anachronism in that passage of the _Buscapié_, in which it is
affirmed that Oliver de la Marcha was living at the period when
Charles V. was challenged by the King of France. He appears to have
confounded the author of the _Caballero Determinado_, who lived in
the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, with the translator of the work,
Hernando de Acuña, who was contemporary with the Emperor, Charles V.
But similar errors are of frequent occurrence in the printed works of
Cervantes, as well as in the manuscript of _El Buscapié_.”
(S).
“The whole history is in print as related by Juan Calvete de Estrella.”
(Page 137.)
The following is the title of the work here alluded to--
_El felicissimo viage del muy alto y muy poderoso Príncipe don
Felipe, hijo del Emperador don Carlos Quinto Maximo, desde España
à sus tierras de la baja Alemaña, con la descripcion de todos los
estados de Brabante y Flandes, escripto en quatro libros por Juan
Calvete de Estrella. En Anvers en casa de Martín Nucio, 1552._
(The happy journey of the most high and powerful Prince Philip, son
of the Emperor Charles V., from Spain to his territories in lower
Germany;--together with a description of all the states of Brabant
and Flanders. Written in four books, by Juan Calvete de Estrella.
Published at Antwerp by Martín Nucio, 1552.)
(T).
“I know the book you speak of----. It contains nothing but truth, and
that cannot be said of the writings of all historians, some of whom
give currency to falsehood by narrating events which never took place.”
(Page 137.)
To the above passage, Don Adolfo de Castro appends the subjoined
note, which, though bearing no direct reference to anything
mentioned in the _Buscapié_, is nevertheless sufficiently curious to
claim a place here.
“It cannot be doubted that many unfounded statements, by dint
of being frequently repeated, come to be regarded as authentic
historical facts. An example of this kind which may be here adduced
had its origin in the Marques de San Felipe’s _Comentarios de la
guerra de España, e historia de Su Rey Felipe V. el animoso_.[88]
In that work we find the following passage--‘On the 24th of August,
1702, the combined English and Austrian fleet appeared before
Cádiz. The vessels formed a line along the coast; some anchoring
in the sands, and others slowly plying to windward. The Prince of
Armstad, with five hundred English, landed at Rota, and the Governor
of that town, after surrendering the place without opposition,
went over to the enemy. His treachery was rewarded by the title of
Marques, conferred on him by the Emperor of Austria. As soon as the
Spaniards regained possession of Rota, the Governor was arrested.
He was condemned to death and hanged by order of the Marquis de
Villadarias, Captain-General of Andalusia.’
“Such is the Marquis de San Felipe’s account of the taking of Rota,
by the English; and it was repeated by Fray Nicolás de Jesús Belando
in his history of the Spanish civil war of that period.
“Don Tomás de Yriarte, in his lessons on the History of Spain
(_Lecciones instructivas de la Historia de España_) relates the event
in the same manner as the two writers above-named, adding that the
Governor _was hanged as a traitor, rather than as a coward_.
“Don Antonio Alcalá Galiano, in his recently published History of
Spain conforms, in his account of the taking of Rota, with the
statements of the writers just noticed.
“And, lastly, to speak of myself,” pursues Don Adolfo de Castro, “in
the history of my native city Cádiz, which I published in the year
1845, I adopted the accounts of the writers who had preceded me,
presuming them to be correct. But it appears that all have been led
into error by the original misstatement of the Marquis de San Felipe.
The following is the true account of the affair.
“The Governor and Military Commandant of Rota was Don Francisco Díaz
Cano Carillo de los Ríos, who filled that post from the year 1690 to
1708, when he was appointed Corregidor and Commandant of the City
of Arcos. The English did not land at Rota, but between Rota and
the Cañuelos. So far from taking part with the enemy, the Governor
of Rota was desirous of putting the city in a state of defence, for
which object he applied for arms and ammunition to the City of Cádiz
and to the Marquis de Villadarias, Governor of Andalusia. But the
required assistance not being forthcoming, it was declared impossible
to defend Rota, and the Marquis de Villadarias then ordered the
Governor, with the few troops he had, to withdraw from the town and
proceed to Sanlucar. This order he executed in a manner perfectly
satisfactory, and after the enemy had left our shores he returned
to Rota, where he discharged the functions of governor until the
year 1708, when he was appointed corregidor of Arcos. Such are the
real facts of the case, founded on documents of unquestionable
authenticity, which have been collected by the Governor’s son, and
published at Madrid in a volume entitled, _Díaz Cana Vindicado_. Of
this publication two copies exist in Cádiz; the one belongs to Señor
Don Joaquim Rubio, and the other is in my possession.”
