment. All resolved to imitate the noble Partap,
... preferring
Hard liberty before the easy yoke
Of servile pomp.
=Chief of Salūmbar intervenes.=—A magnificent mirror of European
fabrication adorned the embryo palace. Animated with a noble resentment
at the inefficacy of his appeal to the better feelings of his prince,
the chieftain of Salumbar hurled ‘the slave of the carpet’[4.12.7]
against the splendid bauble, and starting up, seized his sovereign by
the arm and moved him from the throne. “To horse, chiefs!” he exclaimed,
“and preserve from infamy the son of Partap.” A burst of passion
followed the seeming indignity, and the patriot chief was branded with
the harsh name of traitor; but with his sacred duty in view, and
supported by every vassal of note, he calmly disregarded the insult.
Compelled to mount his steed, and surrounded by the veterans and all the
chivalry of Mewar, Amra’s passion vented itself in tears of indignation.
In such a mood the cavalcade descended the ridge, since studded with
palaces, and had reached the spot where the temple of Jagannath now
stands, when he recovered from this fit of passion; the tear ceased to
flow, and passing his hand over his moustache,[4.12.8] he made a
courteous salutation to all, entreating their forgiveness for this
omission of respect; but more especially expressing his gratitude to
Salumbar, he said, “Lead on, nor shall you ever have to regret your late
sovereign.” Elevated with every sentiment of generosity and valour, they
passed on to Dawer, where they encountered the royal army led by the
brother of the Khankhanan, as it entered the pass, and which, after a
long and sanguinary combat, they entirely defeated.[4.12.9]
=Defeat of the Imperialists.=—The honours of the day are chiefly
attributed to the brave Kana, uncle to the Rana, and ancestor of that
numerous clan called after him Kanawats. A truce followed this battle,
but it was of short duration; for another and yet more murderous
conflict took place in the spring of 1666, in the pass of the sacred
Ranpur [354], where the imperial army, under its leader Abdulla, was
almost exterminated;[4.12.10] though with the loss of the best and
bravest of the chiefs of Mewar, whose names, however harsh, deserve
preservation.[4.12.11] A feverish exultation was the fruit of this
victory, which shed a hectic flush of glory over the declining days of
Mewar, when the crimson banner once more floated throughout the province
of Godwar.
=Jahāngīr establishes Sagra as Rāna.=—Alarmed at these successive
defeats, Jahangir, preparatory to equipping a fresh army against Mewar,
determined to establish a new Rana, and to instal him in the ancient
seat of power, Chitor, thus hoping to withdraw from the standard of Amra
many of his adherents. The experiment evinced at least a knowledge of
their prejudices; but, to the honour of Rajput fidelity, it failed.
Sagra, who abandoned Partap and went over to Akbar, was
selected;[4.12.12] the sword of investiture was girded on him by the
emperor’s own hands, and under the escort of a Mogul force he went to
reign amidst the ruins of Chitor. Her grandeur, even in desolation, is
beautifully depicted at this very period by the chaplain to the embassy
from Elizabeth to Jahangir, the members composing which visited the
capital of the Sesodias in their route to Ajmer.[4.12.13]
For seven years Sagra had a spurious homage paid to him amidst this
desolation, the ruined pride of his ancestors. But it is gratifying to
record, that not even by this recreant son of Chitor could the
impressions formed in contemplating such scenes be resisted; and Sagra,
though flinty as the rock to a brother and nephew, could not support the
silent admonition of the altars of the heroes who had fallen in her
defence. The triumphal column raised for victory over a combination of
[355] kings, was a perpetual memento of his infamy; nor could he pass
over one finger’s breadth of her ample surface, without treading on some
fragment which reminded him of their great deeds and his own
unworthiness. We would be desirous of recording, that a nobler
remembrancer than ‘coward conscience,’ animated the brother of Partap to
an act of redeeming virtue; but when the annals tell us, that “the
terrific Bhairon (the god of battle) openly manifested his displeasure,”
it is decisive that it was not less the wish for greatness, than the
desire to be “without the illness should attend it”; and sending for his
nephew, he restored to him Chitor, retiring to the isolated
Kandhar.[4.12.14] Some time after, upon going to court, and being
upbraided by Jahangir, he drew his dagger and slew himself in the
emperor’s presence: an end worthy of such a traitor.[4.12.15]
=Conquests of Rāna Amar Singh I.=—Amra took possession of the seat of
his ancestors; but wanting the means to put it in defence, the
acquisition only served to increase the temporary exultation. The evil
resulting from attaching so much consequence to a capital had been often
signally manifested; as to harass the enemy from their mountains, and
thereby render his conquests unavailing, was the only policy which could
afford the chance of independence. With Chitor the Rana acquired, by
surrender or assault, possession of no less than eighty of the chief
towns and fortresses of Mewar: amongst them Untala, at whose capture
occurred the patriotic struggle between the clans of Chondawat and
Saktawat for the leading of the vanguard, elsewhere related.[4.12.16] On
this memorable storm, besides the leaders of the rival bands, five of
the infant clan Saktawat, consisting but of sixteen brave brothers, with
three of the house of Salumbar, perished, struggling for the immortality
promised by the bard. We may here relate the rise of the Saktawats, with
which is materially connected the future history of Mewar.
=Sakta and the Saktāwats.=—Sakta was the second of the twenty-four sons
of Udai Singh. When only five years of age, he discovered that fearless
temperament which marked his manhood [356]. The armourer having brought
a new dagger to try its edge by the usual proof on thinly spread cotton,
the child asked the Rana “if it was not intended to cut bones and
flesh,” and seizing it, tried it on his own little hand. The blood
gushed on the carpet, but he betrayed no symptom of pain or surprise.
