STRANGER: Well, such as this:--Every man will reflect that he suffers

strange things at the hands of both of them; the physician saves

any whom he wishes to save, and any whom he wishes to maltreat he

maltreats--cutting or burning them; and at the same time requiring them

to bring him payments, which are a sort of tribute, of which little or

nothing is spent upon the sick man, and the greater part is consumed by

him and his domestics; and the finale is that he receives money from the

relations of the sick man or from some enemy of his, and puts him out of

the way. And the pilots of ships are guilty of numberless evil deeds of

the same kind; they intentionally play false and leave you ashore when

the hour of sailing arrives; or they cause mishaps at sea and cast away

their freight; and are guilty of other rogueries. Now suppose that we,

bearing all this in mind, were to determine, after consideration, that

neither of these arts shall any longer be allowed to exercise absolute

control either over freemen or over slaves, but that we will summon an

assembly either of all the people, or of the rich only, that anybody who

likes, whatever may be his calling, or even if he have no calling, may

offer an opinion either about seamanship or about diseases--whether as

to the manner in which physic or surgical instruments are to be applied

to the patient, or again about the vessels and the nautical implements

which are required in navigation, and how to meet the dangers of

winds and waves which are incidental to the voyage, how to behave when

encountering pirates, and what is to be done with the old-fashioned

galleys, if they have to fight with others of a similar build--and that,

whatever shall be decreed by the multitude on these points, upon

the advice of persons skilled or unskilled, shall be written down on

triangular tablets and columns, or enacted although unwritten to be

national customs; and that in all future time vessels shall be navigated

and remedies administered to the patient after this fashion.

YOUNG SOCRATES: What a strange notion!

STRANGER: Suppose further, that the pilots and physicians are appointed

annually, either out of the rich, or out of the whole people, and that

they are elected by lot; and that after their election they navigate

vessels and heal the sick according to the written rules.

YOUNG SOCRATES: Worse and worse.

STRANGER: But hear what follows:--When the year of office has expired,

the pilot or physician has to come before a court of review, in which

the judges are either selected from the wealthy classes or chosen by lot

out of the whole people; and anybody who pleases may be their accuser,

and may lay to their charge, that during the past year they have not

navigated their vessels or healed their patients according to the letter

of the law and the ancient customs of their ancestors; and if either of

them is condemned, some of the judges must fix what he is to suffer or

pay.

YOUNG SOCRATES: He who is willing to take a command under such

conditions, deserves to suffer any penalty.

STRANGER: Yet once more, we shall have to enact that if any one is

detected enquiring into piloting and navigation, or into health and the

true nature of medicine, or about the winds, or other conditions of the

atmosphere, contrary to the written rules, and has any ingenious notions

about such matters, he is not to be called a pilot or physician, but a

cloudy prating sophist;--further, on the ground that he is a corrupter

of the young, who would persuade them to follow the art of medicine or

piloting in an unlawful manner, and to exercise an arbitrary rule over

their patients or ships, any one who is qualified by law may inform

against him, and indict him in some court, and then if he is found to

be persuading any, whether young or old, to act contrary to the written

law, he is to be punished with the utmost rigour; for no one should

presume to be wiser than the laws; and as touching healing and health

and piloting and navigation, the nature of them is known to all, for

anybody may learn the written laws and the national customs. If such

were the mode of procedure, Socrates, about these sciences and about

generalship, and any branch of hunting, or about painting or imitation

in general, or carpentry, or any sort of handicraft, or husbandry, or

planting, or if we were to see an art of rearing horses, or tending

herds, or divination, or any ministerial service, or draught-playing, or

any science conversant with number, whether simple or square or cube,

or comprising motion,--I say, if all these things were done in this way

according to written regulations, and not according to art, what would

be the result?

YOUNG SOCRATES: All the arts would utterly perish, and could never be

recovered, because enquiry would be unlawful. And human life, which is

bad enough already, would then become utterly unendurable.

STRANGER: But what, if while compelling all these operations to be

regulated by written law, we were to appoint as the guardian of the laws

some one elected by a show of hands, or by lot, and he caring nothing

about the laws, were to act contrary to them from motives of interest

or favour, and without knowledge,--would not this be a still worse evil

than the former?

