THE DAY OF VICTIMS: FROM SUNDOWN TO SUNSET. THE DAYS OF DRYING FLESH.
Long before the signal of Essraf was given, the canvas-city had been
in a state of confusion: so that by the time the sermon was over most
of the tents had been folded and stowed away. Thus everything was now
ready for the impetuous rush from Arafat.
The pilgrims’ jubilation was then at its height. The uproar was
deafening: drums were beaten, bugles called us to make haste, and
rocket after rocket exploded as it whirred through the air.... We
waited half an hour or so, exchanging kisses and congratulations, and
then a path was prepared for the cavalcades. The Egyptian Mahmil took
the right-hand side of the road and the Syrian the left: after them
charged the mounted pilgrims, followed by those on foot, all and each
showing the same reckless determination to press forward over every
obstacle, no matter how narrow the road might be.
This headlong stampede after the sermon on the Mount is historic. It
never grows stale with the years. The havoc it wrought in 1319 of the
Flight it would be quite impossible to exaggerate; for the confusion
which has become traditional was increased fivefold by the number
of pilgrims, a number that was vastly greater than any within the
recollection of the authorities. Women and men swooned in the crush
and were trampled to death--litters were overthrown and smashed in
pieces--camels were trodden under foot: but neither disaster nor death
could, in the slightest degree, glut the wild desire by which the crowd
was moved--the desire, namely, of being more completely possessed by
the feeling of a religion-wrought delirium. It was not a triumphant
procession of peaceful pilgrims, therefore, though that is undoubtedly
what it should be; it was a charge of religious madmen running _amok_.
How many were killed or maimed, I can hazard no guess; but of this I am
quite certain,--the casualties had not been so terrible on any previous
occasion within the memory of man.
Thus the dense mass moved on, and about the hour of midnight we reached
Muzdalifah. There we halted for the night, the pious passing the time
in praying and reading the Kurán. Very few pilgrims took the trouble
to pitch tents here, the vast majority of them sleeping on the ground.
Before lying down to rest, Seyyid ’Alí and I collected forty-nine
stones apiece for the Lapidation of the Devil in the valley of Mina.
Now, this ceremony takes place three times: first, between sunrise and
sunset on the 10th of the moon when every pilgrim must fling seven
stones at a buttress, situated at the Meccan entrance to the valley,
and called the Great Devil. These seven stones must be gathered at
Muzdalifah, and have to be washed seven times and each time in fresh
water. On the following day, the 11th, twenty-one stones must be
thrown: seven at the Great Devil as before, seven at the Wusta or
Central Point in the middle of the valley, and, last of all, seven
more at the Ula or First Place lying at that entrance to Mina which
faces Arafat. All these twenty-one stones may be gathered either in
the valley itself or at Muzdalifah on the return journey; but they,
too, must be washed seven times and each time in fresh water. The
same rules apply to the third Lapidation, which is held on the 12th of
Zú-’l-hijjáh: and the three ceremonies aforementioned are performed in
commemoration of the tradition that Abraham was tempted three times of
the Devil, at those very places in the valley, what time he was about
to sacrifice his son Ishmael. Now the first day, which is the 10th of
Zú-’l-hijjah, is called the Day of Victims, while the two following
days are called the Days of Drying Flesh in the Sun.
Awaking early, my party set out, at peep of day, to the sacred monument
hard by, where, amid scenes of indescribable solemnity, the Festival
Prayers were celebrated by the Kazi of Mecca, who also preached a short
sermon. Departing thence at sunrise, we arrived at Mina about nine
o’clock, one of our servants dying of cholera on the road. We buried
him where he fell, each one of us wondering if his own life would be
the next to come to an end. What would happen after the slaying of the
victims we dared not think. The prospect looked gloomy in the extreme.
Having eaten a good meal, we traversed the valley in the direction of
Mecca, in order to be rid, as soon as possible, of the tiresome duty of
stoning the Great Devil. When we reached the entrance to the valley,
it was to find our access to his Satanic Majesty blocked by a vast
concourse of excited pilgrims. The road, about thirteen yards wide,
was packed with horsemen, camel-riders, litters, pilgrims on foot, and
women in _kejavehs_, all struggling and fighting to get within stone’s
throw of the buttress which rests against a wall that is only a little
higher than itself which is--say, three yards high by two yards broad.
Of the Orthodox sects the Shafeis are the most privileged, for they are
allowed to stand at a distance of five cubits from the Devil, whereas
the Hanefis are supposed to make their attack the more formidable by
fighting at close quarters--within arm’s reach of the Arch Foe.
And all the while the great mountains frowned down upon us; very
awe-inspiring I found them: the seven stones I had brought along with
me fell at my feet only to be picked up by Seyyid ’Alí.
“Come, yá-Moulai,” said he: “the devil is not so big after all. See, I
will fling your stones as well as my own at little devils like myself.”
After this “ceremony” was over, we returned to our camp where a barber
was waiting “to bring me out of Ihrám.” When he had trimmed my hair,
shaving it round the nape of the neck, and had cut my nails, I made to
take off the pilgrim’s garb, saying--“In the name of God the Merciful
and Compassionate, I intend to doff my Ihrám of pilgrimage, according
to the usage of it by the Prophet, on whom be blessings and glory! O
Allah, reward me to the number of the hairs of my head with Light,
Purity, and Grace. In the name of God--God is great!” Upon this the
barber helped me to undress and (after I had had a bath) to put on my
gala attire which was Egyptian in make and in material.
[Illustration: DISEMBARKING AT JIDDAH.]
[Illustration: PILGRIMS AT JIDDAH.]
By this time the servants had purchased the victims, and they now came
to tell me that all preparations had been made for the sacrifice. I
deputed Seyyid ’Alí to slay my harmless sheep, from a sudden invasion
of squeamishness. And before the day was over the valley of Desire was
turned into a reeking slaughter-house, and, it may be added, into a
cemetery for the dead pilgrims. These also were victims--the victims
of the misdirected religious zeal which had prompted a slaughter that
served no other purpose than to spread the epidemic. The less said
of it here the better. I have no wish to make the reader sick. It
will be enough to add, to what has been said in a previous chapter,
that the camels were sacrificed by none but grandees, who dispatched
their victims with the words: “In the Name of God! God is great!” the
same words being used by the other pilgrims in sacrificing the sheep!
All beasts of prey are believed by the superstitious to keep away from
the valley during the Day of Sacrifice and the Days of Drying Flesh;
for, had not the victims been brought down from heaven by angels, and
driven by them under the guidance of Bedouin shepherds, to the place
of slaughter? But the truth is that the Takruri negroes were more
blood-thirsty than any of the carnivorous animals or birds of prey:
they laid in wait until the sheep were killed, feasting their eyes on
the creatures’ dying agonies, and then pounced on the carcases like
hungry vultures.
Now, a great many pilgrims, after casting off the Ihrám and putting
on their festival attire, went at once to Mecca, visited the Ka’bah,
repeating the ceremonies already described, and then returned to Mina
to slay their victims. One of our party who had taken this course fell
sick of the cholera on the road, and the news of his grave condition
reached us at mid-day. We therefore determined to take up our quarters
in Mecca, for our comrade’s sake, and to return to Mina, day by day,
in order to complete our stoning of the Devil. Sheykh Eissa, however,
remained behind to take charge of our camp; and when we got back again
next morning, it was to hear from him a flamboyant account of the
fireworks and jollifications of the Great Festival that we had missed.
We listened to his stories of the too-unfettered revelry by night with
heavy hearts, for our friend was dead. Outside, the whole valley stank
like a shambles, hundreds of pilgrims having succumbed overnight to the
cholera epidemic; and so, when we had stoned the Devil for the second
time, we bent our steps again to the Holy City, taking care to remember
our comrade in our prayers as we passed by the mosque of Khaif. There
we saw some poor pilgrims drying the flesh of a dead sheep--a revolting
spectacle. Next day, the 12th of Zú-’l-hijjah, we cast the remaining
twenty-one stones at the three buttresses in the Valley of Desire, and
were ready on the 13th to join the little pilgrimage to Al-Omreh--a
mosque near the pillars of Alemeyn--having to that end performed
ablutions with the water of Zem-Zem, and put on the ihrám once more,
and made our declaration of intention opposite the Black Stone. It
took us about three hours to reach the sacred spot where we said a
two-prostration prayer after having subjected our heads and hands and
feet to a second ablution. Then we rode back to Mecca and again went
through all those ceremonies within the Harem and between Mount Safá
and Mount Marveh which have been described in the earlier pages of this
narrative. This brought the little pilgrimage of Omreh to an end, and
the ihrám was finally removed. Thenceforward the streets of Mecca were
crowded with pilgrims dressed in every costume of the East.
I remained a week in the Holy City after the Day of Victims--indeed,
no pilgrim could bring himself to leave the Kiblah of the Faith before
the 18th of Zú-’l-hijjah--and whiled away the time by frequent visits
to the Harem and the bazaars. By these means I added considerably to my
knowledge of the pilgrims and their ways. The result of my observations
will be found overleaf.
On the 18th I attached myself to a strong caravan bound for Jiddah, and
there I said good-bye to Seyyid ’Alí. The reader will meet him again,
however, in the brief pages of Part III.
PART III
PART III
MECCAN SCENES AND SKETCHES
CHAPTER I
THE MECCAN BAZAARS
The European, who prides himself on his practicality, is inclined to
look down on the merchant’s calling, though it is surely one of the
most practical of all. The Oriental, on the other hand, who is supposed
to be the most romantic of mortals, generally holds it in high esteem.
Therefore the Oriental, if he is less practical in that he is slow
to adopt the time-saving methods of his Western brother, is far more
logical in paying every respect to a calling which is one of the chief
factors in the welfare of nations. Moreover, the Oriental’s attitude
towards travelling proves him to be far more practical than he is
generally believed to be. As a general rule he takes to roving, either
to lay up for himself treasures in heaven by visiting holy places, or
to better his condition in life by trading in foreign parts. If he is a
pilgrim he combines the spiritual and the worldly aims above-mentioned,
strong in the Prophet’s assurance that it shall be no crime in him
if he seek an increase from his Lord during his pilgrimage. The
consequence is that Mecca is turned every year into a bustling fair,
an exchange and mart where Eastern commodities of every description
can be purchased in cash or in kind. This being understood, I will ask
the reader to accompany my guide and myself on our shopping tour of
the Meccan bazaars, for I must not forget, as a true pilgrim, to buy a
soughát or present for each of the friends I left behind me.
“Yá-Moulai,” said my guide, “let me advise you to grease your tongue
with honey before we go, that the shopkeepers may respond to the
compliments you must pay them by lowering their prices. I notice that
you have a smile on your lips. Yá-Allah! do you wish to return with
an empty purse? Press your lips together, affect a poverty-stricken
demeanour, otherwise you will be fleeced not only by the traders, but
also by every beggar in Mecca, more particularly by those who lie in
wait for the generous-hearted round about the Harem. On entering each
shop you must cough as hard as you can, though you tear your chest in
pieces: then the shopkeeper will be compassionate in the matter of
charges. Another counsel I would offer you is this. Let us suppose you
want to buy a knife. The first thing you must do is to ask the cutler
for a sword, then for a dagger, then for a pair of scissors, and,
after refusing all of these things with a sneer, you must command him
to show you a knife in a voice toned to insinuate that the purchasing
of that article is an act of generosity on your part, a magnanimous
recompense to him for his trouble. For our merchants, though they are
often crafty and betray a suspicious conscience, are, if you treat them
as they expect to be treated, of a childlike simplicity. So cast off
your sandals that you may acquire the reputation of a saint and thus
be treated fairly in the bazaars. Believe me, Yá-Moulai, if you follow
these instructions, you will drive a better bargain with the Meccan
than you would by trusting to the honesty of a Firangi trader who is
civilisation-proof against these simple wiles.” And so chattering he
led me through the crowded streets, and would have asked for alms, that
I might pass as a beggar, had I not forbidden him sternly to practise
in my service a piece of deceit as unworthy of himself as it would be
humiliating to me; whereon he glanced at me furtively muttering in his
beard: “He is as proud as a Shahzadeh.”