Whether his father admitted the tacit reproof of his own want of nerve,
or that it recalled the prediction of the astrologers, who, in casting
Sakta’s horoscope, had announced that he was to be “the bane of Mewar,”
he was incontinently commanded to be put to death, and was carried off
for this purpose, when saved by the Salumbar chief, who arrested the
fiat, sped to the Rana, and begged his life as a boon, promising, having
no heirs, to educate him as the future head of the Chondawats. The
Salumbar chief had children in his old age, and while wavering between
his own issue and the son of his adoption, the young Sakta was sent for
to court by his brother Partap. The brothers for a considerable time
lived on the most amicable footing, unhappily interrupted by a dispute
while hunting, which in time engendered mutual dislike. While riding in
the ring, Partap suddenly proposed to decide their quarrel by single
combat, “to see who was the best lancer.” Not backward, Sakta replied,
“Do you begin”; and some little time was lost in a courteous struggle
for the first spear, when, as they took their ground and agreed to
charge together, the Purohit[4.12.17] rushed between the combatants and
implored them not to ruin the house. His appeal, however, being vain,
there was but one way left to prevent the unnatural strife: the priest
drew his dagger, and plunging it in his breast, fell a lifeless corpse
between the combatants. Appalled at the horrid deed, ‘the blood of the
priest on their head,’ they desisted from their infatuated aim. Partap,
waving his hand, commanded Sakta to quit his dominions, who bowing
retired, and carried his resentments to Akbar. Partap performed with the
obsequies of this faithful servant many expiatory rites, and made an
irrevocable grant of Salera to his son, still enjoyed by his
descendants, while a small column yet identifies the spot of sacrifice
to fidelity. From that hour to the memorable day when the founder of the
Saktawats gained the birad of the race ‘_Khurasan Multan ka Aggal_,’ on
the occasion of his saving his sovereign flying from the field, the
brothers had never beheld each other’s face [357].
Sakta had seventeen sons, all of whom, excepting the heir of
Bhainsror,[4.12.18] attended his obsequies. On return from this rite
they found the gates barred against them by Bhanji, now chief of the
Saktawats, who told them “there were too many mouths,” and that they
must push their fortunes elsewhere while he attended his sovereign with
the quota of Bhainsror. They demanded their horses and their arms, if
such were his pleasure; and electing Achal as their head (whose wife was
then pregnant), they took the route to Idar, which had recently been
acquired by a junior branch of the Rathors of Marwar.[4.12.19] They had
reached Palod when the pangs of childbirth seized the wife of Achal; and
being rudely repulsed by the Sonigira vassal of Palod, who refused her
shelter at such a moment, they sought refuge amidst the ruins of a
temple.[4.12.20] It was the shrine of Mata Janavi, ‘the mother of
births,’ the Juno Lucina of the Rajputs. In a corner of the sanctuary
they placed the mother of a future race; but the rain, which fell in
torrents, visibly affected the ruin. A beam of stone gave way, which but
for Bala would have crushed her: he supported the sinking roof on his
head till the brothers cut down a babul tree, with which they propped it
and relieved him. In this retreat Asa (_Hope_) was born, who became the
parent of an extensive branch known as the Achalis Saktawats.
The ‘Great Mother’ was propitious. The parent of ‘_Hope_’ was soon
enabled to resume her journey for Idar, whose chief received them with
open arms, and assigned lands for their support. Here they had been some
time when the Rana’s prime minister passed through Idar from a
pilgrimage to Satrunjaya.[4.12.21] A violent storm would have thrown
down the tent in which was his wife, but for the exertion of some of the
brothers; and the minister, on learning that it was to the near kin of
his sovereign he was indebted for this kindness, invited them to
Udaipur, taking upon him to provide for them with their own proper head,
which they declined without a special invitation. This was not long
wanting; for Amra [358] was then collecting the strength of his hills
against the king, and the services of the band of brothers, his kinsmen,
were peculiarly acceptable. The first act of duty, though humble, is
properly recorded, as ennobled by the sentiment which inspired it, and
the pictured scene is yet preserved of Bala and Jodha collecting logs of
wood for a night fire in the mountain bivouac for their kinsman and
sovereign. In the more brilliant exploit which followed Bala took the
lead, and though the lord of Bhainsror was in camp, it was Bala who
obtained the leading of the vanguard: the commencement of that rivalry
of clanship from whence have resulted some of the most daring, and many
of the most merciless deeds in the history of Mewar. The right to lead
in battle belonged to the Chondawats, and the first intimation the
chieftain had of his prince’s inconsiderate insult was from the bard
incessantly repeating the ‘birad’ of the clan, until ‘the portal of the
ten thousand’ of Mewar deemed him mad. “Not so,” replied he; “but it is,
perhaps, the last time your ears may be gratified with the watchword of
Chonda, which may to-morrow be given as well as the Harawal to the
Saktawats.” An explanation followed, and the assault of Untala ensued,
which preserved the rights of the Chondawats, though nobly contested by
their rivals. The vassal of Bakrol carried the tidings of the successful
assault to the Rana, who arrived in time to receive the last obeisance
of Bala, whose parting words to his prince were seized on by the bard
and added to the birad of the clan: and although, in sloth and opium,
they now “lose and neglect the creeping hours of time,” yet whenever a
Saktawat chief enters the court of his sovereign, or takes his seat
amongst his brother chiefs, the bards still salute him with the dying
words of Bala:
"_Dūna dātār.
