DIPLOMACY, OR THE CASTLE OF COPPET.
(OCTOBER 12TH 1535.)
[Sidenote: DIPLOMACY AND WAR.]
Diplomacy and war are the two means employed to decide international
differences. It is customary to speak disparagingly of both, and not
without cause. All who care for their fellow-men and desire the material
and moral prosperity of nations, look upon war as a crime against
humanity; and yet a people, invaded by an unjust and ambitious
conqueror, who desires to despoil them of their independence and
nationality, have as much right to defend themselves as the man attacked
on the highway by a robber bent on depriving him of his purse or his
life.
Diplomacy has its faults, like war. Its object being to conciliate
jarring interests, it falls easily into narrow and selfish views, while
it should possess that broad wisdom which reconciles differences with
impartiality. Fully acknowledging the tact with which in ordinary times
it adheres to the path it ought to follow, we think that it gets
confused and goes astray in periods of transition, when society is
passing from one phase to another. Seamen on a distant voyage have
observed that in certain latitudes and on certain days the
compass-needle is so agitated that the steersman cannot make use of it
to direct his course: it turns, perhaps, to the right when it should
point to the left. This is just the case with diplomacy in those great
epochs, when, as in the sixteenth century, society is turning on its
hinges and entering into a new sphere. In such a case diplomacy acts
first in a direction contrary to the impulses which prepare the future:
it devotes all its care to maintain what has been, while the normal
character of the new epoch is precisely that what has been must give
place to what is to be. Governments, naturally enough, always begin by
opposing the new developments of social, political, and religious life.
This is just what the powerful aristocracy of Berne did at first with
regard to Geneva: we have seen it once and we shall see it again. But if
there is a bad diplomacy, there is also a good one. Would it be out of
place to remark here, that if the château of Coppet, where some of the
facts of our history occurred, was in 1535 the seat of bad policy, it
became afterwards the centre of a liberal statesmanship?[650]
The Council of Berne had kept themselves carefully informed of the
proceedings of Claude Savoye. They had learnt that about four hundred
and fifty men, 'among whom were several of My Lords' subjects,' were
crossing the Jura to succor Geneva, 'not without danger, because of the
smallness of their number.' The Council knew that these men would have
to fight the nobles and other people of the country, brought together
from every quarter in the villages and on the roads, to the number of
more than three or four thousand. The Bernese magistrates wished,
besides, to avoid war. They had, therefore, deputed Louis of Diesbach
and Rodolph Nägueli to the Pays de Vaud, with instructions to order the
volunteers to return home. The two Bernese ambassadors had made their
way to the castle of Coppet, situated between Geneva and Gingins.[651]
There was just then a great crowd in that feudal residence, which has
since been replaced by a modern château. That place, which was one day
to be the asylum of letters and of liberty, was now, by a singular
contrast, the head-quarters of a rude and ignorant gentry, who desired
at any price to maintain feudalism, and destroy in Geneva light,
independence, and faith. Monseigneur de Lullin, governor of the Pays de
Vaud in behalf of the duke, had taken up his abode there with his
officers and several gentlemen of the district.
[Sidenote: CONFERENCE AT COPPET.]
On Saturday, 29th October, the day when Wildermuth and his band reached
the village of Saint Cergues, the ambassadors from Berne had arrived at
the castle of Coppet, with the intention of coming to some understanding
with the governor of Vaud on the means of preventing the battle that was
imminent. Here they learnt that it was nearer than they had imagined,
and that the Swiss were expected on the following morning. The Savoyard
and Bernese chiefs immediately entered into a conference on these
serious matters, and they were still in discussion when Claude Savoye,
who had only two or three leagues to pass over, arrived on his panting
courser. The daring Genevan was fully conscious that it was
very imprudent to show himself in the castle occupied by the
commander-in-chief of the enemies of Geneva; but it mattered not to him;
he wanted to obtain from Diesbach, at any risk, a promise that he would
not stop the troops that Claude was bringing to the help of his
fellow-citizens.
The Sire de Lullin, being informed of his arrival, was surprised and
exasperated: there was a stormy scene in the conference, and that clever
but hasty and passionate administrator ordered the heretical and
rebellious Genevan to be seized. The latter, escorted by armed men, soon
appeared before him in the principal hall of the castle. To the
Savoyards about the governor, a huguenot of Geneva was a kind of monster
which aroused alike their curiosity and horror. Savoye, finding himself
in the lion's jaws, presented the paper that D'Allinges had sent him.