The city of Mecca is divided into two parts. Of these the upper
quarters are called Malá, as opposed to the lower ones, which are known
by the name of Misfál. The shops are very similar to those at Jiddah;
but in the street that bears the name of Mussah, which is the broadest
and most picturesque thoroughfare, they occupy, I may say, the ground
floor of the houses on both sides, presenting to the passers-by such a
wealth of Oriental goods as I for one had not seen before. The familiar
word “bazaar” is Persian, its Arabic equivalent being Súgh, and a
whole quarter is sometimes called after its neighbouring market, as is
the case, for instance, with the quarter called Súghé-Seghir. To the
North of Mussah-street is situated the Soueygha Bazaar, where goods
(especially the belongings of dead pilgrims) are sold by auction twice
a day, in the morning and in the evening, and there also slaves are
exhibited and knocked down to the highest bidder. The Syrian Bazaar,
or Sughé-Shamí, is to be found to the east of this slave market;
the armourers display their weapons in the Súghé-Geshatshi near the
Platform of Purity, whence the Sughé-Lail, or Night bazaar, is within
easy reach; while further to the east, below the skirts of Mount Abú
Ghobais, in a market named Moamil, pottery of any description can
be bought by the pilgrims as receptacles for the curative water of
Zem-Zem. In a square to the east of this bazaar camels and sheep are
sold, and fruit stalls are kept by Bedouins: and from thence one passes
to the blacksmiths’ shops or Sughé-Haddadin.
The pilgrim who would purchase shoes or sandals must seek the upper
quarters of the town, and there, in the north of Malá, he will find
what he wants in abundance, as well as many provision stores which
serve to replenish the supplies of the yearly caravans; for most of
these dealers have agencies at Jiddah, Bombay, and Cairo. In the same
quarter, still to the north, is the meat market, most of the butchers
being Bedouin Arabs who keep special flocks of sheep and camels
for slaughter and for sale. From this bazaar the way lies through
some extremely narrow and dirty lanes to the Zokáké-Seni or Chinese
Market, where gold and silver vessels and jewellery are sold by a few
Muhammadans of the Celestial Empire. Thence to the north-east are
situated the dyers’ shops, which go by the name of Sughé-Sabbaghin.
The manufacture of indigo dye, which is much used in Arabia, is very
interesting. First the small leaves are dried in the sun, then they
are powdered and put into earthenware jars filled with water, where
they remain overnight. Next morning the leaves are stirred thoroughly
until a dark blue froth is produced in the water, after which they are
left to settle. When the indigo is taken from the bottom it is spread
on cloths to drain, and is then mixed with dates and saltpetre. The
method of calendering the garments dyed with indigo consists in beating
them on stones with wooden hammers, which is generally done to the
accompaniment of a song.
“Bismi’lláhi’r-Rahmáni’r-Rahim!” With those words on our lips we
entered the bazaar to the north of the Harem. What first struck my
attention was a man sitting on a rug with a small wooden frame in front
of him, a round blue tile by his side, a reed pen in his right hand,
and a few sheets of paper in his left. He was an Arab scribe, and
around him were gathered a crowd of illiterate pilgrims, all waiting
for him to write their letters. The first to go forward was an Afghan
pilgrim. He had muscular limbs and a fierce, scowling face. Said he:
“Write me a letter to my brother: he is ill and lives at Sakhir.” The
scribe, who was sitting on his hips, cocked up his right leg ever so
slightly so as to form a sort of table, and asked the Afghan what he
was to say. “By God!” exclaimed the native of Sakhir, “I expect you
to provide something more than the paper and the penmanship. You must
supply the words as well. What! you know not what to write? Have I not
said that my brother is sick and like to die? Tell him that I will
bring him a bottle of Zem-Zem water--that will cure him, if it please
Allah--and a winding-sheet that has been dipped therein, which will
be useful if he die--God forbid!” Here my guide stepped to the front,
saying, “From the Percussion of the Grave and from the Interrogation
of the Grave may God the Merciful and Clement deliver him!” A bright
smile flashed over the Afghan’s face. “May your kindness increase!”
said he. Meanwhile, the scribe dipped his pen in the silk threads on
the blue tile which served the purpose of an inkstand. These threads
were soaked in soot and water, and it took about three dips to write a
single word. Every now and then he would raise the paper to the left
side of his face and look at it slantingly out of the corner of his
eye. If a word did not please him he would rub it out by moistening
his forefinger and dabbing it half-a-dozen times on the word, for the
ink left no permanent trace on the paper but came off in layers when
rubbed with the wet finger. The lines of the letter were wide apart,
and an ample margin was left on both sides. When the bottom of the page
was reached the scribe filled the margins lengthwise, and then fell
to writing between the lines. I could not help thinking that the sick
Sakhiri would find it easier to answer the interrogations of Nakír and
Munkar, those dread Inquisitors of the Grave, than to read the letter
from Mecca, which struck me as being almost as difficult to decipher as
a Chinese poem. When the last word was written the Afghan took out his
purse, to the strings of which was tied a round seal of brass whereon
his name was engraved. Having unfastened the seal he handed it to the
scribe. It amused me to see that the purse was withheld by the canny
Afghan, who obviously had no intention of losing over the transaction
more than he had bargained for.
All Orientals, particularly the Persians, lay great store by their
seals. Those of the lower classes are generally round and made of
brass, and are either fastened to their purse strings or left dangling
by their waistbands. The mullás have a preference for square seals
of cornelian set in base silver, as approved by the Prophet; while
the high officials “gratify the pride of irresponsibility,” or the
instincts of taste in the matter, some choosing gold seals ornamented
with diamonds, and others turquoise seals decorated with pearls or
with rubies. Sometimes a line of poetry is engraved on the seal as
well as the owner’s name. I knew a pious Shi’ah whose seal bore this
inscription: “The slave of the King of the country, Imám ’Alí,” only
the last word, of course, being his own name. Later, on our journey
through the bazaars, we chanced to see a Persian hakkák, or seal-maker,
at work. The cornelian he was carving was fixed in tar on the small
board in front of him. The deft way in which he wielded his small
hammer was the result of a steady hand and an unerring eye, gifts
for which the Persians are justly famous. The motto was intended
to commemorate his pilgrimage to the Mother of Cities, and ran as
follows: “Sadik, the least of Hájís and the slave of God, in the city
of God!”
I entered into conversation with this man Sadik, and was lucky to find
in him a very lantern of traditions. The works of Baidáwí, of Abú
Sa’íd al-Khadrí, of al-Farrá of Bagh, of Nu’man Ibu Bashír, of Abú
Hurairah, of ’Abd Allah Ibu Mas’ud, to say nothing of the Persian and
Arabian poets, he seemed to know by heart. When I complimented him on
his learning, he replied, saying: “If I am blessed by God with a good
memory, it is because I have never eaten a quince, or a sour apple,
or fresh coriander, or garlic, or the remainder of a mouse’s meal;
nor have I, to the best of my belief, ever read a book written by the
blind, nor drawn blood from the nape of my neck. For these things
weaken the memory and produce folly. From the unseemly demeanour of
your guide”--the rascal had been more exasperating than usual--“I would
hazard the conjecture that he has tasted of many a mouse’s meal.”
The guide grew exceeding wrath, and would have struck the speaker had I
not prevented him; then he cried, “You lie! the humiliation you would
thrust on me, see, I cast it back in your face!” The seal-maker smiled
good-humouredly. “Friend,” said he, “the humiliation was mine, and not
yours, for have I not spoken to a careless listener? Know, however,
for your future guidance, that a man, if he meet with humiliation,
has sometimes nobody but himself to blame. This will certainly be
his sorry case if he sit down uninvited to another’s table, or if
he respect not his host, or if he hope for kindness from a foe or
for learning from the low-born; so much the more will he suffer the
inevitable consequence if he honour not his Prophet, his country, and
his King. And”--here he turned to the crowd--“to listen inquisitively
to another’s conversation has the same effect as addressing an
inattentive audience. I would not have ye be guilty of the former,
which is the extreme of discourtesy, any more than I would have the
latter, which is the acme of humiliation, thrust on me a second time by
the friend to whom I spoke.”
I watched the guide, who could not contain his spleen. “Thou
sententious ass!” he shrieked, making as if to take off his sandal
wherewith to belabour the seal-maker. Once more he was met by a meek
and smiling countenance. “Verily,” quoth Sadik, “if one show leniency
to the mean, the low, or the servant, one must expect to be imposed
on. I do but light a lamp in broad daylight, or sow seed in the desert
sand, which is as wasteful as eating when one’s stomach is laden, or as
showing consideration to one who is not deserving of it. Three things
tend towards madness: the first is to walk with the blind, the second
is to talk to the deaf, and the third is to sleep alone.”
By this time the sun had risen high in the heavens, and the mat awnings
suspended on poles were already drawn down in order to keep out the
fierce rays of sunlight, so on we went till we came to the tin-makers’
bazaar. There we heard a cry of “Yá Allah! yá Allah!” and, on looking
round, beheld a funeral procession. The corpses, four victims of the
epidemic, were being borne from the Harem to the graveyard on rough
serirs, or wooden biers peculiar to Mecca. When the procession had
passed by, I entered one of the shops and bought a couple of tin
bottles, each of which would hold about two pints of Zem-Zem water. It
is not customary to bargain over the purchasing of these articles since
they are meant to contain the water of the sacred spring.
Across the way, in a shop full of musty manuscripts of questionable
antiquity, I chanced on a veritable treasure. This was an exquisite
copy of the Kurán in the old Kufi writing. It was plain that the
bookseller had no conception of its value, for when I asked him the
price of it he said, “Give whatever you like, and I will be content to
part with it. We must not attempt to make a profit out of the Word of
God, though it were well that we should seek to profit by its lessons.”
The Muhammadans are not supposed “to sell” the Kurán like any other
book: a “hedieh,” or “present” goes to defray the cost of production. I
offered a “hedieh” of a Turkish pound, not so much as dreaming that the
bid would be accepted; but to my intense delight the shopkeeper, having
raised the Book to his lips, and from the lips to his eyes, and from
the eyes to his forehead, handed it to me, saying, “This is the Word of
Allah; I give it to you, earnestly begging you to pray for me when you
read it!”
I certainly prayed for him five times that day out of a grateful heart,
and I made a point of doing so until, just before I embarked on my
homeward voyage, I looked for the precious Book only to find it gone,
along with several other valuable purchases.
Soon after leaving the bookseller’s, being in need of rest and
refreshment, we entered a coffee-house which was literally filled with
a crowd of pilgrims of every nationality in the East. Conspicuous
in flowing abás with white and yellow stripes were two Sheykhs, who
were sitting on stools at a low table, and with them I entered into
conversation, offering them a cup of coffee each. The elder, a man
of about forty-five, belonged to the tribe of Beni Súbh, while his
companion, who was many years younger, owed allegiance to the tribe of
Owf; consequently, both of them were members of the fighting clan of
Harb Bedouins, who either live in tents about two stages from Mecca,
on the road to Medina, or reside, if they are settled Arabs, in the
towns of Rabegh, Safrá, and Fará. Of all the tribes of Harb none is
more dreaded by the pilgrims than that of Owf, more particularly are
they feared by the caravans that travel between the two holy cities.
Their power and bravery are undeniable, as was clearly proved during
the Wahhábí invasion of Hejaz. Closely allied to them are the tribes of
Beni Amere and Zobeid.
The young Sheykh, with whom I now struck up an acquaintance, declared
that the Owf, with all their shortcomings, could teach moral lessons to
the rest of the clan, and he attributed their predatory habits to the
“overboiling spirit that was in them.” He contradicted the report that
his tribe had robbed forty Persian pilgrims of their belongings between
Heddah and Mecca, and had murdered three Syrians between Medina and
the Prophet’s birthplace. He professed strong attachment to the person
of the Sheríf, and expressed the hope that we would live to see the
union of every tribe of Arabia under his sway; in fact, he was a true
patriot, frank of speech, of engaging manners, and showing no signs of
lawless violence.