Chauguna junjhār,
Khurāsān Multān ka āggāl._"[4.12.22]
Then passing the hand over his moustache, for a moment the escalade of
Untala flits before his vision, where Bala, Achalis, Jodha, Dilla, and
Chaturbhan, five of the seventeen sons of Sakta, fell for the
maintenance of the post of honour [359]. Bhanji soon after performed a
service which obtained him the entire favour of his prince, who,
returning from Ratlam, was insulted by the Rathors of Bhindar, which was
punished by the Saktawat, who took the town by assault, expelling the
aggressors. Amra added it to his fief of Bhainsror, and since the latter
was bestowed on the rival clan, Bhindar has continued the chief
residence of the leader of the Saktawats. Ten chiefs[4.12.23] have
followed in regular succession, whose issue spread over Mewar, so that
in a few generations after Sakta, their prince could muster the swords
of ten thousand Saktawats; but internal feuds and interminable
spoliation have checked the progress of population, and it might be
difficult now to assemble half that number of the ‘children of Sakta’
fit to bear arms.
=Renewed Attack by Jahāngīr. Battle of Khāmnor.=—To return. These
defeats alarmed Jahangir, who determined to equip an overwhelming force
to crush the Rana. To this end he raised the imperial standard at Ajmer,
and assembled the expedition under his immediate inspection, of which he
appointed his son Parvez commander, with instructions on departure “that
if the Rana or his elder son Karan should repair to him, to receive them
with becoming attention, and to offer no molestation to the
country.”[4.12.24] But the Sesodia prince little thought of submission:
on the contrary, flushed with success, he gave the royal army the
meeting at a spot oft moistened with blood, the pass of
Khamnor,[4.12.25] leading into the heart of the hills. The imperial army
was disgracefully beaten, and fled, pursued with great havoc, towards
Ajmer. The Mogul historian admits it to have been a glorious day for
Mewar. He describes Parvez entangled in the passes, dissensions in his
camp, his supplies cut off, and under all [360] these disadvantages
attacked; his precipitate flight and pursuit, in which the royal army
lost vast numbers of men.[4.12.26] But Jahangir in his diary slurs it
over, and simply remarks: “Fearing that Khusrau’s affair might be
prolonged, I ordered my son Parwīz to leave some of the Sardārs to look
after the Rānā, and to come to Agra with Āsaf Khān and a body of those
nearly connected with him in the service.”[4.12.27]
This son, tutored by the great Mahabat Khan, fared no better than
Parvez; he was routed and slain. But the Hydra was indestructible; for
every victory, while it cost the best blood of Mewar, only multiplied
the number of her foes. Seventeen pitched battles had the illustrious
Rajput fought since the death of his father: but the loss of his
experienced veterans withered the laurels of victory, nor had he
sufficient repose either to husband his resources or to rear his young
heroes to replace them. Another and yet more mighty army was assembled
under Prince Khurram, the ablest of the sons of Jahangir, and better
known in history as Shah Jahan, when emperor of the Moguls.
Again did the Rana with his son Karan collect the might of their hills;
but a handful of warriors was all their muster to meet the host of
Delhi, and the ‘crimson banner,’ which for more than eight hundred years
had waved in proud independence over the heads of the Guhilots, was now
to be abased to the son of Jahangir. The Emperor’s own pen shall narrate
the termination of this strife.
"My chief object, after my visit to the Khwāja [the tomb of Mu’īnu-d-dīn
Chishti, the saint of Ajmer] was to put a stop to the affair of the
rebel Rānā. On this account I determined to remain myself at Ajmīr and
send on Bābā Khurram, my fortunate son. This idea was a very good one,
and on this account, on the 6th of Day [tenth month of the solar year]
at the hour fixed on, I dispatched him in happiness and triumph. I
presented him with a _qabā_ (outer coat) of gold brocade with jewelled
flowers and pearls round the flowers, a brocaded turban with strings of
pearls, a gold woven sash with chains of pearls, one of my private
elephants called Fath Gaj, with trappings, a splendid horse, a jewelled
sword, with a _phūl katāra_ (dagger). In addition to the men first
appointed to this duty under the leadership of Khān A’zam, I sent 12,000
more horse with my son, and honoured their _khil’at_ (wearing robes of
honour) leaders."[4.12.28]
On 14th Isfandārmuz [twelfth month of the solar year] "a representation
came from my son Bābā Khurram that the elephant ‛Ālam Gumān [‘arrogant
of the earth’], of which the Rānā was very fond, together with seventeen
‛Ālamgumān other elephants, had fallen into the hands of the victorious
army."[4.12.29] Jahāngīr rode this elephant on the second day of the New
Year, which began on 21st March 1614.[4.12.30]
"In the month of Bahman [eleventh solar month] there came pieces of good
news, one after the other. The first was that the Rānā Amar Singh had
elected for obedience and service to the Court. The circumstances of
this affair are these. Sultān Khurram, by dint of placing a great many
posts, especially in some places where most people said it was
impossible to place them on account of the badness of the air and water
and the wild nature of the localities, and by dint of moving the royal
forces one after another in pursuit, without regard to the heat or
excessive rain, and making prisoners of the inhabitants of that region,
brought matters with the Rānā to such a pass that it became clear to him
that if this should happen to him again he must either fly the country
or be made prisoner. Being without remedy, he chose obedience and
loyalty, and sent to my fortunate son his maternal uncle Subhkaran, with
Haridās Jhālā, who was one of the two men in his confidence, and
petitioned that if that fortunate son would ask forgiveness for his
offences and tranquillize his mind, and obtain for him the auspicious
sign-manual (_panja_,[4.12.31] the mark of the Emperor’s five fingers),
he would himself wait on my son, and would send his son and successor,
Karan Singh, or he, after the manner of other Rājas, would be enrolled
among the servants of the Court and do service. He also begged that he
himself might be excused from coming to Court on account of his old age.