This put a climax to the governor's passion. 'By what right,' he asked
that chief, 'do you give a safe-conduct?'[652] Lullin, imagining that
the noble Savoyard might be a traitor in correspondence with the enemies
of his highness, ordered both the bearer and the giver of the passport
to be locked up. The ambassadors of Berne did not think it their duty to
offer any opposition: the main thing for them was to obtain a promise
from the governor to do all in his power to hinder the arrival of the
Swiss band. They therefore asked him to set out with them the next
morning (Sunday, October 10th) at daybreak, to climb the mountain on
whose top they hoped still to find Wildermuth and his followers, and to
make them return.[653] De Lullin would not consent to this proposition.
He wished to suffer the little Swiss force to descend into the plain,
not doubting that the soldiers under his orders would crush them to
pieces. An opportunity offered of giving a sound lesson to those
adventurers who dared measure themselves against the duke of Savoy: not
one of those rash men should return home. But the Bernese were still
more decided than the Savoyard governor, and after many efforts
succeeded in bringing him round to their views. 'We came to the
conclusion, after much trouble,' they said in their report, 'to go and
meet them and make them retire in confidence to their own country, at
the expense of My Lord of Savoy.'[654]
[Sidenote: SIRE DE LULLIN'S SCHEMES.]
Very different thoughts occupied the dwellers in the castle during the
night which followed these deliberations. While the Bernese were
reflecting on the means of preventing a battle, the governor examined
his plans: he had three to four thousand soldiers, fresh, vigorous, and
ready for the combat, while the Swiss were only four or five hundred
tired and starving men. Not to take advantage of such an opportunity of
punishing those 'heretics and mischief-makers,' appeared to him a
serious fault. Without breaking his promise, it was possible (if he
procrastinated) that the Swiss would have time to come down from the
mountains and be cut to pieces by the Savoyards. On Sunday morning
Diesbach and Nägueli were stirring at daybreak, but Lullin made them
wait a long time for him. When he appeared, the Bernese told him they
were ready to start, according to their agreement. 'Excuse me,
gentlemen,' said the governor, 'I must hear mass first: we catholics
never begin a journey without it.'[655] The mass was very tedious; at
length the Bernese, seeing the governor return, thought their long trial
was ended; but Lullin, convinced as ever that by giving time to his
troops they would destroy Wildermuth's band, said to them: 'Gentlemen,
they are about to serve up a collation: it is impossible to start
without breakfasting.'[656] The collation had to be waited for: Lullin
and his officers talked much and with extreme amiability. 'Really, the
governor and his gentlemen are keeping us a little too long this
morning,' said the ambassadors,[657] who were quite wearied with these
delays. At length they sat down to table, and would no doubt have sat
there long, but that suddenly a noise like discharges of musketry was
heard. The Bernese ambassadors sprang to their feet. There was no more
room for doubt: the battle had begun, and it was perhaps too late to
fulfil their commission. They determined, notwithstanding, to ride to
the field of battle. The Savoyard governor, thinking that, in
consequence of all his delays, his men-at-arms would have had time to
cut the Swiss to pieces, raised no more difficulties. They went down
into the courtyard of the castle, where for several hours thirty horses
had been stamping impatiently, and a great number of officers, guards,
and servants had been gossiping. 'Bring me the Genevan's fine Spanish
horse,' said the governor, 'and give him a donkey.'[658] They brought
Savoye's noble courser to the Sire de Lullin. 'Give me also his
arquebuse,' added the sharp-witted Savoyard, 'for I am sure it is a good
one.' The troop fell in: the thirty horsemen and the governor's guards
surrounded the Sire de Lullin, his officers, the Bernese, and poor
Savoye mounted on his humble quadruped. They could not go very fast in
consideration of the heretical donkey, which Lullin would not leave
behind. Claude did not allow himself to be vexed by the ridicule with
which the governor tried to cover him, and sooner than stay at Coppet he
preferred they should laugh at him and treat him as a common prisoner.