(V).
“On the road he encountered more adventures than ever fell to the lot
of that Monster of Fortune, Antonio Pérez” (Page 138).
Antonio Pérez, Secretary of King Philip II., fell into disgrace by
engaging in an intrigue with one of the King’s mistresses, and after
a series of misfortunes he was obliged to fly to France. He was the
author of many able works, historical and political, several of which
have never been published.
“That remarkable man,” says Don Adolfo de Castro, “who during his
life was so luckless as a statesman, has been, since his death, no
less unfortunate as an author, for those of his works which have
been printed in foreign countries are full of errors. I have in my
possession MS. copies of the following works of Antonio Pérez:”--
1. _Relaciones i cartas._ (“Narratives and Letters.”) This manuscript
is in 434 folios, and was written some time in the beginning of the
seventeenth century.
2. _Monstruosa vida del rey don Pedro de Costilla, llamado comunmente
el Cruel._[89] No notice is taken of this history by the learned
Nicolás Antonio, nor by any writer, Spanish or foreign, who has
commented on the _Life of Antonio Pérez_.
3. _El conocimento de las naciones de Antonio Pérez, Secretario de
estado que fué del Señor Rey D. Felipe II., discurso político fundado
en materia y razón de estado y gobierno, al Rey N. S. D. Felipe III.
de el estado que tenian sus reinos y señorios, y los de sus amigos
y enemigos con algunas advertencias sobre el modo de proceder y
gobernarse con los unos y con los otros._[90]
This work was written in the month of October, 1598, and Antonio
Pérez addressed it to Philip III. in the hope of conciliating the
favour of that monarch and obtaining permission to return to Spain.
It is one of the ablest political essays of which the Spanish
language can boast, and it is to be regretted that it has never been
published.
4. _Máximas de Antonio Pérez, Secretario del Rey D. Felipe II. al Rey
Enrique IV. de Francia._[91]
Neither Nicolás Antonio nor any other writer notices this work of the
astute politician. In these state maxims, which were written in May,
1600, Pérez betrays the vexation he experienced on finding Philip II.
disinclined to permit his return to Spain. In his _Conocimento
de las naciones_, Pérez intimates to King Philip the designs of the
King of France, and the best mode of defeating them, and in his
maxims, addressed to Henry IV., he recommends to that monarch various
enterprises hostile to the King of Spain.
5. _Breve compendio y elogio de la vida del Señor Rey D. Felipe
II._[92] Nicolás Antonio and other writers state that Antonio Pérez
was the author of this work. It is not an original production but a
translation by that eminent man, and is extracted from a _History of
Henry IV. of France_, written in the French language by Pedro Mateo.
(U).
“More malignant than Arcalaus.” (Page 139).
Proper names terminating in _us_, as _Arcalaus_, _Arcus_, and others,
met with in books of chivalry are not in accordance with the true
spirit of the Spanish language. In adopting Latin words having the
terminations _us_ and _um_, the Spaniards have transferred them to
their own language through the medium of the ablative or dative case;
thus from _tetricus_ they derive _tétrico_, from _templum_, _templo_,
&c. Don Adolfo de Castro observes that he recollects only one proper
name in which the termination _us_ is retained, namely, _Nicodemus_;
but the _us_ is changed to _os_ in the following names;--_Carlos_ for
_Carolus_; _Marcos_ for _Marcus_; _Longinos_ for _Longinus_, and some
others.
Not only in proper names do we find the terminations _us_ and _um_
converted into _o_, the same change is observable in compound
words; thus _cumsecum_ is converted into _consigo_; _cumtecum_ into
_contigo_, &c.
The Latin termination has been preserved in the word _vade-mecum_;
and modern writers have attempted to introduce several other words of
similar formation, such as _album_, _consideratum_, _ultimatum_, and
_desideratum_, but these terminations are quite at variance with the
genius of the Castilian language.
(W).