Accordingly, my son sent them in company with his own Dīwān, Mullā
Shukru-llah, whom after the conclusion of this business I dignified with
the title of Afzal Khān, and Sundar Dās, his major-domo, who, after the
matter was settled, was honoured with the title of Rāy Rayān, to the
exalted Court, and represented the circumstances. My lofty mind was
always desirous, as far as possible, not to destroy the old families.
The real point was that as Rānā Amar Singh and his fathers, proud in the
strength of the hilly country and their abodes, had never seen or obeyed
any of the kings of Hindustan, this should be brought about in my reign.
At the request of my son, I forgave the Rānā’s offences, and gave a
gracious farmān that should satisfy him, and impressed on it the mark of
my auspicious palm. I also wrote a farmān of kindness to my son that if
he could arrange to settle the matter I should be much pleased. My son
also sent them [perhaps the uncle and Haridās, or the farmāns] with
Mullā Shukru-llah and Sundar Dās to the Rānā to console him and make him
hopeful of the royal favour. They gave him the gracious farmān with the
sign-manual of the auspicious hand, and it was settled that on Sunday,
the 26th of the month Bahman, he and his sons should come and pay their
respects to my son."[4.12.32]
"In the end of this month, when I was employed in hunting in the
environs of Ajmīr, Muhammad Beg, an attendant on my fortunate son Sultān
Khurram, came and brought a report from that son, and stated that the
Rānā had come with his sons and paid his respects to the prince: the
details would be made known by the report. I immediately turned the face
of supplication to the Divine Court, and prostrated myself in
thanksgiving. I presented a horse, an elephant, and a jewelled dagger to
the aforesaid Muhammad Khān, and honoured him with the title of
Zu-l-faqār Khān [‘Lord of the sword’]."[4.12.33]
"From the report it appeared that on Sunday the 26th Bahman, the Rānā
paid his respects to my fortunate son with the politeness and ritual
that servants pay their respects, and produced as offerings a famous
large ruby that was in his house, with some decorated articles and seven
elephants, some of them fit for the private stud, and which had not
fallen into our hands, and were the only ones left him, and nine horses.
My son also behaved to him with perfect kindness. When the Rānā clasped
his feet and asked forgiveness for his faults, he took his hand and
placed it on his breast, and consoled him in such a manner as to comfort
him. He presented him with a superb dress of honour, a jewelled sword, a
horse with a jewelled saddle, and a private elephant with silver
housings, and as there were not more than 100 men with him who were
worthy of complete robes of honour, he gave 100 _sarupā_ [dresses] and
50 horses and 12 jewelled _khapwā_ [daggers]. As it is the custom of the
Zamīndārs[4.12.34] that the son who is the heir-apparent should not go
with his father to pay his respects to a king or prince,[4.12.35] the
Rānā observed this custom, and did not bring with him Karan, the son who
had received the _tīkā_ [forehead mark of inauguration]. As the hour
(fixed by astrology) of his departure of that son of lofty fortune from
that place was the end of that same day, he gave him leave, so that,
having himself gone, he might send Karan to pay his respects. To him
also he gave a superb dress of honour, a jewelled sword and dagger, a
horse with a gold saddle, and a special elephant, and on the same day,
taking Karan in attendance, he proceeded towards the illustrious
Court."[4.12.36]
"In my interview with Sultan Khurram on his arrival at Ajmer,[4.12.37]
he represented that if it was my pleasure he would present the prince
Karan, whom I accordingly desired him to bring. He arrived, paid his
respects, _and his rank was commanded to be, at the request of my son,
immediately on my right hand_, and I rewarded him with suitable khilats.
As Karan, owing to the rude life he had led in his native hills, was
extremely shy, and unused to the pageantry and experience of a court, in
order to reconcile and give him confidence I daily gave him some
testimonies of my regard and protection, and in the second day of his
service I gave him a jewelled dagger, and on the third a choice steed of
Irak with rich caparisons; and on the same day, I took him with me to
the queen’s court, when the queen, Nur Jahan, made him splendid khilats,
elephant and horse caparisoned, sword, etc. The same day I gave him a
rich necklace of pearls, another day an elephant, and it was my wish to
give him rarities and choice things of every kind. I gave him three
royal hawks and three gentle falcons trained to the hand,[4.12.38] coat
of mail, chain and plate armour, and two rings of value; and, on the
last day of the month, carpets, state cushions, perfumes, vessels of
gold, and a pair of the bullocks of Gujarat.[4.12.39]
"10th year.[4.12.40] At this time I gave prince Karan leave to return to
his jagir;[4.12.41] when I bestowed on him an elephant, horse, and a
pearl necklace valued at 50,000 rupees (£5000); and from the day of his
repairing to my court to that of his departure, the value of the various
gifts I presented him exceeded ten lakhs of rupees (£125,000), exclusive
of one hundred and ten horses, five elephants, or what my son Khurram
gave him. I sent Mubarik Khan along with [364] him, by whom I sent an
elephant, horse, etc., and various confidential messages to the Rana.