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true.

STRANGER: To go against the laws, which are based upon long experience,

and the wisdom of counsellors who have graciously recommended them and

persuaded the multitude to pass them, would be a far greater and more

ruinous error than any adherence to written law?

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly.

STRANGER: Therefore, as there is a danger of this, the next best thing

in legislating is not to allow either the individual or the multitude to

break the law in any respect whatever.

YOUNG SOCRATES: True.

STRANGER: The laws would be copies of the true particulars of action as

far as they admit of being written down from the lips of those who have

knowledge?

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly they would.

STRANGER: And, as we were saying, he who has knowledge and is a true

Statesman, will do many things within his own sphere of action by his

art without regard to the laws, when he is of opinion that something

other than that which he has written down and enjoined to be observed

during his absence would be better.

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes, we said so.

STRANGER: And any individual or any number of men, having fixed laws, in

acting contrary to them with a view to something better, would only be

acting, as far as they are able, like the true Statesman?

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly.

STRANGER: If they had no knowledge of what they were doing, they would

imitate the truth, and they would always imitate ill; but if they had

knowledge, the imitation would be the perfect truth, and an imitation no

longer.

YOUNG SOCRATES: Quite true.

STRANGER: And the principle that no great number of men are able to

acquire a knowledge of any art has been already admitted by us.

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes, it has.

STRANGER: Then the royal or political art, if there be such an art, will

never be attained either by the wealthy or by the other mob.

YOUNG SOCRATES: Impossible.

STRANGER: Then the nearest approach which these lower forms of

government can ever make to the true government of the one scientific

ruler, is to do nothing contrary to their own written laws and national

customs.

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very good.

STRANGER: When the rich imitate the true form, such a government is

called aristocracy; and when they are regardless of the laws, oligarchy.

YOUNG SOCRATES: True.

STRANGER: Or again, when an individual rules according to law in

imitation of him who knows, we call him a king; and if he rules

according to law, we give him the same name, whether he rules with

opinion or with knowledge.

YOUNG SOCRATES: To be sure.

STRANGER: And when an individual truly possessing knowledge rules, his

name will surely be the same--he will be called a king; and thus the

five names of governments, as they are now reckoned, become one.

YOUNG SOCRATES: That is true.

STRANGER: And when an individual ruler governs neither by law nor by

custom, but following in the steps of the true man of science pretends

that he can only act for the best by violating the laws, while in

reality appetite and ignorance are the motives of the imitation, may not

such an one be called a tyrant?

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly.

STRANGER: And this we believe to be the origin of the tyrant and the

king, of oligarchies, and aristocracies, and democracies,--because men

are offended at the one monarch, and can never be made to believe that

any one can be worthy of such authority, or is able and willing in the

spirit of virtue and knowledge to act justly and holily to all; they

fancy that he will be a despot who will wrong and harm and slay whom he

pleases of us; for if there could be such a despot as we describe, they

would acknowledge that we ought to be too glad to have him, and that he

alone would be the happy ruler of a true and perfect State.

YOUNG SOCRATES: To be sure.

STRANGER: But then, as the State is not like a beehive, and has no

natural head who is at once recognized to be the superior both in body

and in mind, mankind are obliged to meet and make laws, and endeavour to

approach as nearly as they can to the true form of government.

YOUNG SOCRATES: True.

STRANGER: And when the foundation of politics is in the letter only

and in custom, and knowledge is divorced from action, can we wonder,

Socrates, at the miseries which there are, and always will be, in

States? Any other art, built on such a foundation and thus conducted,

would ruin all that it touched. Ought we not rather to wonder at the

natural strength of the political bond? For States have endured all

this, time out of mind, and yet some of them still remain and are not

overthrown, though many of them, like ships at sea, founder from time

to time, and perish and have perished and will hereafter perish, through

the badness of their pilots and crews, who have the worst sort of

ignorance of the highest truths--I mean to say, that they are wholly

unaquainted with politics, of which, above all other sciences, they

believe themselves to have acquired the most perfect knowledge.

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true.

STRANGER: Then the question arises:--which of these untrue forms of

government is the least oppressive to their subjects, though they are

all oppressive; and which is the worst of them? Here is a consideration

which is beside our present purpose, and yet having regard to the whole

it seems to influence all our actions: we must examine it.