Not less courteous was his companion. On hearing that he was a Sheykh
of Beni Sobh I asked him if he would tell me something about the famous
balsam of Mecca, for I had read that the amyris-tree, which exudes this
fragrant juice, grows on the mountain of Jébélé-Sobh, between the towns
of Rabegh and Bedre. He was good enough to comply with my request,
being a connoisseur on the subject. The trees, Bishon, as he called
them, have a straight stem, and grow to the height of about twelve
feet. In the middle of summer incisions are made by the women in the
soft bark with a special kind of knife, whereon a white juice oozes
out, and this the women collect with the thumb-nails of their right
hands, and put into a sheepskin or into a vessel of burnished copper.
The balsam, if the incisions are made later in the season, takes on a
yellowish colour, and loses a good deal of its virtue as a tonic.
The Persian pilgrims, I was told, are unwearied in their efforts to
obtain the honey-like balm in its unadulterated form, but they rarely
succeed unless they go to the headquarters of Beni Sobh, for the stuff
sold as balsam in the Meccan bazaars is hardly ever pure. The Arabs
themselves can detect by the smell whether it is adulterated or not.
Fortunately for the pilgrims there are certain other tests which are
said to be infallible. The best balsam sinks in water, has a bright
blue flame when alight, and, if you put a drop on your finger and set
fire to it, it will burn without injuring the skin. The Persian traders
mix turpentine with it, probably because the yellow balsam, even when
it has not been “doctored,” smells of that resinous substance, but the
Arabs adulterate the white balsam with inoffensive oils of several
kinds. Every morning the pilgrims who could afford to buy the precious
tonic would take a drop in their tea or their coffee, and I know from
experience that it has the most invigorating effect on the nervous
system.
The senna of Mecca, which is exported to Persia, to Central Asia, and
to Syria, is also a product of the country of the tribesmen of Beni
Sobh, who may be regarded as the richest and most peaceful of the
tribes of Harb, reaping as they do the produce of their rich valleys
without molesting the caravans in the hope of spoil. The date-tree is
cultivated by them, my friend the Sheykh being the fortunate possessor
of over a thousand trees. It surprised me to hear that these palms are
sold not by the grove but by the tree, and, as it sometimes happens,
the dates of a single tree may belong to two or more owners. When a
tree has to be fructified, the gardener, having laid bare the female
spathe and shaken over it the male pollen, sings in a low voice,
saying: “Please God, you will thrive and be fruitful.”
CHAPTER II
THE TALISMAN-MONGER
On leaving the coffee-house (Kahvé-Kháné) we heard the voice of a
muezzin calling to prayers. It was noon. “Listen,” said Seyyid ’Alí,
“I know the Mullá well; he has the soul of a saint and the voice of an
angel.” Emotional, the tears ran down ’Alí’s cheeks in streams; then,
drying his eyes, his whole face shone as from some sudden light within
him. The scoffer was mute--silenced by the majestic melody of that
far-flung summons; but it must not be supposed that any translation
in English could reflect the dignity of the original Arabic, the most
devotional tongue ever spoken by the lips of man:
Mighty is the Lord! Mighty is the Lord!
Mighty is the Lord! Mighty is the Lord!
I bear witness, there is no god but God!
I bear witness, there is no god but God!
I bear witness, Muhammad is the messenger of God!
I bear witness, Muhammad is the messenger of God!
Come hither to prayers! Come hither to prayers!
Come hither to salvation! Come hither to salvation!
God is Great! There is no other god than God!
[Illustration: AN EGYPTIAN GROCER.]
The words swept over the city like a storm cloud, fraught with
darkness, thunder, and lightning--symbols these of the mysteries,
the threats, and the promises of the Faith. The mere sound of the
full-throated syllables, even to one who had no Arabic, would, however
obscure it might be, suggest something alike threatening and revealing.
It was as though some moonless desert had found a tongue to proclaim
to-morrow’s sunrise.
“By my life!” cried Seyyid ’Alí, “why, this human voice, acknowledging
the might of the most Mighty, finds its way to the core of being. I
do repent in that I did make mock of the engraver of seals. He was a
righteous man, and of excellent courtesy and address. I have committed
a fault. I have eaten dirt. I am the humblest of his servants. Come,
yá-Moulai, let us hasten to say the Fátihah within the holy precincts
of the Harem.” This prayer runs:
“Praise be to God, the Lord of the Worlds, the Compassionate, the
Merciful, the King of the Day of Judgment. Thee do we worship, and of
Thee do we seek help. Lead us in the right way, the way of those to
whom Thou hast been gracious, not of those with whom thou art angry,
nor of those who go astray.”
This, the opening chapter of the Kurán, is held in special veneration
by the Muhammadans, by whom it is sometimes called the chapter of
prayer, of thanksgiving, of treasure, and is repeated by them as often
as the Christians repeat the Lord’s Prayer. Not less precious is the
sublime passage in the second Súra, descriptive of the Divine Majesty,
and entitled Ayatu’l-Kúrsí--that is, being translated, the Verse of the
Throne. It runs something like this:
“God, save whom there is no God, is the living, the self-subsisting
one. Slumber overpowereth Him not, nor sleep. Unto Him belongeth
whatsoever is in the heavens, and whatsoever is in the earth. Who is
he that shall intercede with Him, save through His good pleasure? He
knoweth that which is past, and that which is to come unto them; and
they understand not a single iota of His knowledge, except so far as
He hath willed. His firmament spans the heavens and the earth, the
preservation whereof doth not distress Him. And He is the most High,
the most Supreme.”
Having said our prayers, my guide and I, we left the Harem and returned
to the bazaars. The smell of burning aloe-wood drew our eyes to a shop
where combs seemed to be the only purchasable articles. These combs,
made of ebony, were of two kinds. The first, used by the men, are
called male combs. They are provided with a single row of teeth. The
others, known as female combs, have teeth on both sides. We passed on.
A man bearing a sheepskin was hawking honey, like the water of the eye
for purity. It is brought down to the Meccan markets by the Arabs of
the clan of Beni Salem, another branch of the tribe of Harb, who also
dwell not far from Rabegh, and are more numerous than the two tribes
aforementioned, whose Sheykhs we had the pleasure of meeting in the
coffee-house. Among the countless hawkers thronging the thoroughfares
not a single Arab milkman did we see. We met only one milkman, and he
was an Indian. For milk-selling is not a popular pursuit in Arabia.
Indeed, it carries with it the stigma of an ineffaceable disgrace,
the term “milk-seller” having come to bear the meaning of “bastard.”
In like manner the Persians make use of the expression “mást-kash,”
sour milk carrier, on the rare occasions when they are driven to
reprove a mean flatterer. The first shop we entered was that of a
draper who drove a remunerative trade in winding-sheets. There we
noticed the poorer side of the East. Crowds of beggars--not necessarily
poverty-stricken--were practising their lucrative business. Some were
weeping, many were malingering, and one was really dead. There was no
bargaining over the prices of the grave-clothes. Every purchaser chose
the one he could afford to buy. While I was selecting mine Seyyid ’Alí
intervened, saying, in an undertone:
“Yá-Moulai, allow me to persuade you to buy the oldest you can find,
to the end that Nakír and Munkar, when you come to die (God forbid),
may pass you by as having already answered their cross-examination
as to your spiritual preparedness. For my own part, being in sound
health--praise be to God on high!--I have no faith whatever in the
existence of those Inquisitors. I am of the opinion of the Persian
grandee who, having stuffed the mouth of his dead groom with grain,
and having opened the grave in due course, found the grain still in
the groom’s mouth, and cried: ‘This is proof positive that he never
answered Munkar and Nakír, and strong presumptive evidence that no such
Inquisitors exist!’ Nay, grow not impatient with me. Am I not the least
of thy slaves?”
The sceptical rogue chuckled, emitting a sound like that of a camel
drinking water. The winding-sheet I bought cost about fifteen
shillings. Later on I had it washed in the water of Zem-Zem. It
measures about 8ft. by 4ft. In the middle the figure of a cypress
tree is inscribed with the Verse of the Throne as a protection to the
wearer from the Percussion of the grave; and other verses from the same
chapter of Al-Beghar surround the hem thereof. For the life of me I
could not help being sorry that I should not see myself in it as others
would see me--a reflection which nearly stifled my guide with laughter.
“Since you are still a good enough Muslim to be superstitious,” said
he, “I would suggest that we should next visit a talisman-monger’s, for
there you would find charms to protect you against the Evil Eye and the
contagion of every disease.” Thither, therefore, we bent our steps.
The talisman-monger, as I discerned from his features, stern and
passive, and from the determination of mind underlying them, was
half-Turk, half-Syrian. The Syrians are of a resolute character, and
seldom take a step that does not bring them nearer to the end they
keep ever in view. In this regard they are the antithesis of the
Egyptians, who seem utterly aimless if left to their own devices. In
their attitude towards work the Syrians are more persevering than the
Persians, and less conceited in character. They are at their best
as men of action. As men of thought they are inferior both to the
Persians, who are the Hamlets of the East, and to the Bedouins, whose
wild, imaginative spirits equip them for pillage and for poetry alike.
They are extremely fond of music, these cheery sons of a flowery soil,
though here, again, they must yield the palm to the fiery clansmen of
the Arabian deserts. The charm-seller, a characteristic specimen of
his race, an excellent business man, was taken completely by surprise
when I asked him to give a name to a certain cornelian set in silver
gilt and inscribed with a Kurán text. “May God protect me from Satan,”
he muttered in pious horror. “Here is a Muhammadan who knows not a
Bábághúli!” Then, recovering slowly from his astonishment, he went
on to explain that it is worn by a Muslim child in commemoration of
the Aghigheh sacrifice, and I may repeat here that it forms the chief
feature of the cover design to this volume.
After much bargaining I bought a Bábághúli for a couple of Turkish
pounds, and found in it, beyond its usual interest, a magnificent
example of Perso-Syrian work. The cornelian, which is circular in shape
and slightly raised in the middle, is of a rosy shade, and measures
about an inch in circumference. On it is engraved, in the finest Naskh
writing, a short chapter of the Kurán, which must have cost the artist
half-a-year’s labour. The stone is set in silver of a floral design,
with two loops or links, through which are threaded strings of gold
ending with tassels and a running noose for fastening round the arm.
Round the centre stone are inlaid twenty-two rubies and emeralds, in
alternate order, eleven of each. These stones alone, though they are
not cut properly, are worth three times as much as I gave for the
whole thing. I made haste to tie the Bábághúli round my biceps, more
from fear of theft than any superstitious motive, and promised not to
part with it in any circumstances; whereat my guide, sneering, said,
“May the devil give you a wide berth, yá-Moulai!” the talisman-monger
endorsing the wish by adding, “May it be auspicious.”
The wearing of a túgh, or silver chain, to which is attached a silver
bowl called kashkúl, is confined to the Shiahs. It is worn round the
neck by many Persian boys, and is changed every year until the boy is
nine years old. By the end of that time he has nine chains laid by.
These are sent, as propitiatory offerings, to the shrine of some saint,
that of Abbas in Kerbela being the most sacred. Thus it comes about
that a boy, so long as he wears the túgh, is called “the dog of Abbas,”
and is said to be under the special protection of that saintly man. I
turned to my guide. “How is it,” said I, “that he is called Abbas’s
dog, and not ‘Allah’s dog,’ or, more becomingly still, ‘Allah’s child’?”
“I will answer you in a parable,” replied Seyyid ’Alí. “There was
once a certain man who owned a flock of sheep. Every morning, when he
drove his flock out of the fold to the pasture-land, he would say, ‘O
Abbas, keep watch over my sheep, which I leave in your protection;’
and then he would go about his work until it was time to drive the
sheep home again. One day he was too busy to act as shepherd, and so
he sent his son in his stead. The boy, having brought the sheep to the
grazing ground, said within himself: ‘I wonder why my father leaves
the sheep in the care of Abbas. Did not Allah create them as well as
him? Assuredly my father has committed a fault.’ And, so thinking, he
left the sheep in charge of their Creator. Now it happened that, Abbas
having resigned his office, a pack of wolves passed by, and, being
famished, spared not even a lamb: so that when the father went in
search of the sheep, he could not find a single one. Having questioned
his son, he learned the truth. ‘Silly boy,’ said he, ‘knowest thou not
that Allah takes care of all his creatures, of the wolves as well as of
the sheep, whereas Abbas, listening to our entreaties, would keep the
beasts of prey from attacking our flocks and herds? Be wiser to-morrow
than you were this morning.’ So you see, yá-Moulai, that there is no
use in trying to be anything to Allah beyond what one really is.”