"On the 8th Safar[4.12.42] of the 10th year of the H. 1024 Karan was
elevated to the dignity of a Mansabdar[4.12.43] of five thousand, when I
presented him with a bracelet of pearls, in which was a ruby of great
price.
"24th Muharram,[4.12.44] 10th year (A.D. 1615), Jagat Sing, son of
Karan, aged twelve years, arrived at court and paid his respects, and
presented the arzis of his father and grandfather, Rana Amra Singh.
_His countenance carried the impression of his illustrious
extraction,[4.12.45] and I delighted his heart with presents and
kindness._
"On the 10th Shaban,[4.12.46] Jagat Singh had permission to return to
his house. At his departure I presented him with 20,000 rupees, a horse,
elephant, and khilats [365]; and to Haridas Jhala, preceptor of Prince
Karan, 5000 rupees, a horse, and khilat; and I sent by him six golden
images[4.12.47] to the Rana.
"28th Rabiu-l-Ākhir,[4.12.48] 11th year. _The statues of the Rana and
Karan, sculptured in white marble, I desired should have inscribed the
date in which they were prepared and presented, and commanded they
should be placed in the gardens at Agra._[4.12.49]
"In the 11th year of my reign an arzi from Itimad Khan acquainted me
that Sultan Khurram had entered the Rana’s country, and that prince and
his son had both exchanged visits with my son; and that from the
tribute, consisting of seven elephants, twenty-seven saddle horses,
trays of jewels, and ornaments of gold, my son took three horses and
returned all the rest, and engaged that Prince Karan and fifteen hundred
Rajput horse should remain with him in the wars.
"In the 13th year Prince Karan repaired to my court, then at Sindla, to
congratulate me on my victories and conquest of the Deccan, and
presented 100 mohars,[4.12.50] 1000 rupees, nazarana, and effects in
gold and jewels to the amount of 21,000 rupees, hardy elephants and
horses; the last I returned, but kept the rest, and next day presented
him a dress of honour; and from Fatehpur gave him his leave, with
elephant, horse, sword, and dagger, and a horse for his father.
"14th year of my reign. On the 17th Rabiu-l-awwal,[4.12.51] 1029 H., I
received intelligence of the death of Rana Amra Singh.[4.12.52] To Jagat
Singh, his grandson, and Bhim Singh, his son, in attendance, I gave
khilats, and dispatched Raja Kishordas[4.12.53] with the farman
conferring benefits and with the dignity of Rana, the khilat of
investiture, choice horses, and a letter of condolence suitable to the
occasion to Prince Karan. 7th Shawwal.[4.12.54] Biharidas Brahman I
dispatched with a [366] farman to Rana Karan, desiring that his son with
his contingent should attend me."
=Treatment of the Rāna by Jahāngīr.=—To have generalized this detail of
the royal historian would have been to lessen the interest of this
important period in the annals of Mewar. Jahangir merits to have his
exultation, his noble and unostentatious conduct, described by his own
pen, the extreme minuteness of which description but increases the
interest. With his self-gratulation, he bears full testimony to the
gallant and long-protracted resistance of the Rajputs; and while he
impartially, though rather erroneously, estimates their motives and
means of opposition, he does Amra ample justice in the declaration, that
he did not yield until he had but the alternative of captivity or exile;
and with a magnanimity above all praise, he records the Rajput prince’s
salvo for his dignity, “that he would hold himself excused from
attending in person.” The simple and naïve declaration of his joy, "his
going abroad on ‛Alam Guman," the favourite elephant of the Rana which
had been captured, on learning his submission, is far stronger than the
most pompous testimony of public rejoicing. But there is a
heart-stirring philanthropy in the conduct of the Mogul which does him
immortal honour; and in commanding his son “to treat the illustrious one
according to his heart’s wishes,” though he so long and so signally had
foiled the royal armies, he proved himself worthy of the good fortune he
acknowledges, and well shows his sense of the superiority of the chief
of all the Rajputs, by placing the heir of Mewar, even above all the
princes of his own house, ‘immediately on his right hand.’ Whether he
attempts to relieve the shyness of Karan, or sets forth the princely
appearance of Jagat Singh, we see the same amiable feeling operating to
lighten the chains of the conquered. But the shyness of Karan deserved a
worthier term: he felt the degradation which neither the statues raised
to them, the right hand of the monarch, the dignity of a ‘commander of
five thousand,’ or even the restoration of the long-alienated territory
could neutralize, when the kingdom to which he was heir was called a
fief (_jagir_), and himself, ‘the descendant of a hundred kings,’ a
vassal (_jagirdar_) of the empire, under whose banner, which his
ancestors had so signally opposed, he was now to follow with a
contingent of fifteen hundred Rajput horse.
Seldom has subjugated royalty met with such consideration; yet, to a
lofty mind like Amra’s, this courteous condescension but increased the
severity of endurance [367]. In the bitterness of his heart he cursed
the magnanimity of Khurram, himself of Rajput blood[4.12.55] and an
admirer of Rajput valour, which circumstance more than the force of his
arms had induced him to surrender; for Khurram demanded but the
friendship of the Rajput as the price of peace, and to withdraw every
Muhammadan from Mewar if the Rana would but receive the emperor’s farman
outside of his capital. This his proud soul rejected; and though he
visited Prince Khurram as a friend, he spurned the proposition of
acknowledging a superior, or receiving the rank and titles awaiting such
an admission. The noble Amra, who—
Rather than be less,
Cared not to be at all—
took the resolution to abdicate[4.12.56] the throne he could no longer
hold but at the will of another. Assembling his chiefs, and disclosing
his determination, he made the _tīka_ on his son’s forehead; and
observing that the honour of Mewar was now in his hands, forthwith left
the capital and secluded himself in the Nauchauki:[4.12.57] nor did he
from that hour cross its threshold, but to have his ashes deposited with
those of his fathers.