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes, we must.

STRANGER: You may say that of the three forms, the same is at once the

hardest and the easiest.

YOUNG SOCRATES: What do you mean?

STRANGER: I am speaking of the three forms of government, which I

mentioned at the beginning of this discussion--monarchy, the rule of the

few, and the rule of the many.

YOUNG SOCRATES: True.

STRANGER: If we divide each of these we shall have six, from which the

true one may be distinguished as a seventh.

YOUNG SOCRATES: How would you make the division?

STRANGER: Monarchy divides into royalty and tyranny; the rule of the

few into aristocracy, which has an auspicious name, and oligarchy; and

democracy or the rule of the many, which before was one, must now be

divided.

YOUNG SOCRATES: On what principle of division?

STRANGER: On the same principle as before, although the name is now

discovered to have a twofold meaning. For the distinction of ruling with

law or without law, applies to this as well as to the rest.

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes.

STRANGER: The division made no difference when we were looking for the

perfect State, as we showed before. But now that this has been separated

off, and, as we said, the others alone are left for us, the principle of

law and the absence of law will bisect them all.

YOUNG SOCRATES: That would seem to follow, from what has been said.

STRANGER: Then monarchy, when bound by good prescriptions or laws,

is the best of all the six, and when lawless is the most bitter and

oppressive to the subject.

YOUNG SOCRATES: True.

STRANGER: The government of the few, which is intermediate between that

of the one and many, is also intermediate in good and evil; but the

government of the many is in every respect weak and unable to do either

any great good or any great evil, when compared with the others, because

the offices are too minutely subdivided and too many hold them. And this

therefore is the worst of all lawful governments, and the best of all

lawless ones. If they are all without the restraints of law, democracy

is the form in which to live is best; if they are well ordered, then

this is the last which you should choose, as royalty, the first form, is

the best, with the exception of the seventh, for that excels them all,

and is among States what God is among men.

YOUNG SOCRATES: You are quite right, and we should choose that above

all.

STRANGER: The members of all these States, with the exception of the

one which has knowledge, may be set aside as being not Statesmen but

partisans,--upholders of the most monstrous idols, and themselves idols;

and, being the greatest imitators and magicians, they are also the

greatest of Sophists.

YOUNG SOCRATES: The name of Sophist after many windings in the argument

appears to have been most justly fixed upon the politicians, as they are

termed.

STRANGER: And so our satyric drama has been played out; and the troop of

Centaurs and Satyrs, however unwilling to leave the stage, have at last

been separated from the political science.

YOUNG SOCRATES: So I perceive.

STRANGER: There remain, however, natures still more troublesome, because

they are more nearly akin to the king, and more difficult to discern;

the examination of them may be compared to the process of refining gold.

YOUNG SOCRATES: What is your meaning?

STRANGER: The workmen begin by sifting away the earth and stones and

the like; there remain in a confused mass the valuable elements akin to

gold, which can only be separated by fire,--copper, silver, and other

precious metal; these are at last refined away by the use of tests,

until the gold is left quite pure.

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes, that is the way in which these things are said to

be done.

STRANGER: In like manner, all alien and uncongenial matter has been

separated from political science, and what is precious and of a kindred

nature has been left; there remain the nobler arts of the general and

the judge, and the higher sort of oratory which is an ally of the royal

art, and persuades men to do justice, and assists in guiding the helm of

States:--How can we best clear away all these, leaving him whom we seek

alone and unalloyed?

YOUNG SOCRATES: That is obviously what has in some way to be attempted.

STRANGER: If the attempt is all that is wanting, he shall certainly be

brought to light; and I think that the illustration of music may assist

in exhibiting him. Please to answer me a question.

YOUNG SOCRATES: What question?

STRANGER: There is such a thing as learning music or handicraft arts in

general?

YOUNG SOCRATES: There is.

STRANGER: And is there any higher art or science, having power to decide

which of these arts are and are not to be learned;--what do you say?

YOUNG SOCRATES: I should answer that there is.

STRANGER: And do we acknowledge this science to be different from the

others?

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes.