“A greater Heretic than Constantino.” (Page 139).
Cervantes here alludes to a Spanish Lutheran, named Constantino Ponce
de la Fuente. This martyr to sincere religious faith is frequently
mentioned by the old Spanish historians, and it may be presumed the
few scattered notices of his life here collected cannot fail to
interest the English reader.
In the beginning of the sixteenth century great alarm was created
in Spain by the rapidly increasing number of Protestants. In all
the principal cities of the kingdom the Jesuits zealously exerted
themselves for the discovery of heretics as the Protestants were
commonly termed. The crafty brotherhood hoped by this means to
recommend themselves to the common people, and also to induce the
clergy to regard them as the strongest phalanx on which the Romish
Church could rely for upholding the Catholic religion. In Seville,
the doctrines of Luther were secretly adopted by many individuals
distinguished for their rank and intelligence, and he who laboured
most actively and earnestly for their propagation was Dr. Constantino
Ponce de la Fuente. This celebrated man was a native of the city
of San Clemente de la Mancha, in the Bishoprick of Cuenca, and he
studied in the University of Alcalá de Henares, with his friend Dr.
Juan Gil de Egidio. After quitting the University, both took up their
abode in Seville where they commenced propounding the doctrines of
Luther, Calvin, and other reformers, but with such well concerted
secrecy that so far from being suspected of heresy they were regarded
as most orthodox and exemplary Catholics. The fame of Constantino’s
learning and talents induced several prelates to invite him to reside
in their respective dioceses. The Bishop of Cuenca, was desirous
of appointing him magistral canon of his cathedral, and he wrote
several letters urging him to accept a dignity for which he was so
well fitted. But Constantino declined the proffered honour founding
his refusal on reasons more or less plausible; the real one however
being that his partiality for Lutheran doctrines made him reluctant.
Shortly after this, the Emperor Charles V., appointed Constantino his
Chaplain of Honour, the duties of which post compelled him to proceed
to the Netherlands, where he resided for a considerable time.
Immediately after his return to Spain he was elected Magistral
Canon of the Cathedral of Seville where he commenced preaching.
His orations, in which Lutheran principles were artfully veiled,
and ingeniously interwoven with Catholic doctrines, drew crowds
of listeners to the Cathedral. About this time, the Jesuit Father
Francisco de Borja, happening to be in Seville, he went to the
Cathedral to hear from the lips of Constantino one of those eloquent
sermons, the fame of which was resounding throughout Spain. The Padre
was startled on hearing certain propositions, which in his opinion,
were anything but orthodox, and turning to some persons near him, he
repeated the line: _Aut aliquis latet error, equo ne credite Teucri_.
Alarmed at Constantino’s popularity Borja recommended Father Juan
Suárez (then Rector in Salamanca), to repair to Seville without
delay, and there to establish a House of the Brotherhood of Jesus,
for the purpose of checking as far as possible the progress of
Lutheran opinions. Borja and other learned Jesuits urged the
Dominican Friars to attend in the Cathedral whenever Constantino
preached for the purpose of noting any observations of heretical
tendency in his sermons, and reporting thereon to the Inquisition.
Fully aware that he was an object of suspicion, Constantino felt the
necessity of holding himself on his guard. On one occasion whilst
descanting in the pulpit on some disputed point of belief, he
began to fear that he was too freely unveiling his opinions, and
suddenly checking himself in the midst of his discourse he said:
_Me robaban la voz aquellas capillas_. As he uttered these words he
pointed to the vaulted roofs of the lateral Chapels pretending to
the Catholic portion of the congregation that an echo or some other
cause prevented him from rendering himself audible, but in reality
alluding to the Dominican monks, whose presence he wished his friends
to understand, obliged him to be cautious and reserved.[93]
Shortly after this Constantino took a step which naturally excited
great astonishment among the Jesuits. He made a formal application
to be admitted as a member of the College which the brotherhood had
established in Seville. Whether he took this step with the view of
evading the danger of rapidly increasing suspicion; or whether he
had conceived the design of attempting to convert the Jesuits to
Protestantism, it is impossible to determine, but it can scarcely be
imagined he was sincere in his wish to join the fraternity. Father
Santibañez, in his _Historia de la Compañïa de Jesús_, furnishes the
following particulars relating to Constantino’s application and its
result.