=Character of Rāna Amar Singh.=—All comment is superfluous on such a
character as Rana Amra. He was worthy of Partap and his race. He
possessed all the physical as well as mental qualities of a hero, and
was the tallest and strongest of all the princes of Mewar. He was not so
fair as they usually are, and he had a reserve bordering upon
gloominess, doubtless occasioned by his reverses, for it was not natural
to him; he was beloved by his chiefs for the qualities they most esteem,
generosity and valour, and by his subjects for his justice and kindness,
of which we can judge from his edicts, many of which yet live on the
column or the rock [368].
-----
Footnote 4.12.1:
S. 1653, A.D. 1597.
Footnote 4.12.2:
[It has now been established by Mr. V. A. Smith that Akbar died on
October 17, O.S., October 27, N.S., 1605 (_IA_, xliv. November 1915).]
Footnote 4.12.3:
The embassy under Sir Thomas Roe was prepared by Elizabeth, but did
not proceed till the accession of James. He arrived just as Mewar had
bent her head to the Mogul yoke, and speaks of the Rajput prince
Karan, whom he saw at court as a hostage for the treaty, with
admiration. [The embassy was in India from 1615 to 1619. Roe’s Journal
has been edited by W. Foster, Hakluyt Society, 1899.]
Footnote 4.12.4:
[The question has been discussed in the _Būndi Annals_, below.]
Footnote 4.12.5:
The _Amrasahi pagri_, or turban, is still used by the Rana and some
nobles on court days, but the foreign nobility have the privilege, in
this respect, of conforming to their own tribes.
Footnote 4.12.6:
_Amara mahall._
Footnote 4.12.7:
A small brass ornament placed at the corners of the carpet to keep it
steady.
Footnote 4.12.8:
This is a signal both of defiance and self-gratulation.
Footnote 4.12.9:
S. 1664, A.D. 1608.
Footnote 4.12.10:
Phalgun 7th, S. 1666, the spring of A.D. 1610. Ferishta [Dow iii. 37]
misplaces this battle, making it immediately precede the invasion
under Khurram. The defeats of the Mogul forces are generally styled
‘recalls of the commander.’
Footnote 4.12.11:
Dudo, Sangawat of Deogarh, Narayandas, Surajmall, Askarn, all Sesodias
of the first rank; Puran Mall, son of Bhan, the chief of the
Saktawats; Haridas Rathor, Bhopat the Jhala of Sadri, Kahirdas
Kachhwaha, Keshodas Chauhan of Bedla, Mukunddas Rathor, Jaimallot, of
the blood of Jaimall.
Footnote 4.12.12:
[When Partāp was attacked by Akbar, Sakra, as he is called, paid his
respects at court, and was appointed Commander of 200 (_Āīn_, i.
519).]
Footnote 4.12.13:
“Chitor, an antient great kingdom, the chief city so called, which
standeth upon a mighty hill flat on the top, walled about at the least
ten English miles. _There appear to this day above a hundred ruined
churches, and divers fair palaces, which are lodged in like manner
among the ruins, besides many exquisite pillars of carved stone, and
the ruins likewise of a hundred thousand stone houses, as many English
by their observation have guessed._ There is but one ascent unto it,
cut out of a firm rock, to which a man must pass through four
(sometime very magnificent) gates. _Its chief inhabitants at this day
are Ziim and Ohim, birds and wild beasts; but the stately ruins
thereof give a shadow of its beauty while it flourished in its pride._
It was won from Ramas, an ancient Indian prince, who was forced to
live himself ever after on high mountainous places adjoining to that
province, and his posterity to live there ever since. Taken from him
it was by Achabar Padsha (the father of that king who lived and
reigned when I was in these parts) after a very long siege, which
famished the besieged, without which it could never have been gotten.”
[E. Terry, _A Voyage to East-India_, 1777, p. 77 f.]
Footnote 4.12.14:
An isolated rock in the plain between the confluence of the Parbati
and Chambal, and the famous Ranthambhor. The author has twice passed
it in his travels in these regions.
Footnote 4.12.15:
It was one of his sons who apostatized from his faith, who is well
known in the imperial history as Mahabat Khan, beyond doubt the most
daring chief in Jahangir’s reign [see p. 386, above]. This is the
secret of his bond of union with prince Khurram (Shah Jahan), himself
half a Rajput. It was with his Rajputs Mahabat did that daring deed,
making Jahangir prisoner in his own camp, in the zenith of his power.
Footnote 4.12.16:
Page 175, above.
Footnote 4.12.17:
Family priest.
Footnote 4.12.18:
I have visited the cenotaphs of Sakta and his successors at the almost
insulated Bhainsror on the Chambal. The castle is on a rock at the
confluence of the black Bamani and the Chambal.
Footnote 4.12.19:
[Idar was not occupied by the Rāthors till 1728 (_IGI_, xiii. 325).]
Footnote 4.12.20:
Probably the identical temple to the Mother, in which I found a
valuable inscription of Kumarpal of Anhilwara Patan, dated S. 1207.