At the end of nine years these chains are valued, and the price of
them is distributed among the poor, after which they are sent to
the shrine of Abbas. To the chain a pair of hands made of silver is
sometimes hung, in memory of Abbas, whose hands were cut off on the
plain of Kerbela. The talisman-monger had hundreds of these chains and
bowls and hands in his shop, and also, among other things, heaps of
mázús, or oak-apples. These oak-apples are used as charms by nearly
all Muhammadans. Those in the shop were of two kinds. Some were nearly
black and perfectly circular; others were of a light brown colour and
spheroid in shape. Among those of a spheroidal shape was a mázú of
exceptional beauty, evidently intended for a woman. The two ends of the
hollow spheroid were set in silver with numerous figures exquisitely
chased, one group of which was that of a female slave handing over the
heart of her young mistress to the expectant lover. This particular
kind of mázú, I was told, is suspended on a chain and worn on their
breasts by the women. Other oak-apples are seen hanging from the tip of
children’s caps on a silk band, along with prayer-bags made of green
velvet and containing texts from the Holy Scriptures.
Meanwhile my guide, having struck up acquaintance with a countryman
of his from Hamadan, was engaged in conversation with him. This new
friend, Murshid Khan by name, was a tall swarthy fellow. He had come to
buy a chip of the sacred tree talh’, an acacia which has small round
golden blossoms, whereof he related the following legend:
“Many centuries ago a certain peasant went to cut wood in a forest
near the city of Hamadan. This he had been wont to do every winter in
order to eke out his livelihood, during the cold weather, as is still
the custom among the peasantry in our parts. Now, it chanced that his
axe struck against a branch of a talh’ which, as it happened, was in
the way of the tree he was felling. To his consternation a stream of
blood oozed out, followed by cries the most pitiable he had ever heard.
They seemed, in their distressful anguish, to come from the heart of
a mother that had lost her child. The axe fell from the peasant’s
hand, and he himself sank to the ground in a faint. When he recovered
consciousness it was to look for the talh’ ... only to find it gone! He
returned to the city as fast as his legs would carry him and there he
told his story, which was spread abroad among the people. And from that
day to this the wood of the talh’ has been regarded as sacred. Children
use it in the place of mázús, and barren women, if they hang a chip of
it above their beds for the space of forty consecutive Fridays, will
bear children in due course. This is so.”
Here the guide, Seyyid ’Alí, interrupted the speaker, saying: “Light
of my heart, thou speakest the truth. In my country, in the town of
Behbehan, near Shíráz, we have a famous way of protecting our women
folk against the attacks of Aal--that cursed ogress who comes to cut
out the liver of every mother after the birth of her child. First we
draw four lines round the walls of the house; then at each of the four
corners we plant a branch of the talh’ tree; and a dagger, with an
onion atop, is stuck in the ground facing the door. This is the only
possible way of keeping Aal out--may she be accursed!”
“Sarkár,” said Murshid Khan, turning to me, “I have, with these two
eyes of mine, seen things beyond belief, though I believe in them
myself, and many a true believer shares the belief with me.” Here he
turned his face in the direction of the Harem, raised his eyes, and
cried: “By the owner of this Harem, the truth of my story is this: I
had a sister, by name Javáher, who became Jinni, Jinnstruck, when she
was ten years old. She had been of an equal mind until one day she went
into a field in Hamadan, where a servant was milking the goats. It
appears that she spilt the milk by accidentally kicking over the bowl
containing it, and thenceforward her mind was troubled: she was Jinni.
Now we people of Hamadan accounted ourselves lucky in that there lived
among us a pious Mullá ’Alí, whose extraordinary capabilities were a
matter of wonder and adoration. As a Jinn-gir, or Jinn-trapper, he was
unrivalled. Him, therefore, we called in that he might cast out the
Jinn that had disturbed the peace of my sister’s mind. When he came
he brought with him his famous tás--a bowl used for ablutions--and a
long white sheet. Having filled the tás, he ordered my sister to sit
down beside it and to gaze into the water. Then he threw the sheet
over the child and the bowl, and made certain passes with a wand he
held in his right hand. Whereupon, as we noticed to our terror, there
arose a mighty stir beneath the sheet, as though a host were fighting
there. On a signal from Mullá ’Alí the tumult ceased and all was in
a hush. Suddenly, the good priest, calling my sister by her name,
said: ‘What do you see there?’ And my sister replied, in a dreamy,
awestruck whisper: ‘O, Mullá ’Alí, I see him seated gloriously on a
throne studded with precious gems, and hundreds of attendants, both
men and women, are kneeling before him. It is the King of the Jinns.’
‘And what do you hear? be attentive!’ said the priest. ‘One little
Jinn,’ replied my sister, in a terror-stricken voice, ‘is prostrating
herself before his Majesty, and this is what she says: “Javáher--may
she be punished--spilled a bowl of milk a month ago, and hurt my toes,
and I have been lame ever since. Though my friends have cast a spell
over her, I must request your Majesty to increase her punishment, that
she may learn to fear the displeasure of our King.” Oh, oh, oh! How
she cries and weeps before the throne of his Majesty; I am fainting.’
‘Beg her humbly to forgive you, and promise to be more careful in the
future, and all will be well,’ cried Mullá ’Alí. It was impossible to
doubt the sincerity of my sister’s repentance, and when the priest
removed the sheet, which he did so soon as my sister had made her
appeal before the throne, behold my sister was in her right mind
once more. I forgot to say that before the removal of the covering
a neighbour came in, saying that he had lost a gold diamond ring,
probably by theft. So the priest commanded my sister to ask the Jinn
she had injured to tell her where the ring was. The Jinn in question
was good enough to mention the thief by name, much to the delight of
our neighbour, who subsequently recovered his property. I can assure
you, Sarkár, that this last proof of the Mullá’s power made Hamadan
the safest city in Persia. Theft was unknown there. May Mullá ’Alí have
a long life!”
The talisman-monger was the next to speak. He said: “You must know that
I am not always in Mecca. I come here for the three journeying months,
then I return to Smyrna, where I have two shops of this nature in the
bazaars. Next to one of my shops there is a small coffee-house, whither
I go for refreshment in my leisure hours. About three years ago there
came to Smyrna a man named Dervish Ibrahim, from Turkistan. Everybody
except myself believed in the supernatural power of this dervish, who
wore a white beard on a shining face. One evening, when I had closed my
shop and was proceeding home, I found the dervish seated on the front
bench of the coffee-house, surrounded by his followers. He called me by
my name--Abdullah-ben-Jafar--though it had never been mentioned before
him, and when I went to him he said: ‘I can see from your face that you
scoff at the power of talismans, though you sell them to those who are
wiser than yourself, and therein show yourself possessed of some share
of wisdom. It is my humour to-night to reveal to you a single drop
of the ocean of omnipotence. Come, take this scrap of paper, whereon
I have written a few words to the dead, carry it to the neighbouring
cemetery, bury it in the sand near the entrance, and bring back to me
a handful of the sand. Be careful, on returning, not to look behind
you, for, if you do so, you will be torn in a million pieces that will
be distributed among those that lie there. Look ahead, and your life
will be safe.’ Well, curiosity possessed me, and off I went. When I
had buried the scrap of paper, and taken up a handful of sand, I heard
thunder and the voices of the dead crying, ‘Oh, Abdullah-ben-Jafar,
take not the sand away, else you will be cut in bits. Stop! Stop!
Stop!’ I shuddered all over my body, and lost consciousness suddenly.
When I awoke it was to see the sun rising. I hurried to the dervish,
and kissed his feet, and implored him to forgive me for having doubted
his power to work miracles.”
This story-telling had attracted a number of pilgrims, who, to the
exaltation of the talisman-monger, fell to examining his curiosities
with a view to business. After every purchase, Abdullah-ben-Jafar
raised his hands to heaven, and cried: “Praise be to God on high! May
His kindness be increased!”
CHAPTER III
SEYYID ’ALÍ’S STORY OF HIS REDEMPTION
On leaving the talisman-monger’s we went about our shopping in the
Meccan bazaars, my guide pointing out to me the places of interest on
the way. He grew excited when we passed a certain coffee-house, from
within whose doors, as he assured me, he had escaped from himself
into the bosom of the Beloved more times than he could count. “There
are better ways of ascending into heaven, yá-Moulai,” he exclaimed,
ecstatically, “than by being buried underground!” He paused as if to
give me the opportunity of begging him to explain the connection; but
all I said in reply was that a Tower of Silence would scarcely suit one
whose tongue was for ever on the wag.
“’Tis true,” he affirmed, in no way disconcerted, “the birds of prey
are not to my liking. I would discourse of the parrot of mysteries,
that hath opened to me the gates of Paradise more than once. If your
Excellency would acquaint himself with----” I interrupted him, saying:
“Are you speaking of hashísh, my friend? If you are, let me tell you
that I have no wish to renew my experience of the drug.” And when I
hurried on, he drew a deep breath, but whether of disappointment or of
relief I couldn’t make out. “In that coffee-house, yá-Moulai,” he said
at last, “you might have tasted of every narcotic of the drowsy East:
of hashísh, the master Seyyid, or the Parrot of Mysteries, an acquired
taste; of bang, a most potent liberator of thought; and, lastly, of
opium, which is, as we Persians have it, the Antidote, the healer of
every ill except the one it engenders. I was once a well-seasoned
vafurí (opium-smoker), and could discourse of mysteries more eloquently
than any dervish. My nose would grow wet every time I smoked a pipe
of hashísh and my imagination bear me on its wings to the seventh
heaven, or plunge me into the lowest hell. Those were days of spiritual
intoxication--yá-Allah. What cured me of drug-bibbing was the dread of
remaining in the abode of the damned.”
He sauntered on, telling over the beads of his rosary. “Never,” he
cried suddenly, “shall I forget the last pipe of hashísh I smoked.” I
followed him up on the scent of a story. “Come,” said I, “tell me your
tale, and have done with it.”
“Well, it was at Shíráz; I was in the society of some twenty matured
dervishes, and the year was at the spring and the sun was set. I never
hear a nightingale, nor smell a rose, but I can taste that kalyan
of hashísh and tobacco. Not that I was conscious at the time of any
stomachic qualm. Not more than half-a-dozen whiffs were enough to speed
me on my way into a world in which this mortal flesh lay shuddering
at the terrible aspect of things--terrible beyond the imagination of
the unenlightened to conceive. Supper was brought in. Among the dishes
laid before me was a plate of piláw, dome-shaped, having on top a
multitude of round pieces of meat, and these, to my exceeding terror,
came tumbling down the pyramid of white rice, owing to the carelessness
of the servant in handling the dish. But what did I, in my excited
fancy, behold, yá-Moulai? I thought I was at the foot of a snow-clad
mountain, whose crest dwarfed that of Demavend, and from the summit
thereof there came hurtling down on me huge boulders of massy rock. I
cried aloud in terror, and tried to hide myself in the corner of the
room. My friends, the dervishes, laid hold of me, and carried me into
the compound, and flung me into the tank, and in so doing they cheated
me to believe that a host of angels had rescued me from the avalanche,
and, bearing me into Paradise, had cast me into the living waters of
Salsabíl. For, on opening my eyes, I saw a heavenly houri, whose face
shone as the face of the sun. Her feet were on the earth, but her head
reached as high as the fourth heaven. How could I--a man of ordinary
stature--make love to a houri whose height, even among the ladies of
Paradise, must have been a swallow’s flight above the average? True,
I might sit in adoration at her feet, but that a taller man than I
would have the pleasure of kissing her lips seemed only too likely.