STRANGER: And ought the other sciences to be superior to this, or no

single science to any other? Or ought this science to be the overseer

and governor of all the others?

YOUNG SOCRATES: The latter.

STRANGER: You mean to say that the science which judges whether we ought

to learn or not, must be superior to the science which is learned or

which teaches?

YOUNG SOCRATES: Far superior.

STRANGER: And the science which determines whether we ought to persuade

or not, must be superior to the science which is able to persuade?

YOUNG SOCRATES: Of course.

STRANGER: Very good; and to what science do we assign the power of

persuading a multitude by a pleasing tale and not by teaching?

YOUNG SOCRATES: That power, I think, must clearly be assigned to

rhetoric.

STRANGER: And to what science do we give the power of determining

whether we are to employ persuasion or force towards any one, or to

refrain altogether?

YOUNG SOCRATES: To that science which governs the arts of speech and

persuasion.

STRANGER: Which, if I am not mistaken, will be politics?

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very good.

STRANGER: Rhetoric seems to be quickly distinguished from politics,

being a different species, yet ministering to it.

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes.

STRANGER: But what would you think of another sort of power or science?

YOUNG SOCRATES: What science?

STRANGER: The science which has to do with military operations against

our enemies--is that to be regarded as a science or not?

YOUNG SOCRATES: How can generalship and military tactics be regarded as

other than a science?

STRANGER: And is the art which is able and knows how to advise when we

are to go to war, or to make peace, the same as this or different?

YOUNG SOCRATES: If we are to be consistent, we must say different.

STRANGER: And we must also suppose that this rules the other, if we are

not to give up our former notion?

YOUNG SOCRATES: True.

STRANGER: And, considering how great and terrible the whole art of war

is, can we imagine any which is superior to it but the truly royal?

YOUNG SOCRATES: No other.

STRANGER: The art of the general is only ministerial, and therefore not

political?

YOUNG SOCRATES: Exactly.

STRANGER: Once more let us consider the nature of the righteous judge.

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very good.

STRANGER: Does he do anything but decide the dealings of men with one

another to be just or unjust in accordance with the standard which he

receives from the king and legislator,--showing his own peculiar virtue

only in this, that he is not perverted by gifts, or fears, or pity, or

by any sort of favour or enmity, into deciding the suits of men with one

another contrary to the appointment of the legislator?

YOUNG SOCRATES: No; his office is such as you describe.

STRANGER: Then the inference is that the power of the judge is not

royal, but only the power of a guardian of the law which ministers to

the royal power?

YOUNG SOCRATES: True.

STRANGER: The review of all these sciences shows that none of them is

political or royal. For the truly royal ought not itself to act, but to

rule over those who are able to act; the king ought to know what is and

what is not a fitting opportunity for taking the initiative in matters

of the greatest importance, whilst others should execute his orders.

YOUNG SOCRATES: True.

STRANGER: And, therefore, the arts which we have described, as they

have no authority over themselves or one another, but are each of them

concerned with some special action of their own, have, as they ought to

have, special names corresponding to their several actions.

YOUNG SOCRATES: I agree.

STRANGER: And the science which is over them all, and has charge of the

laws, and of all matters affecting the State, and truly weaves them

all into one, if we would describe under a name characteristic of their

common nature, most truly we may call politics.

YOUNG SOCRATES: Exactly so.

STRANGER: Then, now that we have discovered the various classes in

a State, shall I analyse politics after the pattern which weaving

supplied?

YOUNG SOCRATES: I greatly wish that you would.

STRANGER: Then I must describe the nature of the royal web, and show how

the various threads are woven into one piece.

YOUNG SOCRATES: Clearly.

STRANGER: A task has to be accomplished, which, although difficult,

appears to be necessary.

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly the attempt must be made.

STRANGER: To assume that one part of virtue differs in kind from

another, is a position easily assailable by contentious disputants, who

appeal to popular opinion.

YOUNG SOCRATES: I do not understand.

STRANGER: Let me put the matter in another way: I suppose that you would

consider courage to be a part of virtue?

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly I should.

STRANGER: And you would think temperance to be different from courage;

and likewise to be a part of virtue?

YOUNG SOCRATES: True.

STRANGER: I shall venture to put forward a strange theory about them.