Palod is in the district of Nimbahera, now alienated from Mewar, and
under that upstart Pathan, Amir Khan.
Footnote 4.12.21:
One of the five sacred mounts of the Jains, of whose faith was the
minister. Of these I shall speak at length in the Personal Narrative.
[_IGI_, xix. 316 ff.]
Footnote 4.12.22:
‘Double gifts, fourfold sacrifice.’ Meaning, with increase of their
prince’s favour the sacrifice of their lives would progress; and
which, for the sake of euphony probably, preceded the birad won by the
founder, ‘_the barrier to Khurasan and Multan_.’
The _Birad_ of the Chondawats is: _Das sahas Mewār ka bar Kewār_, ‘the
portal of the ten thousand [towns] of Mewār.’ It is related that
Sakta, jealous of so sweeping a birad, complained that nothing was
left for him: when the master bard replied, he was _Kewār ka aggal_,
the bar which secures the door (_Kewār_).
Footnote 4.12.23:
Sakta.—17 sons.
│
Bhanji.
┌──────────────┬──────────┬───────────┬────────────┐
│ │ │ │ │
Dayāl. Ber. Man. Gokuldās. Pūran Mall.
│
Sabal Singh.
│
Mokham Singh.
│
Amar Singh.
│
Prithi Singh.
│
Jeth Singh.
│
Ummed Singh.
│
Kushāl Singh.
│
Zorāwar,
[to whom succeeded in order Hamīr Singh, Madan Singh, Kesari Singh,
and Mādho Singh, the present Mahārāja, who succeeded in 1900 (Erskine
ii. A. 99).]
Footnote 4.12.24:
A.D. 1611.
Footnote 4.12.25:
Translated ‘Brampoor’ in Dow’s _Ferishta_, and transferred to the
Deccan; and the pass (_bāla-ghāt_) rendered the Bālaghāt mountains of
the south. There are numerous similar errors. [The Author seems to be
mistaken. Dow (iii. 39) speaks of “Brampour, the capital of the Rana’s
dominions.” Khāmnor is in W. Mewār, a little distance south of
Nāthdwāra.]
Footnote 4.12.26:
The details of battles, unless accompanied by exploits of individuals,
are very uninteresting. Under this impression, I have suppressed
whatever could impair the current of action by amplification,
otherwise not only the Rajput bard, but the contemporary Mogul
historian, would have afforded abundant matter; but I have deemed both
worthy of neglect in such cases. Ferishta’s history is throughout most
faulty in its geographical details, rendered still more obscure from
the erroneous orthography, often arising from mistaken punctuation of
the only translation of this valuable work yet before the public.
There is one gentleman (Lieut.-Col. Briggs) well qualified to remedy
these defects, and who, with a laudable industry, has made an entire
translation of the works of Ferishta, besides collating the best MSS.
of the original text. It is to be hoped he will present his
performance to the public. [This appeared in four volumes, 1829;
reprinted, Calcutta, 1908.]
Footnote 4.12.27:
[_Memoirs of Jahāngīr_, trans. Rogers-Beveridge, p. 70. The incorrect
versions of this and other passages in the text have been replaced
from the recent translation and that in Elliot-Dowson.]
Footnote 4.12.28:
[_Memoirs_, 256.]
Footnote 4.12.29:
[_Ibid._ 259.]
Footnote 4.12.30:
[_Ibid._ 260.]
Footnote 4.12.31:
The giving the hand amongst all nations has been considered as a
pledge for the performance or ratification of some act of importance,
and the custom amongst the Scythic or Tatar nations, of transmitting
its impress as a substitute, is here practically described. I have
seen the identical Farman in the Rana’s archives. The hand being
immersed in a compost of sandalwood, is applied to the paper, and the
palm and five fingers (_panja_) are yet distinct. In a masterly
delineation of Oriental manners (_Carne’s Letters from the East_) is
given an anecdote of Muhammad, who, unable to sign his name to a
convention, dipped his hand in ink, and made an impression therewith.
It is evident the Prophet of Islam only followed an ancient solemnity,
of the same import as that practised by Jahangir.
Footnote 4.12.32:
[_Memoirs_, 272 ff.]
Footnote 4.12.33:
[_Ibid._ 275.]
Footnote 4.12.34:
[The Rāna is purposely treated as a mere landowner under the State.]
Footnote 4.12.35:
This was to avoid treachery. I have often had the honour to receive
the descendant princes, father and son, ‘of these illustrious ones’
together (note by the Author).
Footnote 4.12.36:
[_Memoirs_, 275 f.]
Footnote 4.12.37:
[The remaining part of the narrative is fairly correct, and has been
allowed to stand, with necessary corrections in transliteration of
proper names.]
Footnote 4.12.38:
Baz and Tura.
Footnote 4.12.39:
[On the famous oxen of Gujarat see Forbes, _Rāsmāla_, 540; Watt,
_Comm. Prod._ 733 ff.]
Footnote 4.12.40:
Of his reign.
Footnote 4.12.41:
Such was now the degraded title of the ancient, independent sovereign
Mewar. Happy Partap, whose ashes being mingled with his parent earth,
was spared his country’s humiliation!
Footnote 4.12.42:
[The second month of the Musalmān calendar.]
Footnote 4.12.43:
With this the annals state the restoration of many districts: the
Kherar, Phulia, Badnor, Mandalgarh, Jiran, Nimach, and Bhainsror, with
supremacy over Deolia, and Dungarpur.
Footnote 4.12.44:
[The first month of the Muhammadan year.]