“Constantino came to our college and discoursed with Padre Bartolomé
de Bustamante, then exercising the functions of Provincial. He
declared that his mind was beginning to be disabused of the world and
its vanities; at the same time he feigned the utmost contempt for
all mundane concerns, and expressed his wish to retire wholly from
them. He declared his resolution to devote himself to religion, to do
penance for his sins, and to correct the vanity and presumption of
his sermons, by which he said he had gained more applause to himself
than souls to God.--Several days elapsed, during which the Fathers
discussed together Constantino’s proposition, but without coming
to any agreement on the question. In the meanwhile Constantino’s
frequent visits to our college were observed, and it began to be
reported about that some secret scheme was in agitation. These
reports reached the ears of the Inquisitor Carpio, and he desired
to make himself acquainted with the facts of the case. He thought
it best to address himself privately to Father Juan Suárez, with
whom he was on friendly terms. Accordingly he invited Suárez to
dinner, and during the repast he turned the conversation on matters
concerning the Jesuits. He asked several questions respecting some of
the probationers; which questions Suárez answered; and thereupon the
Inquisitor said--
“‘I have heard that Doctor Constantino proposes to join the society.’
“‘He has,’ replied the Padre; ‘but what of that, señor, though his
proposition has been listened to and entertained, yet we have come to
no decision upon it.’
“‘He is,’ resumed the Inquisitor, ‘a person of weight and influence,
and much looked up to by reason of his great learning;--yet I doubt
whether a man at his age, and one who has always been accustomed
to think and act according to his own will and pleasure, could
easily submit to the restraints of a noviciate, and to the rigour
of monastic rules. Instead of conforming to the regulations of your
society he will, on the plea of his own superior merit, lay claim
to, and possibly obtain some of those dispensations so odious in
religious communities, whose high character can be maintained only
by the perfect equality of duties and privileges. Believe me, when
Constantino has fairly entered your college, he will give much to get
out of it, and to bid you all farewell. To permit him to remain there
with exemptions, would be a dangerous relaxation of the religious
discipline so inviolably maintained by your society. It is by this
sort of relaxation that monastic laws lose their force, and thereby
many congregations suffer in the integrity of their principles.
I assure you,’ pursued the Inquisitor, ‘that it gives me pain to
communicate these doubts; but if the affair concerned me as it does
you, I would decline Constantino’s proposition.’
“These words made a deep impression on Father Juan Suárez, and
they excited in his mind suspicions which however he very artfully
concealed, and he calmly replied to Carpio--
“‘Your observations are perfectly just, most reverend señor; the
affair demands serious counsel and deliberation. I shall think well
on what you have said.’
“Suárez then took leave of the Inquisitor, and on his return to
the College he related to the Father Provincial (Bustamente) what
had taken place. The next time that Constantino came to visit the
College, Father Bustamente gave a decided denial to his application
for admittance, and to check any unpleasant rumours that might be
spread by those who either knew or suspected his object, the Father
Provincial begged that he would come to our college as seldom as
possible. Constantino departed much disappointed and mortified, and
shortly after he was arrested by order of the Inquisition.”
Such are the details of this affair as given by Father Santibañez,
in his History of the Jesuits; but he furnishes no clue whereby we
may arrive at any satisfactory conclusion respecting the real object
which Constantino had in view. It still remains questionable whether,
by joining the Jesuits, he hoped to conciliate the friendship of
those bitterest persecutors of the Lutherans; or whether, finding
his own doom sealed, he was desirous of bringing discredit on the
College, which, after his reception might have been regarded by the
Inquisition as a cradle of Protestantism.
Some time after his arrest, and before the investigation of his
case had brought about any result, an accidental circumstance
occurred, which clearly convicted Constantino of being a Lutheran.
A widow named Isabel Martínez was declared guilty of heresy, and
the Inquisition, according to custom, issued an order for the
sequestration of her property. Through the evidence of a treacherous
servant, it was ascertained that many of her valuables were concealed
in sundry coffers in the possession of her son, Francisco Beltran.