This thought was blasphemy in itself; and no sooner did it creep into
this unregenerate mind of mine than two angels caught me by the hands
and threw me into the burning furnace of hell. And this sudden change
in my fortunes corresponded with the actions of my friends in taking
me out of the tank and putting me to bed, and applying a hot remedy to
what they believed to be a cold disease. Yá-Allah, how I burned, but
without consuming, in that fire of the unredeemed. I cried for help,
but Allah--may I be His sacrifice--cast me still deeper into the hell
of His displeasure, saying, ‘He who would worship me must worship me
in soberness and sincerity! Eschew all narcotics, O Seyyid ’Alí, lest
I leave thee here to perish in the flames.’ Then repentance wrung my
heart so that the tears started to my eyes and overflowed. And when
that happened a wind from heaven blew, and I caught sight of a cloud
of sun-lit hair--the hair of the divine houri who had previously
overawed me--and these radiant tresses were wafted by the wind within
arms’ reach of my despair. I clutched them in these two hands. The
exhilaration of a swift ascent filled my soul with thanksgiving, and a
shriek--like a throb of pain--darted through me from without, striking
on the drum of consciousness within me. In other words, I awoke to
find myself lying at home, with a handful of my wife’s hair pressed
to my lips in rapture. How I came to be there I never discovered, but
the mother of my children explained to me with many words that the too
forcible removal of the hair I held in my fingers had left a bald patch
on the crown of her head. And this, yá-Moulai, is the true story of my
redemption.”
Meanwhile, we had reached the northern extremity of Mussah-street,
where in a shop I noticed a number of small bags of yellow leather
containing, as Seyyid ’Alí informed me, the celebrated henna of Wady
Fatima. This valley, called after the Prophet’s daughter, the wife
of ’Alí, his cousin, is situated about eight hours’ journey to the
north-west of Mecca, on the road to Medina. The whole neighbourhood
abounds in the shrub from whose pounded leaves the henna paste is
produced. The act of dyeing the hair with henna is known by the name
of khezab, and is so popular among the Muhammadans of both sexes that
it has come to be almost a religious rite. Many a devout dyes his
hands and feet and hair once a week, the paste giving to the skin an
orange-reddish colour, and deepening the original shade of dark hair to
a ruddy black. On the hammám day the henna is taken to the bath; the
attendant forms it into a paste in small dishes used for the purpose
and called jamé-henna; the decoction should be allowed to stand for
half an hour before it is applied to the skin and the hair. There
are special women artists who draw, on the soles of the feet and the
palms of the hands, all manner of pictures with this dye. Not less
than eight hours are devoted to the practice, the victims--women,
of course--lying with outstretched limbs, for the henna “to take its
colour.”
If one neglects to make use of the dye one runs the risk of bringing
misfortune and leprosy on one’s whole family. The henna of Wady Fatima,
which has a perfume peculiar to itself, is considered particularly
blessed. I was told by the shopkeeper--a prejudiced person, no
doubt--that the Devil himself could be rendered harmless to the Muslim
who should dye his hands once a week and employ an apt quotation from
the Kurán, always provided he were not clad in ihrám. The assurance
that he had sold one hundred thousand bags of the precious dye to the
pilgrims within the month gave me a lively notion of the credulity of
his customers.
Next day I had an opportunity of witnessing the funeral of one of
the chief priests of Mecca, who had died of cholera. The procession,
despite the panic created by the epidemic, was of considerable length.
Half a dozen mullás, intoning passages of the perspicuous Book, led
the way. These were followed by twelve unkempt dervishes in quaint
uniforms, reciting in unison the praises of the dead priest. Then came
the rough bier peculiar to Mecca on the shoulders of ten pilgrims of
as many nationalities. The son, supported by two stalwart priests, and
the chief mourners came next, and after them the women, about twenty
in number, and a crowd of beggars, who had heard that the flesh of
two camels was to be distributed among them. Every now and then, as
we noticed on watching the procession pass by, the bearers would be
relieved of their burden by the most eager among the bystanders, for
it is a tradition that seventy thousand angels will praise the man who
lends a helping hand in carrying the dead to the cemetery. A frequent
cry went up of “O Lord, may his sins be forgiven him. Praise be with
Muhammad and with his people.”
“Yá-Moulai,” said Seyyid ’Alí, “you saw how the people lent their
assistance in order to win the approval of the angels? Well, I will
tell you of a clever trick performed in Mecca last year by four Sunnis
who had murdered a Shiah in a lodging-house. One of the assassins was
chosen by the arbitrament of the _estakhhareh_ to buy the bier and
to bring it to the house where the body lay. That being done, the
mutilated corpse was laid inside by the four men, who, so to speak,
bore the burden of their misdeed into the street. The passers-by,
seeing a funeral, hastened to offer their help in carrying the
corpse to its resting-place. No sooner was each one of the assassins
relieved than he made good his escape, so that by the time the
washing-house was reached the culprits had all disappeared. The crime
was detected when the body was taken out to be washed. Suspicion fell
on the bearers--half a dozen strange pilgrims who had lent a willing
shoulder--and they were brought before the Kazi on the charge of
murder. They only escaped death by paying a heavy sum in blood money.”
We pursued our course eastward to the temporary Syrian bazaar called
Sughé-Shami. Goods from all parts of Syria--from the town of Smyrna to
the remotest fastness of Lebanon--were to be found there. The Syrians
drove a lively trade in silk stuffs from Damascus and Aleppo, as well
as in European cotton prints and in steel ware. The steel ware was
sold as “Inglisi,” though it was generally of German manufacture,
imported into Asia Minor either direct from the Fatherland or from
Constantinople. I saw “Inglisi” silk umbrellas, with what appeared to
be silver handles, priced at half a mejidi, or about two shillings.
German watches, guaranteed to be “Inglisi,” could be bought at a cost
varying from four to ten shillings. On the other hand, Persian carpets
were far more expensive there than they are in London, and so also
were Turkish ones. Silk headgear called _chepi_ and silk kerchiefs
called _kefi_ were in great request among the Bedouins, who purchased,
besides, the dried fruits of Syria. There were many coffee-houses _à
la turque_, where story-tellers recited in flowery language, either
Arabic or Turkish, the tales of the Arabian Nights. Some pilgrims might
sit listening from sunrise to sunset, but my guide and I, having drunk
a cup of coffee, proceeded on our way, past the Prophet’s birthplace,
to the Moamil or pottery bazaar. There, as I watched the potters at
work, I couldn’t help quoting the immortal lines of Omar Khayyám, as
translated by Fitzgerald:
“For I remember stopping by the way
To watch a potter thumping his wet clay;
And with its all-obliterated Tongue
It murmur’d--‘Gently, Brother, gently, pray.’”
Thence, in the Sughé-Lail, the carpenters have their niches. My guide
told me a story of a Meccan carpenter who went once to measure a
doorway of one of the houses in the neighbourhood. Having forgotten
his yard measure he calculated the width by opening his arms. Then,
still keeping his arms in the same position, he hastened back to his
shop. On the way he fell down a well; the people gathered round; and
one among them threw him a rope, but the carpenter refused to catch
hold of it, lest he might change the measurement of the doorway. “Ah,
my friend,” said I, “there I waited for you. That story is taken from
‘Mullá Nasiru’-Din,’ a book satirising the mock piety and the folly of
the priests. You must be more careful in choosing the tales you would
foist on my credulity.” And so wrangling we reach the cattle market.
Now, kindness to animals is specially recommended by Muhammad, but
his followers have still much to learn in practice. The sheep and
cattle are driven to the market in the early morning, before sunrise,
and, unless they are sold, must remain all day long without anything
to eat or to drink. The condition of some of the sheep was pitiful.
The camels, that are not accustomed to be for ever nibbling like the
sheep, appeared to suffer less from the deprivation of food. In that
quarter of the town nearly all the tradesmen, whether cattle-sellers,
butchers, fruiterers, or grocers, were Bedouins, dwelling in their
encampments inside the town, and holding themselves aloof from the
Arab townsmen and the foreigners. In manners, customs, and morality
they have suffered but little change from the time of the Prophet,
for, unlike the Meccans themselves, they have borrowed none of the
characteristics of their co-religionists from alien countries. They
forbid their women to be on intimate terms with the townswomen; and
when you meet them buying and selling in the market place they are
always extremely reserved, and sometimes not less haughty in their
demeanour towards you. For the frankness which is their most pleasing
quality in their canvas cities is held in restraint so soon as they
take up their quarters in Mecca during the pilgrimage. The women, both
rich and poor, work hard, in most cases even harder than the men, and
that is why they wear, in contrast to the townswomen, who are corpulent
and comely, an appearance of being as muscular as they are lean and
sun-baked. Near the cattle market we saw some low shops and warehouses
in which corn and provisions were being sold by Indians and Egyptians
to some Bedouins who had entered the town in order to replenish their
supplies, and there, too, the out-going caravans are wont to take
in their eatables for the homeward journey. Rice and wheat are the
commodities which are most needed by the Bedouins of Hejaz, and in
these the southern Indians carry on a brisk trade with the interior of
that barren province.
CHAPTER IV
HEALING BY FAITH
Two things play an important part in the family life of Persia. The
first of these, the yearly almanac or _taghvím_ is studied with a
pathetic trust by all. In a day that has been marked unlucky they see
the frustration of their hopes and prayers, however perseveringly
they may strive, by earnest effort, to elude the working of the
fateful stars and to bring about the consummation of their wishes.
“The most blessed hour for prayer,” I was told by one of them, “is
when the planet Jupiter is in conjunction with the culminating point
of the firmament.” And when I began to argue with him, he said in
astonishment: “Have you no faith in _estakhhareh_ either?” I replied:
“If you can prove to me by any passage in the Kurán that God will lend
his advice to the Muslim who shall consult Him through the beads of
a rosary, I will believe in the _taghvím_, the _estakhhareh_, or any
_fáll_ or omen you care to mention. But, first, let me be sure that
I understand the method of making an _estakhhareh_. Having read a
verse of the Holy Scriptures, you place the finger on a bead, then,
counting the beads from that point to the nearer end of the thread,
you believe that God will grant you your heart’s desire provided the
number be odd, but that He will refuse your request if it be even. Am I
right?” “Certainly,” he replied; “for if my prayer be reasonable and
I deserving in the sight of God, He will assuredly guide my hand.” “It
is obvious,” I retorted, “that God can and does guide His slaves; but
I deny that He shares your belief in the luck of odd numbers. Let the
Prophet be my intercessor. This is what he says:
“‘Do ye acquire knowledge, for he who acquireth knowledge in God’s
service performeth an act of piety; he who giveth utterance to it
praiseth the Lord; he who is diligent in search of it worshipeth God;
and he who imparteth it offereth sacrifice to Him.’ Now, your faith
is rooted not in knowledge, but in superstition. Look around you, and
you will see the wonders of God in the working of laws immutably just,
eternally the same. I tell you that action and reaction are equal
and opposite, that the ordered weal and woe are the results of our
own actions good and evil, and I advise you to put on the armour of
knowledge in the desert less you fall a victim to the superstitious of
whom you now are one. ‘The ink of the scholar,’ the Prophet tells us,
‘is more holy than the blood of the martyr.’”
My opponent, however, remained unconvinced. He assured me that his
spiritual director would not dream of wearing a new ’abá without first
consulting the _taghvím_, nor would he take it on himself to administer
a dose of medicine to a sick child without asking God, through the
beads of his rosary or the pages of the Kurán, whether the remedy would
be efficacious or not. Of the progress of medical science the Shi’ah
pilgrims knew nothing.
[Illustration: A PERSIAN PROFESSOR OF THEOLOGY.]
Galen and Avicenna are still regarded as the leading masters of the
profession, and their treatises are the only ones that are studied.
Diseases are divided into hot and cold. A cold remedy is applied to a
hot disease, and a hot remedy to a cold one. The doctors bleed patients
suffering from malarial fever. They keep small-pox endemic by their
curious remedies. Silver armlets containing texts out of the Kurán
are worn as preservatives of health. The saints and _estakhharehs_ are
sometimes the only doctors. “The One who sends fever takes it away
... Khodá rahím ast (God is merciful).... If He wants me to remain
here He will cure me.... He is the best doctor.” Offerings in money
or in sweet-meats are given to the poor for the patient’s recovery.