Meanwhile, the governor and his escort kept advancing, looking before
them and trying if they could not discover the Swiss. Suddenly, at a
short distance from Gingins, the strangest and most unexpected sight met
their eyes. Soldiers were flying in every direction—along the highway,
through the lanes, across the fields: everywhere terror, confusion, and
all the marks of a signal defeat. The governor looked attentively: it
was useless trying to deceive himself, the runaways were his own
soldiers. He had expected to see the hostile band destroyed, and he
found those who were to accomplish his designs fleeing in confusion.
Incensed by such cowardice, he approached some of the fugitives and
cried out: 'What are you doing, you poltroons? Stop! why are you running
away? Are you not ten times as numerous as the heretics? Turn back and
help me to hang them!'[659] But the Savoyards, smitten with a panic
terror, passed near him almost without seeing him. It was impossible to
check their flight.
[Sidenote: THE BERNESE AMBASSADORS.]
What was to be done at such a strange conjuncture? There was but one
course to be taken. The governor had flattered himself with the hope of
seeing the Swiss crushed or of crushing them himself, and he had found
them victorious. Instead of having recourse to the sword, he must make
up his mind to an humble prayer. It appears that neither Lullin nor
Diesbach had any hope of seeing a third attack succeed. The Bernese
ambassadors, commissioned by their Council to act as mediators, must
therefore advance and stop the terrible band. De Lullin gave them some
of his horsemen as an escort, and they galloped off. At one time they
were stopped by bands of fugitives, at another they fell into the midst
of the Savoyard cavalry marching forward to rejoin their colors: at last
they arrived on the field of battle. It was the moment when the Swiss,
having gained two victories and returned thanks to God, had perceived
that fresh troops were approaching, and were preparing to renew the
combat for a third time.[660] But at the sight of the lords of Berne
they halted. This important circumstance was about to give a new and
unexpected turn to events.
During this time what was the Genevan doing on his donkey? The
chroniclers do not tell us: he disappeared, he vanished. We may
conjecture that, seeing Lullin occupied in rallying his troops, still
hoping that another battle would be fought, and comprehending the
necessity of informing the Councils of what was going on, he took
advantage of the general confusion to make for Geneva, to call his
fellow-citizens to take part in this heroic affair, and unite with the
Swiss. However that may be, the news of the battle of Gingins was
brought to Geneva by Savoye, or some other person, on the 11th of
October, the day after the fight, and the whole city was in commotion. A
deadly combat (they said) has taken place between our liberators and our
oppressors. Four hundred Savoyards were left on the field, but the
Swiss, surrounded by numerous troops, are shut up near Nyon, and in
great danger of being cut to pieces!
[Sidenote: GENEVA IN ARMS.]
Then arose a cry in the free city! They knew the number of the
Savoyards, and even exaggerated them; but the Swiss must be saved at any
cost. Besides, there could be no doubt that if that little band was
destroyed, Lugrin, Mangerot, and the other chiefs would turn against
Geneva. The Genevese did not hesitate: they had already fought many a
battle, and were ready to fight others. The strong man is he who
struggles continuously. The swimmer who ceases to make head against the
current is swept away by the stream and disappears. The people whose
liberty or faith is threatened, must, like the strong man, struggle
until the last, for fear the rushing waters should overwhelm him. This
was the example long given by the small city of Geneva: for ages she had
been struggling for her independence; for ages to come she struggled for
her faith.