Footnote 4.12.45:
It must have been this grandson of Amra of whom Sir Thomas Roe thus
writes: “The right issue of Porus is here a king in the midst of the
Mogul’s dominions, never subdued till last year; and, to say the
truth, he is rather bought than conquered: won to own a superior by
gifts and not by arms. The pillar erected by Alexander is yet standing
at Delhi, the ancient seat of Rama, the successor of Porus” (_Extract
of a letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury, dated at Ajmere, January
29, 1615_).
Copy of a letter written by the great Mogul unto King James, in the
Persian tongue, here faithfully translated, which was as follows:
"Unto a king rightly descended from his ancestors, bred in military
affairs, clothed with honour and justice, a commander worthy of all
command, strong and constant in the religion which the great prophet
Christ did teach, King James, whose love hath bred such an impression
in my thoughts as shall never be forgotten; but as the smell of amber,
or as a garden of fragrant flowers, whose beauty and odour is still
increasing, so, be assured, my love shall still grow and increase with
yours.
"The letters which you sent me in the behalf of your merchants I have
received, whereby I rest satisfied of your tender love towards me,
desiring you not to take it ill, that I have not wrote to you
heretofore: this present letter I send to you to renew our loves, and
herewith do certifie you, that I have sent forth my firmaunes
throughout all my countries to this effect, that if any English ships
or merchants shall arrive in any of my ports, my people shall permit
and suffer them to do what they please, freely in their merchandising
causes, aiding and assisting them in all occasion of injuries that
shall be offered them, that the least cause of discourtesie be not
done unto them; that they may be as free, or freer than my own people.
"And as now, and formerly, I have received from you divers tokens of
your love; so I shall still desire your mindfulness of me by some
novelties from your countries, as an argument of friendship betwixt
us, for such is the custom of princes here.
"And for your merchants, I have given express order through all my
dominions, to suffer them to buy, sell, transport, and carry away at
their pleasure, without the lett or hinderance of any person
whatsoever, all such goods and merchandises as they shall desire to
buy; and let this my letter as fully satisfie you in desired peace and
love, as if my own son had been messenger to ratifie the same.
"And if any in my countries, not fearing God, nor obeying their king,
or any other void of religion, should endeavour to be an instrument to
break this league of friendship, I would send my son Sultan Caroom, a
souldier approved in the wars, to cut him off, that no obstacle may
hinder the continuance and increase of our affections.
"When your majesty shall open this letter, let your royal heart be as
fresh as a small garden, let all people make reverence at your gate.
Let your throne be advanced higher. Amongst the greatness of the kings
of the prophet Jesus, let your majesty be the greatest; and all
monarchs derive their wisdom and counsel from your breast, as from a
fountain, that the law of the majesty of Jesus may receive, and
flourish under your protection.
“The letters of love and friendship which you sent me, the present
tokens of your good affection towards me, I have received by the hands
of your ambassadour, Sir Thomas Row, who well deserveth to be your
trusty servant, delivered to me in an acceptable and happy hour; upon
which mine eyes were so fixed, that I could not easily remove them
unto any other objects, and have accepted them with great joy and
delight, etc.”
The last letter had this beginning: “How gracious is your majesty,
whose greatness God preserve. As upon a rose in a garden, so are mine
eyes fixed upon you. God maintain your estate, that your monarchy may
prosper and be augmented; and that you may obtain all your desires
worthy the greatness of your renown; and as the heart is noble and
upright, so let God give you a glorious reign, because you strongly
defend the law of the majesty of Jesus, which God made yet more
flourishing, for that it was confirmed by miracles, etc.” (_Della
Valle_, p. 473).
Footnote 4.12.46:
[Sha’bān, the eighth month.]
Footnote 4.12.47:
There are frequent mention of such images (_putlis_), but I know not
which they are. [The word in the original is _Shoshpari_, ‘golden
maces.’]
Footnote 4.12.48:
[The fourth month.]
Footnote 4.12.49:
[On these statues see Smith, _HFA_, 426 ff.]
Footnote 4.12.50:
Golden suns, value £1 : 12s.
Footnote 4.12.51:
[The third month.]
Footnote 4.12.52:
[He died in 1620.]
Footnote 4.12.53:
Increasing the respect to the Ranas by making a prince the bearer of
the farman.
Footnote 4.12.54:
[The tenth month.]
Footnote 4.12.55:
Khurram was son of a Rajput princess of Amber [whose name, according
to Beale, was Balmati] of the Kachhwaha tribe, and hence his name was
probably _Kurm_, synonymous to _kachhwa_, a tortoise. The bards are
always punning upon it. [The Persian word _khurram_, ‘glad, joyful,’
has, of course, no connexion with Hindi kurm, ‘a tortoise.’]
Footnote 4.12.56:
Surrendered S. 1672, A.D. 1616 (according to Dow, S. 1669, A.D..
1613); died 1621 [1620. There seems to be no corroboration of his
abdication.]
Footnote 4.12.57:
It must have been here that Sultan Khurram visited the Rana. The
remains of this palace, about half a mile without the city wall
(north), on a cluster of hills, are yet in existence. It was built by
Udai Singh on the banks of a lake, under which are gardens and groves,
where the author had the Rana’s permission to pitch his tents in the
hottest months. [When Khurram was in revolt against his father, he
stayed at first in the Rāna’s palace; but as his followers little
respected Rājput prejudices, he removed to the Jagmandir, and the
island became his home till shortly before his father’s death (Erskine
ii. A. 109).]
-----