The money is placed under the pillow every night, and is distributed
every morning among the needy. The patient, despite the stifling
atmosphere, is persuaded to believe in a speedy recovery, everybody
telling him that he will soon be quite _kushdell_ or cheerful. But when
the end draws near a priest is summoned in haste, and the dying man,
if he has no just cause of complaint against a child or against his
wife, says not a word as to the distribution of his property, having
full confidence that the divine law will be religiously followed. He
instructs the priest as to the rites to be observed at his funeral and
the offerings to be paid for the peace of his soul. He may command his
sons to obey their mother and to respect their sisters. If he has no
issue he may settle his property on a school, a mosque, a saint, or a
water cistern.
The corpse must not remain more than twenty-four hours in the house.
The hammámí, or bath-keeper, now enters the house in the capacity of
an undertaker. He places the body on a _korsi_, that is, on a raised
wooden platform in the middle of the room; a copy of the Kurán and
a decanter of rose-water are set down near the head; and a cashmere
shawl is laid over the remains. For a month or forty days after burial
a _ghari_ or hired priest keeps watch over the grave, praying for the
soul’s peace of the newly-departed, and reading the Kurán aloud. On the
night of the interment the percussion of the grave, the fesharé-ghabre,
is supposed to take place. The priest must keep on reciting a certain
passage of the Kurán, called Ayatu’l-Kúrsí or the Verse of the Throne,
in order to extend the space and prevent the pressure. Then come Monker
and Nakír--those livid-faced angels of death--and question the deceased
concerning his faith. If his answers be satisfactory, ’Alí will cause
him to be refreshed by the air of Paradise; if not, he will be beaten
on the temples with iron maces.
The evening before I left Mecca for Jiddah I was suffering from a
racking headache, and my friends advised me to consult a certain Arab
physician. The curiosity to have an interview with this leech overcame
my scepticism concerning his health-giving touch, so off I went to the
east of the town where he dwelt, taking my guide with me; and there,
in a winding lane some three feet wide, we found his house. My guide
summoned the servant by banging at the outer door with his club. In
about ten minutes what we judged to be a small urchin appeared behind
the door and asked us in a piping treble what we wanted. Having assured
himself that we were not Bedouin Arabs bent on pillaging the sacred
house, he drew back the bars, bidding us enter in the name of God the
Merciful and Clement.
The courtyard through which we passed was unpaved and not more than
five yards square. The apartments--six fetid cells--ranged round
three sides of it. The hakím’s room faced the door. We walked in with
the greeting “Salám ’aleykum! Peace be unto you!” The faith-healer
was seated cross-legged on a mat in a corner of the cell. He rose
to receive us, saying “Bismillah! in the name of God!” the Eastern
equivalent of “Please come in.” He was of middle height, lean, of a
pleasing countenance; his eyes were deep-set, brilliant, smiling; his
beard measured the span of a man’s hand; and his teeth flashed between
lips framed for laughter. He wore a white handkerchief round his head,
and a long blue gown reached to his ankles. Nothing could exceed the
courtesy of our host. As a mark of respect, he insisted on my taking
his place; my guide, heaving a “Yá-Allah!” and a sigh of relief, sank
to my side on the left; while the sunny-faced saint, squatting at
my right hand, turned a beaming eye on his trusty henchboy, who was
standing in the doorway, waiting for the orders of his lord and master.
In the East they never break the ice of silence with a remark on the
weather. The customary opening is to inquire if you are in health. I
told the doctor, in answer to his question, that I had a bad headache,
and had come to him to be cured. When he had raised his hands and
cried out “Yá-Muhammad!” thereby invoking the Prophet to lend him
the assistance he required, it was to ask me on which side the head
ached. I touched the spot, whereon he fell to rubbing it vigorously
with the palm of his right hand, calling out the while to the urchin
to fetch the necessary apparatus for the forthcoming operation. The
boy disappeared. In a few minutes he came back, bearing in both his
hands a round hollow plate of clay in which were a few lumps of burning
charcoal.
The next things he brought in were a couple of round iron rods about
twice the length of an ordinary pencil, together with a cup filled with
a black fluid used as ink and composed, if I mistake not, of a mixture
of starch and the soot of an oil lamp. The doctor thrust the rods in
the glowing charcoal. The fear of being branded bathed my brow in
sweat. The doctor, assuring me that I had no cause to be afraid, cried
out: “If we lose heart at the sight of these little rods, how much the
more shall we suffer when we feel the weight of the maces of the angels
of punishment. May God protect you from the fire of hell!”
The tips of the rods by this time were red-hot. Having dipped them
in the cup of ink, he closed his eyes, and then raised his voice in
an incantation that lasted several minutes. Not a single word could I
understand. When it was over he opened his eyes, and, saying the word
“Bismillah,” proceeded to draw with one of the rods on my right temple
five perpendicular lines crossed by five horizontal ones, thus forming
sixteen tiny squares. The same pattern was traced on the left temple
with the second rod. Several magic hieroglyphics besides were inscribed
in the same manner behind my ears and on the nape of my neck.
After every operation the good doctor would pause to ask me: “Is the
pain gone now?” Four times did I tell him the truth; then, fearing that
he would begin to tattoo my body, I assured the persevering little
man that I never felt better in my life. His joy knew no bounds.
Raising his hands to heaven, he cried, “Praise be to God Almighty, who
hath sent to this poor family a power so miraculous. The secret was
bequeathed to my father by the Lord God, and when my father died he
left it to me as an inheritance. On no account must you wash off the
signs until to-morrow morning; for if you do the pain will return to
punish you. The blight of the Evil Eye was the cause of your headache.
Go in peace. You are welcome.”
The following day I set out on my homeward journey, taking Seyyid ’Alí
with me as far as Jiddah; and when I said good-bye to him I felt that
I was losing an entertaining companion. That the reader may experience
the same feeling of loss in parting from me is my dearest hope on
bidding him farewell.
[Illustration: AN ARAB SHEYKH OF THE TOWN.]
APPENDIX
By WILFRID SPARROY
SOME REFLECTIONS ON THE EXISTENCE OF A SLAVE MARKET IN MECCA
I brought the notes of “Hájí Ráz” to a conclusion in the last chapter;
and he himself has bidden the reader farewell. It now remains for me
to say a few words on what I conceive to be the greatest weakness in
the Mussulman faith as interpreted by the Mullahs; and in so doing I
wish it to be understood, particularly by my Eastern readers, that
I am solely responsible for the opinions I am about to express on
the subject of the Mussulman’s attitude to slavery, the existence of
which, in the fourteenth century of the Hegira, must be a source of
some misgiving on the part of those who sympathise with so much in the
Muslim creed. And I appeal throughout to the enlightened laymen of our
Indian Empire, on whose interpretations of the Prophet’s message the
welfare of Islám will, in the future, depend in an ever-increasing
degree.
Now, the British are the champions of freedom: under their flag every
man is born free. Nothing is more hateful, to their way of thinking,
than that one human being should be the slave of another. In their
opinion the quality of slavery is to brutalise both the slave and
his master--the slave by depriving him of the self-respect which is
the heritage of every man who is free to choose his own career and
to rule, within the limits of humanity, his own destiny; and the
master, by making him the owner of a human soul--a responsibility so
awful that it is far more likely to lower him to the level of a beast
than it is to raise him to the height of a god. If this, in brief, be
a fair statement of the British attitude towards slavery, it will be
interesting and, in a measure, enlightening to the reader to follow, by
way of contrast, the argument supported by the ordinary Mussulman.
To be frank, the present-day followers of the Prophet--those who have
not been brought under the influence of European civilisation--have far
less sympathy with the opinions expressed in the opening paragraph,
than had Muhammad himself. Humanly speaking, the British crusade
against slavery is not only beyond their comprehension--it is also
above it. Their outlook on life, with its rights, its limitations, and
its responsibilities, differs fundamentally from that of the followers
of the Founder of Christianity. The Christian, who speaks of himself as
“a child of God and an inheritor of the Kingdom of Heaven,” believes,
if we misinterpret him not, that the first step is with him, and the
road with God. In other words, he holds the inspiriting belief, which
is, indeed, the source of all his worldly progress and his prosperity,
that God has given him the right to act of his own initiative, but
not the power--or only a circumscribed power--to foresee whither his
actions will lead him. Therefore, in calling himself “a child of God,”
he has chosen the title that would best express his independence and
his limitations. The Muhammadan, on the other hand, cannot admit
that he has the power to move of his own free will, much less the
right to do so. He holds that every true Muslim is, and must be, “the
slave of God,” the theory of free-will being to the Muslim trend
of thought so antagonistic that it has come to bear much the same
meaning as lawlessness. Hence his aversion from Europe and all its
ways. “How,” he asks, “can morality and law flourish in a continent,
in which thought is free, in which women are free, in which God’s
will is superseded by the will of man? Freedom? I say we are all the
slaves of God, even when we are the slaves of other men. There is not
one creature who is free to act. Only the Creator is free. It is our
predestined lot to be submissive to His will.”
I hope the reader is following the thread of my argument. It is the
feeling of the East which I would attempt to lay bare. The existence
of slavery in these days is the natural outcome of that feeling. Many
a child is kept illiterate for no other reason than because its father
is illiterate. If the father is a pea-parcher or a bean-roaster, the
son must be a pea-parcher or a bean-roaster; for a son is nothing more
than a child of its father. This thraldom, to a lad of originality
and spirit, is unbearable, but he must either endure it, or else
run the risk of being an outcast. Thus the son is the slave of his
father. In his turn the father is under the bondage of his spiritual
director, who too often serves no other God than Mammon. The tendency
of the Muslim, however, is to accept the guidance of his “master” with
unquestioning humility. All might go well with him if his “master”--we
mean his priest--were always a man to be trusted, and the right man
to lead. Unfortunately the Muslim priest more often than not is more
unenlightened, more selfish, more avaricious, more unscrupulous than
most of his flock, and thus there is a danger of his enslaving the
whole fold. Poor sheep, they, believing him to be the shepherd of
God, are accustomed to follow him whithersoever he may ensnare them.
They are doomed to perish together on the rock of Predestination,
unless these “masters” can be brought to revise the interpretation
they have put on their Prophet’s teaching. Muhammad, as a matter of
fact, was careful not to draw a too narrow line between the scope and
the limitations of the human will. There is nothing in his message
which need deter a progressive Muslim from accepting the belief that
the first step is with him always, and there is no doubt that the
acceptance of such a belief by the whole Muslim world would go far
to breathe new life into the body politic. For it would give to the
imagination an ever-widening vision of human responsibility, of human
knowledge, and of human destiny. It would emancipate every race that is
proud to pay allegiance to the Prophet, and would make slavery, in its
widest as well as in its literal sense, a curse of the unredeemed past.
“We know,” says Mr. J. H. Shorthouse, speaking in the words of an
oracular voice, addressing the King of Diamonds in a pack of cards,
“that we possess a power by which the fall of the cards is systematised
and controlled. To a higher intelligence than ours, doubtless,
combinations which seem to us inscrutable are as easily analysed
and controlled. In proportion as intellect advances we know this to
be the case, and these two would seem to run side by side into the
infinite--law, and intellect, which perceives law, until we arrive
at the insoluble problem whether law is the result of intellect or
intellect of law.”
Now, the Mussulman, in trying to solve this problem, seems to me to
have chosen the solution which is more likely than not to paralyse
the intellect and clog the wheels of progress. For if he is oppressed
or poor or ignorant or unhappy, he may say it is God’s will that he
should be so; and thus he may remain stationary, making no effort to
keep abreast with the march of civilisation. In other words, he may
come to be a slave to his god. And so, to make an end of this preamble,
it is not surprising that in countries where most men are to some
extent slaves, socially and politically speaking, there should be men
and women who belong, as purchasable and saleable chattels, to such
families as can afford to buy them. But--and this is an all-important
point--the Prophet wrought his manly utmost to mitigate the ill-effects
of slavery: it flourished exceedingly, as every schoolboy knows, long
before his time, and in other countries besides his own; but, thanks
to Muhammad’s laws, the lot of the slaves of Islám was, and is still,
immensely happier than was ever that of the slaves of pagan Rome or
of Christian North America. It is related that Abdullah Ansari went
one day to visit the Prophet, and received from him the following
instructions; “On this the last Friday of Ramazán, you must devote
yourself ‘to taking leave’ of the month, and to redeeming as many
slaves as you can: and these things you must do in order that God
may be gracious unto you.” The “leave-taking,” be it known to the
reader, is practised every year, but the old custom of setting one’s
slaves free on the last day of the congregation of the Muslim Lent has
completely died out. However, though it was not possible for Muhammad
to abolish slavery in a lifetime, the system being far too deeply
rooted in the customs of the country, he fully realised the oppression
to which the slaves had been subjected, and left nothing undone which
would ameliorate their fate.