Baudichon de la Maisonneuve, the captain-general, summoned all the
citizens to arms. There was no difficulty in collecting them. They
talked in Geneva of the unheard-of difficulties which the Swiss had had
to overcome in traversing the Jura. Such sufferings, toils, diligence,
and love (said the people); such signal services; the great dangers to
which those brave men have been exposed on our account—shall we repay
them only with ingratitude?[661] The Genevans resolved to deliver the
Swiss or to die with them. In an instant they were under arms; 'about
two thousand men,' says Froment, placed themselves, fully equipped,
under the orders of Baudichon de la Maisonneuve; other documents speak
of five hundred only—a number which seems nearer the truth. Froment,
probably, counted all who took up arms: the oldest, who remained in the
city to defend it, as well as the youngest, who left it to march to the
aid of Wildermuth's band. Eight pieces of artillery were taken out of
the arsenal,[662] and the army having been divided into three corps
under separate captains, Baudichon de la Maisonneuve took the
command-in-chief.[663]
They departed. The soldiers of Geneva advanced enthusiastically towards
the Pays de Vaud, and hastened their steps for fear they should arrive
too late. At the sight of Baudichon's little army the scattered
Savoyards, whom fear had brought as far as Versoix and the neighborhood
of Coppet, and who were still trembling at the thought of yesterday's
combat, imagined that everything was lost. 'We are all going to be
killed,' they said, 'and the country conquered.' Some fled in different
directions across the fields; others, fearing there would be no time to
run, hid themselves in the _courtels_ or inclosed gardens in the
vicinity of Coppet; while others more frightened still, wishing to put
the lake between them and their enemies, jumped into some boats moored
to the bank, and for want of oars employed their halberds, and thus,
rowing with all their might, reached the shore of Savoy. The Genevans,
without stopping to pursue the fugitives, arrived to within a short
distance of Coppet. 'If once we are united with the Swiss, which can be
easily done,' they said, 'our country is saved.'[664]
On Sunday evening and Monday morning diplomacy had done its work. The
envoys of Berne, arriving on the field of battle at the moment when the
Swiss were going for a third time to rush upon the Savoyard army, had
stationed themselves in front of that band of heroes, and, faithful to
the diplomatic spirit which at that time prevailed in the councils of
the powerful republic, had said: 'Halt! On behalf of our superiors we
command you to retire. The Savoyards are many, and quite prepared to
receive you warmly.' The lords of Berne were accustomed to command, and
their dependents to obey: they hoped, therefore, to gain the men of
Seeland. Further, Louis of Diesbach, who had distinguished himself in
the Italian wars, and had been governor of Neuchâtel after the Swiss had
carried off its prince, Louis of Orleans, fancied himself on that
account sure of persuading those Neuchâtelers who had remained faithful
to the enterprise. Calling them aside, he endeavored to show them, as
well as the Bernese, 'that it would be better for them to retire with a
good victory than to run into greater danger.'—'Every effort was made by
soft words to induce the valiant champions to return,' says Froment.
Diplomacy was less sure than it appeared to be of the defeat which, as
it pretended, awaited the companions of Wildermuth. If alone they had
won two victories, what would they not do with the help of the men of
Geneva? The Savoyards were placed between two fires, and it appeared to
many that they were all going to be taken and their country
conquered.[665] The followers of La Maisonneuve, combining with those of
Wildermuth, would expel the Savoyards from the country and unite it
either to Geneva or to Switzerland. On the other hand, the diplomatists
said to the Swiss, that another attack would expose them to the risk of
a defeat as signal as their triumph had been; that the battles which
such brave men had fought would not be useless; and that the Bernese,
intrusted with the task of mediation, would obtain from Savoy a good
peace in favor of Geneva. 'See, you have been two or three days without
eating,' added Diesbach; 'two battles have exhausted your strength. Make
your way to the village of Founex, above Coppet; abundant supplies are
waiting for you, and there you shall receive our last directions.' Thus
spoke the lords of Berne.
[Sidenote: THE SWISS MARCH TO FOUNEX.]
But the intrepid men of the Seeland and Neuchâtel contingent were
'greatly angered;' they asked whether they should let themselves be
seduced by 'soft words' or 'foolish fears;' they laughed at the attempt
to frighten them with the Savoyards, who were (they said) so scared that
they did not know what they were about! But the ambassadors did not
cease their exertions, and already the Swiss were hesitating. A number
of the Bernese did not wish to put themselves in opposition to the
government of their canton; and the Neuchâtelers thought that as it was
