It may be asked What is the value of 'Kadambari' for European
readers? and to different persons the answer will doubtless
be different. Historical interest, so far as that depends on the
narration of historical facts, appears to be entirely lacking, though
it may be that at some future time our knowledge from other sources
may be so increased that we may recognise portraits and allusions in
what seems now purely a work of romance. But in the wider sense in
which history claims to deal with the social ideas that belong to
any epoch, 'Kadambari' will always have value as representing the
ways of thinking and feeling which were either customary or welcome
at its own time, and which have continued to charm Indian readers. It
is indeed true that it probably in many ways does not give a picture
of contemporary manners, just as a mediæval illuminated manuscript
often represents the dress and surroundings prior to the time of
the illuminator, so as to gain the grace of remoteness bestowed by
reverence for the past. In India, where change works but slowly,
the description of the court and city life, where all the subjects
show by outward tokens their sympathy with the joys and sorrows of
their ruler, as in a Greek chorus, is vivid in its fidelity. [14]
The quiet yet busy life of the hermits in the forest, where the day
is spent in worship and in peaceful toils, where at eve the sunbeams
'linger like birds on the crest of hill and tree,' and where night
'darkens all save the hearts of the hermits,' is full of charm. [15]
The coronation of the crown prince, the penances performed by the
queen to win a son, the reverence paid to Mahakala, also belong to
our picture of the time. The description of Ujjayini, surrounded by
the Sipra, is too general in its terms to give a vivid notion of what
it then was. The site of the temple of Mahakala is still shown outside
the ruins of the old town. A point of special interest is the argument
against the custom of suicide on the death of a friend. Candrapida
consoles Mahaçveta that she has not followed her lover in death
by saying that one who kills himself at his friend's death makes
that friend a sharer in the guilt, and can do no more for him in
another world, whereas by living he can give help by sacrifices and
offerings. Those, too, who die may not be reunited for thousands of
births. In the 'Katha-Koça' [16] a prince is dissuaded from following
his wife to death because 'Even the idea of union with your beloved
will be impossible when you are dead'; but the occurrence of the
idea in a romance is more noteworthy than in a work which illustrates
Jain doctrines. The question of food as affected by caste is touched
on also (p. 205), when the Candala maiden tells the parrot that a
Brahman may, in case of need, receive food of any kind, and that
water poured on the ground, and fruit, are pure even when brought by
the lowest. Another point to be remarked is the mention of followers
of many sects as being present at court. Çiva, especially under the
name of Mahakala at Ujjayini, receives special worship, and Agni and
the Matrikas (p. 14) also receive reverence. The zenanas include aged
ascetic women (p. 217); followers of the Arhat, Krishna, Viçravasa,
Avalokiteçvara, and Viriñca (p. 162); and the courtyard of Çukanasa
has Çaivas and followers of Çakyamuni (p. 217), also Kshapanakas
(explained by the Commentary as Digambaras). The king, [17] however,
is described as having an urna (the hair meeting between the brows),
which is one of Buddha's marks; but the Commentary describes the urna
as cakravartiprabhritinam eva nanyasya, so probably it only belongs to
Buddha as cakravarti, or universal ruler. This shows that the reign of
Harsha was one of religious tolerance. Hiouen Thsang, indeed, claims
him as a Buddhist at heart, and mentions his building Buddhist stupas,
[18] but he describes himself as a Çaiva in the Madhuban grant, [19]
and the preeminence yielded in 'Kadambari' to Çiva certainly shows
that his was then the popular worship.
Another source of interest in 'Kadambari' lies in its contribution to
folklore. It may perhaps contain nothing not found elsewhere, but the
fact of its having a date gives it a value. The love of snakes for
the breeze and for sandal-trees, the truth of dreams at the end of
night, the magic circles, bathing in snake-ponds to gain a son, the
mustard-seed and ghi put in a baby's mouth, may all be familiar ideas,
but we have a date at which they were known and not despised. Does
the appeal to the truth of her heart by Mahaçveta in invoking the
curse (p. 193) rest on the idea that fidelity to a husband confers
supernatural power, [20] or is it like the 'act of truth' by which
Buddha often performs miracles in the 'Jataka'?