Thus, in Súra xxiv. of the Kurán, entitled “Light,” it is written:
“And unto such of your slaves as desire a written instrument allowing
them to redeem themselves on the payment of a certain sum, write one,
if ye know good in them: that is, if ye have found them faithful, and
have reason to believe they will fulfil their engagement; and give
them likewise of the riches of God which He hath given you, either by
bestowing on them of your own substance or by abating them a part of
their ransom.” Some commentators believe the last admonition to be
addressed not only to the masters but to Muslims in general, making
it an obligation on them all to assist those who have obtained their
liberty and paid their ransom, either by giving the ransomed slaves of
their own stock, or by admitting them to have a share in the public
alms. One of the Imáms, as we read in a Shi’ah book of traditions,
put a very generous interpretation on the Prophet’s words; for on
the approach of the Hájj Day he would buy as many slaves as he could
afford to set free--a signal and heartening proof that Muhammad had not
preached in vain. But, alas! in these modern days a slave is rarely
allowed to buy his freedom--unless, indeed, he be utterly worthless
as a servant--until such time as his master is dead. A good Muslim
either releases his slaves on his death-bed, having no further use of
their services, or makes provision for their redemption in his will.
The money and the belongings which they may have amassed, as well as
they themselves, are during his lifetime his inalienable property, and,
therefore, on the first day of the moon of Shavvál he must, on paying
his Zikkát (that is, one-tenth of his gross estate), include therein
the purchase-price of his slaves and the value of their hoards.
Another instance of the Prophet’s solicitude for the best welfare
of the slaves must not be omitted here. In his reverence for virtue
he took such steps as would, to a certain extent, guard the female
slaves from the indelicacy of their masters. If the masters have
deteriorated morally, less than one might expect from the burden of
their responsibility and the force of their temptation, dealing as far
as in them lies with kindness by their slaves, what can be said in
respect of morality of the unfortunate slaves themselves? In a play
modelled on the European drama, an Oriental writer has chosen for
his hero a Negro slave by name Pistachio, to whom he attributes the
lowest traits of ignorance and cunning. Pistachio is the evil genius
of the family. He turns the house into a secret gambling hell. He
brings about a _liaison_ between his master’s daughter and a suitor
rejected by her parents; and, by winning his mistress’s favour, excites
the apprehension and jealousy of her husband. Every act of treachery
is committed under the cloak of folly. His perversity has no limit,
and his ingratitude no end. Making every allowance for reasonable
exaggeration, we have in Pistachio a type of what an Oriental slave
too often is. For there is no manner of doubt that a man, born and
bred in slavery, knowing next to nothing of the refining influence of
education, is more apt to represent rather the worse, than the better,
side of human character. Some slaves there are, doubtless, who, like
Arab horses, are surpassingly faithful to their masters, but there
are others--perhaps more numerous--who, in the effrontery of deceit
and moral degradation could hardly be matched by the most thankless
rascal in the sink of hypocrisy. Of the majority connecting the extreme
types whose portraits I have sketched, two things may be said with
almost unquestionable certainty. They are self-willed and effeminate
when young, and indolent and self-willed when old. In their youth,
provided they be good-looking, they are regarded with suspicion by
their masters, if they are male, and with jealousy by their mistresses
if they are female. They live, whether they be men or women, in the
strength-sapping seclusion of the harems, and hence, for one reason,
their lack of such qualities as go to the making of healthy manhood.
For intellect they must be placed not much above the level of the
dog--in fact, if the dog could speak, he would put in his claim to the
higher rank.
I have hardly heard of a single slave in an Oriental house who deserves
to be noted for his intellectual power. Since he is so cunning and can
set the whole family by the ears, how comes it that he is so dull of
understanding? Does the cause lie solely in the neglect of education?
Surely not, for if it did his master’s case would often be no better
than his own. Is the reason, then, to be sought beneath the surface of
his skin? Scarcely, I think, since, under the British flag in South
Africa, his brother blacks are gaining fast in intellectual strength.
No; set your slave free; let him have a body he can call his own.
Educate him that he may develop a mind to rule himself. Give him light,
and room, and liberty. Do this, you master of Islám’s slave, and your
jesters shall have no cause in the future to satirise the wretched
victim who, bought in chains and reared in sloth, is nothing less than
a living stigma cast on your manhood. If anything could emancipate your
sense of justice, it would be a visit to the Slave Market of Mecca.
Go there, see for yourself the condition of the human chattels you
purchase. You will find them, thanks to the vigilance of the British
cruisers, less numerous, and consequently more expensive, than they
were in former years; but there they are, flung pell-mell in the open
square--in crowds that clamour for a recrudescence of Muhammad’s
attitude towards slavery.
One group, that of a mother and daughter, excited the sympathy of
many pilgrims. The girl, unthinking, giddy, broke every now and then
into shrill laughter. In her mirth, more terrible to witness than
grief, it seemed as though she would while away the hours of exciting
expectation. For the girl was bent on winning a master; slavery had
for her no terror, a mother no reclaiming tie. Every time the daughter
laughed her mother’s face twitched all over, and then grew rigid. It
was plain, to the sympathetic eye, that she had forced herself to
rejoice in her own anguish--her daughter’s unconcern, telling herself,
it may be, that, though her own pain would soon be the greater, her
daughter’s would be so much the less. The one, dreading the parting,
disguised her secret anguish, or found her consolation in her child’s
heartlessness; the other, who could not conceal her anxiety lest she
should be overlooked, was innocent of a qualm. The dealer, standing by,
cried out: “Come and buy, the first fruits of the season, delicate,
fresh, and green; come and buy, strong and useful, faithful and honest.
Come and buy.” The day of sacrifice was past, and the richer pilgrims
in their brightest robes gathered round. One among them singled out the
girl. They entered a booth together. The mother was left behind. One
word she uttered, or was it a moan of inarticulate grief? Soon after,
the girl came back. And the dealer, when the bargaining was over, said
to the purchaser: “I sell to you this property of mine, the female
slave Narcissus, for the sum of £40.” “And I,” replied the pilgrim,
“agree to pay you £40 for your property, Narcissus.” Thus the bargain
was clinched. This time the mother’s despair was voiceless; for it
meant to stay with her always.
Most of the slaves, male and female, came from Nubia and from
Abyssinia, and these are said to be the most faithful. “Hájí Ráz”
tried his best to determine the extent of the traffic at Mecca, but
in a country where the census is unknown, where every nobleman is an
independent ruler, and where the revenue cannot be calculated with
any degree of accuracy, he found it impossible to form even a working
hypothesis as to the number of human beings that are sold yearly in the
city of God. That the trade by sea is on the decrease is certain; but
many a slaver escapes from the clutch of the British cruisers owing
to the shallow waters of the Red Sea and to the fact that the pursuer
cannot go ashore. Moreover, the overland route is always open. Thus he
was told that the generality of the richer pilgrims commemorated the
sacramental journey by buying at least one slave, and often two. The
price varied. A woman-slave, if she were good to behold, fetched by
far the higher price--from £20 to £80. Men slaves could be bought for
sums varying from £15 to £40. The children-in-arms were sold with their
mothers, an act of mercy; but those that could feed themselves had to
take their chance. More often than not they were separated from their
mothers, which gave rise to scenes which many a sympathetic pilgrim
would willingly forget if he could.
It is the custom among the Muhammadans to change the names of their
newly-acquired property. Thus the slaves that go to Persia and to
Central Asia are called by the names of the flowers if they are
women, and by those of the precious stones if they are men. Of the
precious stones Turquoise and Cornelian are the most common. Flowers
and precious stones! Are they not men and women, O children of Islám,
and if they are, why do you not restore to them, in accordance with
the express commands of Muhammad, the Prophet, the breath that would
reanimate and the light that would redeem them?... “But zeal outruns
discretion. Here I end.”
INDEX
Aal, 276
Aaron, 61
Abbas, 274
Abdallah Ebn Omm Mactúm, 23
Abdullah Ansari, 303
Abdur Rahman Khan, 160
Abraham, 55, 115, 140, 166, 247
’Abd Allah Ibu Mas’ud, 261
Abú Amid, 166
Abú Bekr, 69, 113
Abú Ghobais, Mount, 257
Abú Hanifa, 115
Abú-Hurairah, 261
Abú Sa’íd al-Khadrí, 261
Abú Sophian, 70
Abú Yúsúf, 115
Abyssinia, 307
Adam, 131, 166
Afghan pilgrim, 259
Aghigheh sacrifice, 47, 272, 273
Ahia, 53
Ahmad Ebn Hanbal, 117
Ahmad Ebn Yúsúf, 93
Ahmad Muizz-u’d-Dawlat, 69
Ainé-Zobeideh, 224, 237
Albanians, 234, 235
Al Beyyid, 93
Alemeyn, 196, 203, 204, 252
Al-Farra of Bagh, 261
Algeria, 178
Al Hadi, 115
’Alí, Imám, his knighthood, 24, 25
----, his injunctions to traders, 45
----, traditions concerning him, 61
----, his wife, Fatima, Muhammad’s daughter, 69
----, his character as Caliph, 69, 70
----, as the “Lion of God,” 70, 71
----, his murder, 71
----, his name inscribed on the gates of the Harem, 113
Al-Káwthar, 59
Al-Khalíl, 55
Al Mutasem, Caliph, 117
Al Moakkibat, 129
Al Omreh, 252
Al Radí, Caliph, 117
Amin-ud-dowleh, 163
Amin-us-Surreh, 206
Amir-ul-Hájj-ul-Mesri, 206
Amir-ul-Hájj-ul-Shami, 206
Arab club, 109
Arab priest, blind, 88, 89
Arabs, 22, 24, 95, 96, 97, 98, 101, 104, 105, 108;
see also “Bedouins”
Arafat, 27, 56, 102, also Chapters IX., X., XI., Part II.
Arch of Beni Sheybeh, 130
Ardebil, 158
Aryan, 62, 75
Assyria, 71
Avicenna, 290
A’yáde-Ghadir, 60, 61, 62
Ayatu’l-Kúrsí, translated, 269, 270
Ayeshah, 55, 69, 70, 221
Azrail, 131
Bábághúlí, 47, 272, 273
Bábí rebellion, 164
Babylon, 102
Bagdad, 117
Baidáwí, 261
Balám, 60
Balsam of Mecca, 264, 265
Barbary, 116
Bashtar, 96
Baths, Muslim, 41, 50
Bedouins, 94-96, 103, 104, 189, 192-194, 210, 211, 213, 214, 219,
234, 235, 236, 263, 264, 265, 270, 272
Bedre, 264
Benares, 102
Behbehan, 276
Beni Amere, Bedouin tribe, 264
Beni Salem, Bedouin tribe, 270
Beni Shaibeh, gate, 168
Beni Subh, Bedouin tribe, 263, 264, 265
Black Stone, 131-135, 140, 167
Bombay, 180
Burkhardt, 226
Burton, Richard, 226
Cairo, 54, 111, 178
Calvinism, Welsh, 30
Caucasus, 90
Cholera, see Preface, also 83, 178, 179, 180, 181, 187, 203, 204,
212, 213, 284
Christ, 76
Compassing of the Ka’bah, 130-139
Constantinople, 54
Cover-design to the present volume, see “Bábághúlí”
Critic, his aim, 21
----, his attitude to the Kurán, 22
Day of Arafat, see Chapters IX., X, XI., Part II.
Day of the Repose of the Soul, see Chapter VII., Part II.
Day of Victims, see Chapter XII., Part II.