the lords of Berne who had supported Neuchâtel in the work of Reform,
they would not be likely to abandon Geneva. The greater number,
exhausted and worn out by two days' journeying in the snow and one day
of hard fighting, and having had no other food than a few turnips, were
of opinion, that as they were weakened by hunger, and the food was
offered them at Founex which had not been given them at Gingins, it was
quite natural to go there. Besides, that was not relinquishing their
design. Was not Founex on the road to Geneva? The ambassadors became
more urgent, and at last all marched off, leaving, not without regret,
the glorious field of battle. 'And so they came to Founex, where they
were supplied with meat and drink,' say the registers of Geneva.[666]
The Bernese lords saw them march off, and when the last had passed them,
they breathed freely, turned their bridles, and with their escort took
the road to Coppet, much pleased at having succeeded so well. But they
were not yet at the end of their troubles. They had hardly proceeded
half way when they were exposed to a new danger. A Savoyard squadron,
about sixty strong, was approaching: on coming within a short distance
of the Bernese, the horsemen set spurs to their horses and dashed upon
the ambassadors and their escort, shouting out, 'Slay, slay!' One of
them, placing his musket on Diesbach's breast, was preparing to kill
him.[667] In the midst of the alarm that had seized them, the Bernese
diplomatists began to understand that it is not wise to choose one's
friends badly. However, Diesbach escaped with a fright, one of his
escort having turned the musket aside. The explanations of the
ambassadors did not satisfy the Savoyards, who were a reinforcement of
cavalry on their way to Gingins, to help their countrymen to take
satisfaction for the defeat which their friends had suffered. They were
furious, and swore they would avenge their comrades murdered in two
affairs by the Bernese. Convinced that these patricians of Berne were in
a plot with the victors, they made them prisoners, ordered them to get
off their horses, and forcing them to march on foot between them, as if
they were robbers, intended to put them in prison at Nyon. At last,
however, after fresh parleying, those rude horsemen found out that they
were taking away the governor's friends, and, intimidated by the
knowledge, they hastened to release the envoys, who remounted their
horses and rode off to Coppet. It was late when they arrived at the
castle, where serious matters awaited them.[668]
[Sidenote: DIPLOMATIC TRICKERY.]
The next morning, Monday, 11th of October, the governor, the two Bernese
deputies, and several gentlemen, having met at breakfast, were
discussing what was to be done, 'as they sat eating, drinking, and
banqueting,' when an officer entered and informed them that a Genevese
army, commanded by De la Maisonneuve, was approaching the castle. The
whole place was in confusion. The Savoyard army was so far off that the
Genevese might by a bold stroke seize the governor of Vaud, with his
officers and gentlemen, and even the envoys of Berne, and carry them
away to Geneva. Such a blow would have been quite in harmony with
Baudichon's daring character; if he had been able to make the bishop
quit Geneva, he might easily (thought many) deliver his city from the
lords who were conspiring at Coppet. What could be done to stop him?
Those gentlemen invented 'an old trick of war,' says the chronicle,
according to which every man, not in a position to resist his
adversaries, makes a pretence of wishing for peace, either to gain time
or to draw his enemy into a snare. At any price the men of Geneva must
be induced to return. Diplomacy, therefore, recommenced its stratagems.
The governor of Vaud, although more determined than ever to destroy that
restless city, commissioned some of his gentlemen to go and inform the
Genevan commander that they were in conference, and that they were even
ready to sign the preliminaries of a peace advantageous to the city; but
that, in order to complete the negotiations, they wanted three deputies
from Geneva.
The gentlemen of Savoy, the bearers of this message, having arrived at
the Genevan outposts, and being conducted to De la Maisonneuve,
discharged their pacific mission. Opinions were divided. Some suspected
a trick, and contended that if the troops of Geneva and Neuchâtel could
meet, the independence of Geneva would be secured. They therefore did
all they could to oppose the conference; but others affirmed that they
could trust M. de Diesbach; and that the best course would be to send
three of their men, to ascertain the sincerity of these proposals of
peace and then return and make their report. 'Who will guarantee their
return?' cried those who feared the Savoyard governor. Upon this the
gentlemen of the Sire de Lullin pledged their 'faith and promise' that
no harm should befall the delegates. The worthy Genevans, being
unwilling to suspect perjury, gave way, and selected as their envoys
Jean d'Arlod, Thibaut Tocker, and Jean Lambert.
[Sidenote: GENEVAN ENVOYS IMPRISONED.]