Accordingly Luis Soltelo, an alguazil in the service of the Holy
Inquisition, was directed to proceed to the house occupied by
Beltran, and there to search for the hidden goods. No sooner had the
alguazil entered the house, than Beltran, without waiting till a
question was addressed to him, said, “Señor, there appears to be some
mistake here! You have doubtless been directed to search my mother’s
house, where some things are concealed, and if you will promise
that no harm shall befal me for not having revealed this matter
sooner, I will show you where the articles are hidden.” Without a
moment’s delay, Beltran conducted Soltelo to the house of his mother,
Isabel Martínez, and taking a hammer, he forced open a trap door,
communicating with a cellar. In this cellar were found hidden a great
number of printed books and manuscripts; the books were the works of
Luther, Calvin and other Reformers, and the manuscripts were in the
handwriting of Constantino Ponce de la Fuente. When denounced by the
Inquisition, Constantino knowing that his books and papers would go
far to convict him, had bethought himself of this means of preventing
them from falling into the hands of his persecutors. With this
view he consigned them to the care of his friend Isabel Martínez,
a woman of virtuous and honourable character and a Protestant. But
through the indiscretion of her son, both she and Constantino were
sacrificed. Soltelo, not a little surprised at the booty he had
unexpectedly discovered, took possession of the books and papers, at
the same time telling Beltran that the objects he had been sent to
search for, were his mother’s jewels and money. Beltran was dismayed
by this information, and he then saw, when too late, the unfortunate
result of his precipitancy. Fearing lest he might expose himself
to danger by any further attempt to conceal these valuables, he
surrendered them all into the hands of the alguazil Soltelo.
Constantino’s books and papers having been conveyed to the
Inquisition and examined, it was found that the manuscripts were
full of the most decided Lutheran doctrines; treating of the true
Church, its spirit and character, and declaring that nothing could
be more remote from it than the Church of Rome. Some of these papers
contained discussions on the Sacrament of the Lord’s Supper, and
the Sacrifice of the Mass;--others treated of justification, of
pontifical bulls and decrees; of indulgences; of rewards of grace and
glory; of auricular confession, and various other subjects respecting
which Catholics and Protestants are widely at variance. To sum up
all, Constantino called purgatory, _Una cabeza de lobo inventada por
los frailes para tener que comer_.[94]
Constantino was now removed from the place in which he had heretofore
been confined, and he was incarcerated in one of the secret dungeons
of the Inquisition. The manuscripts were shown to him, and he
acknowledged them to be in his handwriting, adding that he fervently
believed all that they contained. The Inquisitors urgently pressed
him to disclose who had been his coadjutors in disseminating his
doctrines in Seville; but all their endeavours were vain. Constantino
firmly refused to betray his Protestant friends and associates.
After a lingering confinement in a damp subterraneous cell, this
noble-minded man was seized with dysentery, which disease speedily
terminated his life. Mortified at finding their victim thus wrested
from their grasp, the Inquisitors circulated among the public a
report that Constantino had terminated his own existence, in order to
evade the just punishment which he knew awaited him.[95]
(X).
“The knights ascertained that the said enchanter dwelt in a palace,
which, being continually enveloped in a hazy cloud, was invisible even
to those who had the courage to seek to discover it.” (Page 140.)
In writing this passage Cervantes would seem to have had in his
thoughts the extravagantly fantastic description of an enchanted
palace, which occurs in a romance called _La Genealogía de la
Toledana discreta_. Like the invisible abode of the Magician of
Binche, this palace is represented as inaccessible. Its huge columns
were of transparent crystal with capitals and bases of purest silver;
and on the highest point of its towering arches was a lofty portal
which none could enter save he who knew the secret.[96] The First
Part of the _Toledana Discreta_ was published in the year 1604, but
prior to the appearance of _Don Quixote_. The Second Part was never
published, and possibly never written; for the satire dealt out by
Cervantes on books of chivalry might well have deterred the author
from the completion of his task. Almost all the commentators on _Don
Quixote_ state that the last book of chivalry published in Spain,
was _La Crónica del Príncipe Don Policisne de Boecia_. But this is
a mistake; for the _Genealogía de la Toledana discreta_ appeared in
1604. The name of its author is Eugenio Martínez, and it is one of
the most extravagant of the Spanish _libros caballerescos_.
(Y).
“And will it be said that there are not other madmen in the world
besides the ingenious Knight of La Mancha, when such as these find
favour in the eyes of emperors and kings.” (Page 142).