Date-trees, 265
Delhi, 24
Demavend, 281
Devil, see “Lapidation” and “Edris”
Edris, 131
Egyptian Mahmil, 220, 221, 241, 242, 245
Eshagh-ben-Amar, 44
Essraf, 245
Estakhareh, 38, 46, 285, 289, 290
Esteghfar, 134
Euphrates, 47, 71
Eve, 105, 106, 131
Family of the Tent, 72, 73, 75
Fará, 263
Fatihah, translated, 269
Fatima, 61, 69, 72
“Fotúhúl Haremeyn,” 138
Gabriel, angel of Revelations, 52-55, 60, 62, 76, 131, 166
Gaem, 106
Gala, 290
Gate of Peace, see “Salám Gate”
Gate of Purity, see “Safá Gate”
Ghadir, 68
Ghadre-Day, 52, 53, 54
Ghúl-hú-Allah, 134
Gibbon, 72, 73
Gold Spout, 127, 132, 136
Granada, 24
Hamadan, 275, 276, 278
Hamde, 134
Hanbalites, 116, 117, 118
Hanefites, 115, 248
Harb, Bedouin tribe, 104, 263, 264, 265, 270
Harem of Mecca, 112-120, 123-129, 134-141
Harem pigeons, 119, 167
Harun-ur-Rashid, Caliph, 115
Hasan, eldest son of Imám ’Alí, 71
Hashem, 75
Hashemites, 69, 75
Hashísh, 280, 281
Heddah, 103, 108
Hegira, 48
Hejaz, 91-101, 164, etc.
Henna, 283, 284
Hodi, 106
Hozail, Bedouin tribe, 194, 211
Hugo, Victor, 82
Huseyn, Imám, younger son of ’Alí, his knighthood, 25
----, his rules of etiquette, 34
----, his character, 71
----, his last stand, 73
----, his death, 73
----, mourned by the Persians, 74, 75
----, hero of the Persian Passion Drama, 76
----, receives the key of intercession from Muhammad, 77
Ihrám, pilgrims’ habit, 90, 93, 94, 165, 166
Indian Pilgrims, 198, 200, 222
Isfahán, 160
Ishmael, 55, 56, 167
Islám, social, 37, 38, 41-47, see Chap. VI., Part II., and also the
chapters of Part III.
Ismailia, 73
Israfil, 131
Jafar, Imám, 38, 42, 44, 46
Jammé Sakhra, 237
Jebelé-Nur, 182
Jesus, 55, 61
Jiddah, 89, 90, 93-101
Jinns, 276, 277
Jumádáu-’l-ákhir, 48
Jumádáu-’l-sání, 48
Jumádáu-’l-úlá, 48
Ka’bah, 28, 56, 60, 111, 112, 114, 115, 131, 134-141, 164-172, 251
Kadijah, 221
Karmata, 132
Karmatians, 132
Kashán, 160
Kazi of Mecca, 238, 242, 247
Kerbela, 72, 76, 274
Kesveh, 221, 222
Khadasieh, 24
Khaif, 191, 196, 252
Khayyám, Omar, 33, 159, 286
Khedevieh, 89
Kiblah, see “Mecca”
Kirmán, 88
Kitchen of Adam, 222
Kufa, 45, 71, 73, 76
Kuraish, 23, 24, 53, 115, 118, 166
Kurán, Geo. Robinson’s opinion of it, 21
----, refers to the Pilgrimage, 26-29
----, used as a talisman, 43
----, the third Súra, 54, 55
----, Chapter entitled “Man,” 62
----, its use in battle, 70
----, see “Fatihah,” and “Ayatu’l-Kursí”
----, Chapter entitled “Light,” 303
Kurb, King of Yemen, 221
Kurds, 234
Laili, 63
Lapidation of the Devil, 246, 247, 252
Lascars, 89
Lesseps, de, 83
Lote-tree, 41
Magrebis (Moroccans), 214, 217
Mahmil, 220, 221, 241, 242, 245;
see also “Syrian Mahmil”
Majnun, 63
Malay pilgrims, 194, 195, 196, 197
Malek Ebn Ans, 115, 116
Malekites, 115, 116
Malik, Guardian of Hell, 52
Marseilles, 82
Marshmallow, 41
Marveh, 142, 148-152, 252
Maseh (ablution), 34
Masher al haram, 174
Mecca, 29, 48, 68, 81, 103;
see also chapters of Part III.
Medina, 23, 48, 52, 68, 70, 72, 178, 227, 232, 233, 263
Meshireh, 52
Messiah, 106
Messina, 82
Michael, archangel, 131
Mina, 28, 55, 56, 148, 176;
see also Chap. XII., Part II.
Mizab, see “Gold Spout”
Moalla, 181
Moawiyah, 70, 71
Moghavems, 103, 176, 180, 182, 188, 194, 198, 209, 220
Morocco, 178;
see also “Maghrebis” Moses, 61
Mount Shíní, 110
Muezzin, 43, 48, 51, 237, 238, 266
Muhammad, the Prophet,
----, his sincerity, 22
----, “He Frowned,” 23
----, as a soldier, 24
----, his aims as reformer, 25
----, his declaration of God’s unity, 25
----, his view of Christianity, 25, 26
----, the sense he had of his mission, 26
----, his charity, 26
----, approves of the Pilgrimage, 27, 28, 29
----, his cornelian ring, 38
----, his reverence for chastity, 46
----, his ideal woman, 46
----, the festivals which he encouraged, 46, 47
----, on the moon of Rajab, 49
----, his victory over the Kuraish, 53
----, his pond in Paradise, 59
----, his secretary, Othmán, 69
----, his love for his grandson, Imám Huseyn, 73
----, hands over to Huseyn the key of intercession, 77
----, his political aims, 120
----, his highest conception of the Hereafter, 120
----, catechises Muaz, Governor of Yeman, 123
----, his patience, 124
----, his respect for knowledge, 124, 290
----, on the sevenfold compassing of the Ka’bah, 137
----, his loyalty to his first wife, Kadijah, 221
----, his flight from Mecca, 232
----, his kindness to animals, 287
----, his attitude to slavery, see Chap. V., Part III.
Muhammadan, months or moons, 47-62
----, Paradise, 58, 59, 120
----, Orthodox Sects, 115-120, 123, etc.
----, Mullás, 120, 123, 124, 125, etc.
----, Prayers, 126-152, 173, 174, 238
----, self-sacrifice, 137, 138, etc.
----, fortitude, 153, 154
----, beggars, 157
----, women, 46, 88, 94, 95, 148, 187, 188, 199, 200, 217, 306, 307,
308
----, musicians, 198, 199, 200
----, centralisation, 227
Muharram, 48, 62, 68, 69, 73
Munkar, 145, 146, 260, 271
Mussah-street, Mecca, 153, 257
Nahavend, 24
Nakhowales, 227, 232, 233
Nakir, 145, 146, 271
Napoleon, 23
Negro slaves, see Chap. V, Part III
Nessouh, 50, 51
Niyyat, 34, 133, 134, etc.
Noah, 44, 51
Nodbeh, 58
Nu’man Ibu Bashír, 261
Nún, 60
Nureh, 41
Obeidullah, Governor of Kufa, 71
Omar, second Caliph, 24, 69, 70, 74, 113
Ommiyah, 70
Othman, third Caliph, 69, 113
Owf, Bedouin tribe, 263
Paris, 82
Persian Passion-play, 75, 76, 77
---- character, at its best, 74, 75
---- character, according to Nassir, 108
---- character, according to Seyyid ’Alí, 108
---- witticisms, 109, 110
---- mysticism, 62-68, 109, 110
---- poem, 141, 142
---- story, 176; also Chap. III, Part III
---- humour, 186; also Chap. III, Part III
---- noblemen, 188, 189
---- fable, 205
---- Consul-General of Hejaz, 206, 227, 231
---- High-Priest of Teherán, 206
---- tents, 209
---- lullaby, 211
---- water-pipes, 224
---- seal-maker, 260, 261, 262
---- character, 272
---- parable, 273, 274
---- superstition, 275, 276, 277
---- satire, 286
Pilgrimage, conditions, 31, 32
----, the whole of the book Pilgrims, their number, 225, 226
----, the whole of the book
Port Said, 82, 83, 84
Purifications, 33, 34, 35
Queen of Egypt, a, 221
Robegh, 263, 264, 270
Rabíu-’l-avval, 48, 164, 165
Rabíu-’l-sáné, 48
Rajab, 48, 49, 50, 164
Ramazán, 48, 52, 53, 164
“Rewa,” 82
Rewards, of Pilgrimage, 51
Rezvan, Guardian of Paradise, 52
Robinson, George, 21
Rome, 303
Rukú, 36
Russian warships, 83
---- Muslim subjects, see Preface, 90
Sád Vaghas, 24
Safá Gate, 113, 146, 147, 148, 252
Safar, 48
Safaví kings, 68
Safrá, 263
Salám Gate, 113, 126, 129
Salim, 49
Salsabil, 150
Sandals, 93
Scorpio, 46
Sermon, the Kazi’s, 242-244
Seyyid ’Alí, plays an important part throughout Parts II. and III.
Seyyid Rúsé Kháns, 74, 77
Sha’bán, 48, 51, 52, 164
Sháfeis, 116, 117, 247
Shamer, 73
Shavvál, 26, 27, 48, 54
Sheríf of Mecca, 119, 164, 206, 209, 214, 220, 226, 231, 241, 242
Sheykh Mahmud, his tomb, 110
----, plain of, 181
Shi’ahs, Keep Ahia, 53
----, their marriages, 55
----, their Messiah, 55
----, their sacrifices, 57, 58
----, their superstitions, 60, 61, 62
----, their faith and early history, 68-77
----, their sacred river, 71
----, their emancipation in Mecca, 227, 228
----, their medical science, 290, 293
----, their funerals, 293, 294
Shiráz, 125, 281
“Siege of Metz,” 21
Sijdah, 36
Simon Peter, 61
Sinai, Mount, 52
Sinaitic Peninsula, 178
Shorthouse, J. H., 302
Slave Market, at Mecca, see Chap. V, Part III
Smyrna, 278
“Sorrow,” a Súfí song, 109
Suez, 84, 85, 86
Súfíism, 33, 62-68
Sultán, Suleymán, 118, 167
Sultan (Turkey), 119
Sunnis, see “Muhammadan Orthodox Sects,” also under the separate
headings of those Sects
Sureh sújdeh, 44, 182
Syrian caravan, 177, 220
---- Mahmil, 181, 220, 221, 241, 242
---- pilgrims, 181, 191, 220
---- bazaar, in Mecca, 257; see also Chap. II., Part III.
---- character, 272
Taghvím, 38, 289
Tahlil, 223
Tai, tribe, 72
Takbir, 134
Talbih, 128, 171, 174, 223
Talh’-tree, 295
Tamjid, 174
Tasnim, 150
Tayef, 131
Teamol, 137
Teherán, 54
Telha, 70
Tennyson, Lionel, 74
Tewaff, see “Compassing of Ka’bah”
Tripoli, 178
Tunis, 178
Turks, see “Orthodox Sects,” and also under “Muhammadan,” and 226,
227, etc.
Turkistán, 278
Ula, 246
Unitarians, 25, 26
Usury, 45
Vaghas, Sád, 24
Valley of Mina, see “Mina”
Viands, forbidden, 32, 33
Victims, 56, 57, 58
Vitr, 36
Wady Fatima, 283, 284
Wagner, 107
Wahabis, 236
Wusta, 246
Wuzú’h, 33, 35
Yazid, 71
Yemen, 71, 123, 165
Youm-ul-Arafat, Chapters IX., X., XI., Part II.
Youm-ul-Nahre, Chapter XII., Part II.
Youm-ul-Tarvih, Chapter VII., Part II.
Zaideh Gate, 114
Zakani, 88
Zanzibar, 145
Zem-Zem well, 116, 142, 145, 165, 257, 259
Zikat, 54, 304
Zobeir, 70
Zú-’l-hijjah, 26, 27, 28, 48, 55, 56, 60, 62, 173, 174, 175
Zú-’l-ka’dah, 26, 27, 48, 55
Transcriber’s Note
Clear printer’s errors have been corrected by the transcriber; as far
as possible, however, original spelling, punctuation, and accented
characters have been retained. All changes listed in the errata have
also been made.
In the printed book, images occupied whole pages. In this file, some
images have been moved from their original positions to avoid breaking
paragraphs; the page numbers in the table of illustrations have not
been changed.
In this file, text in _italics_ is indicated by underscores.