YOUNG SOCRATES: What is it?

STRANGER: That they are two principles which thoroughly hate one another

and are antagonistic throughout a great part of nature.

YOUNG SOCRATES: How singular!

STRANGER: Yes, very--for all the parts of virtue are commonly said to be

friendly to one another.

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes.

STRANGER: Then let us carefully investigate whether this is universally

true, or whether there are not parts of virtue which are at war with

their kindred in some respect.

YOUNG SOCRATES: Tell me how we shall consider that question.

STRANGER: We must extend our enquiry to all those things which we

consider beautiful and at the same time place in two opposite classes.

YOUNG SOCRATES: Explain; what are they?

STRANGER: Acuteness and quickness, whether in body or soul or in the

movement of sound, and the imitations of them which painting and music

supply, you must have praised yourself before now, or been present when

others praised them.

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly.

STRANGER: And do you remember the terms in which they are praised?

YOUNG SOCRATES: I do not.

STRANGER: I wonder whether I can explain to you in words the thought

which is passing in my mind.

YOUNG SOCRATES: Why not?

STRANGER: You fancy that this is all so easy: Well, let us consider

these notions with reference to the opposite classes of action under

which they fall. When we praise quickness and energy and acuteness,

whether of mind or body or sound, we express our praise of the quality

which we admire by one word, and that one word is manliness or courage.

YOUNG SOCRATES: How?

STRANGER: We speak of an action as energetic and brave, quick and manly,

and vigorous too; and when we apply the name of which I speak as the

common attribute of all these natures, we certainly praise them.

YOUNG SOCRATES: True.

STRANGER: And do we not often praise the quiet strain of action also?

YOUNG SOCRATES: To be sure.

STRANGER: And do we not then say the opposite of what we said of the

other?

YOUNG SOCRATES: How do you mean?

STRANGER: We exclaim How calm! How temperate! in admiration of the slow

and quiet working of the intellect, and of steadiness and gentleness in

action, of smoothness and depth of voice, and of all rhythmical movement

and of music in general, when these have a proper solemnity. Of all such

actions we predicate not courage, but a name indicative of order.

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true.

STRANGER: But when, on the other hand, either of these is out of place,

the names of either are changed into terms of censure.

YOUNG SOCRATES: How so?

STRANGER: Too great sharpness or quickness or hardness is termed

violence or madness; too great slowness or gentleness is called

cowardice or sluggishness; and we may observe, that for the most part

these qualities, and the temperance and manliness of the opposite

characters, are arrayed as enemies on opposite sides, and do not mingle

with one another in their respective actions; and if we pursue the

enquiry, we shall find that men who have these different qualities of

mind differ from one another.

YOUNG SOCRATES: In what respect?

STRANGER: In respect of all the qualities which I mentioned, and very

likely of many others. According to their respective affinities to

either class of actions they distribute praise and blame,--praise to

the actions which are akin to their own, blame to those of the opposite

party--and out of this many quarrels and occasions of quarrel arise

among them.

YOUNG SOCRATES: True.

STRANGER: The difference between the two classes is often a trivial

concern; but in a state, and when affecting really important matters,

becomes of all disorders the most hateful.

YOUNG SOCRATES: To what do you refer?

STRANGER: To nothing short of the whole regulation of human life. For

the orderly class are always ready to lead a peaceful life, quietly

doing their own business; this is their manner of behaving with all

men at home, and they are equally ready to find some way of keeping the

peace with foreign States. And on account of this fondness of theirs for

peace, which is often out of season where their influence prevails, they

become by degrees unwarlike, and bring up their young men to be like

themselves; they are at the mercy of their enemies; whence in a

few years they and their children and the whole city often pass

imperceptibly from the condition of freemen into that of slaves.

YOUNG SOCRATES: What a cruel fate!

STRANGER: And now think of what happens with the more courageous

natures. Are they not always inciting their country to go to war, owing

to their excessive love of the military life? they raise up enemies

against themselves many and mighty, and either utterly ruin their

native-land or enslave and subject it to its foes?

YOUNG SOCRATES: That, again, is true.

STRANGER: Must we not admit, then, that where these two classes exist,

they always feel the greatest antipathy and antagonism towards one

another?

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