When this deputation reached the castle, the Sire de Lullin and his
guests were again occupied in eating, drinking, and banqueting. This
intimacy of the lords of Berne with the enemies of Geneva displeased
d'Arlod and his colleagues; but all the same they resolved to discharge
their mission faithfully. They had not long to wait before they learnt
that the Savoyard chiefs had no idea of peace; and that they wanted to
crush that sect, rebellious to the laws of the Church,—that sect which
they had so long loaded with their contempt, which dismissed the
priests, declared its independence of the pope, made laws contrary to
those which for centuries had governed Christendom, and pretended to
treat with Rome as an equal. Those huguenots had deprived the saints of
the honors they had enjoyed, destroyed the images, abolished the mass,
and interdicted the sacred rites. What was then to be done, except to
treat their deputies as criminals? The Genevan plenipotentiaries asked
to see the preliminaries of the peace which it was desired to conclude
with them. The Sire de Lullin could not believe his ears, and, bursting
with anger, he flew into a passion at their audacity: 'What! rebels dare
ask to know the _preliminaries_!' He ordered them to be seized. It was
useless for the Genevans to appeal to the promise that had been given
them; Lullin would not hear a word, and, desiring war at any price, was
determined to trample under foot the inviolability with which the law of
nations invests internuncios. The three Genevans were 'tied and fastened
like robbers.'—'Take them to the castle of Chillon,' said Lullin, 'where
they will be able to talk with M. de Saint Victor (Bonivard), who has
already spent six years there for the business of Geneva.' The three
noble citizens were carried off and shut up in the fortress of Chillon.
It was the opinion then at Coppet, as it had been a century before at
Constance, 'that no one is bound to keep faith with heretics.'[669]
De la Maisonneuve and his officers waited impatiently for the return of
their delegates; the time slipped away, and they did not appear. The
fear of deplorable events began to disturb the least credulous minds.
'It is probable,' said some, 'that this is a _going_ which will have no
_returning_.'[670] The commander sent the trumpeter, Ami Voullier, to
inquire what was going on—a duty belonging in those days to his office.
Voullier, either because he inclined to the worse side, or was bribed by
the enemy, or suffered himself to be deceived by some crafty Savoyard,
returned and reported that the gentlemen at the castle were occupied in
drawing up the articles of peace; and that the place was not undefended,
for he had seen in the vineyards round about it more soldiers than
vinestocks. He added that, as peace was about to be concluded, the
presence of armed men who were not to fight was useless, and that the
best thing would be for every man to return home. The most pacific of
the Genevans, believing their delegates to be really occupied in drawing
up a real treaty, insisted upon returning to the city. An experienced
and clear-sighted commander, a man of superior mind, would not have been
satisfied with the trumpeter's report. He would not have left the
place without being put in direct communication with the three
plenipotentiaries. If he had discovered the governor's perfidy, he would
have been able, especially with the support of the Swiss, to surround
the castle, capture the governor and his suite, and the Bernese
themselves, and not release them until he had obtained the deliverance
of his envoys. Even if it were true that they were discussing a treaty
of peace, would it not have been of advantage for the forces of Geneva
to remain near Coppet to add strength to the representations of their
delegates? De la Maisonneuve was a good citizen, a good protestant, and
a soldier, but he was neither a great general nor a keen diplomatist.
Besides, a noble simplicity of heart does not suspect dissimulation.
Those proud huguenots, who erred sometimes through too much violence,
erred now through too much simplicity. It was decided that, as peace was
going to be signed, the Genevans should return home. The corps started
for Geneva. This error weighed heavily upon Baudichon de la Maisonneuve,
and troubled him all the rest of his life.
[Sidenote: THE SWISS VOLUNTEERS DUPED.]
The skilful diplomatists assembled at Coppet, having thus got rid of the
Genevese, undertook to rid themselves in a similar manner of the Swiss
cantoned at Founex. Some of them, going to Wildermuth's little army,
said: 'Peace is concluded. All soldiers must now return home. The city
of the huguenots will now be free. You have fairly acquired the right to
enjoy repose. Moreover, the governor of Vaud undertakes to pay the
expense of your journey.' The Swiss gave way like the Genevans. An
heroic victory was succeeded by a diplomatic defeat. If the honest have
their power, the cunning have theirs also. It is the fate of humble and
sincere individuals and nations to be sometimes mystified by the adroit
and powerful. As regards the Swiss, the last verse of the war-song of
Gingins shows that, if they turned their steps homewards, it was because
of their conviction that the deliverance of Geneva was secured.
'Finish the matter,' we said, 'in order that the city of Geneva may be
delivered—that is all we ask; that peace may be secured to her, so that
the Word of God may be preached within her walls in all liberty, that
the Lord's fold may be saved, and then we shall return joyful to our
homes.'[671]
But these strains were the illusions of honorable minds. If arms had
wrought the triumph of right and liberty at Gingins, policy had procured
the triumph of fraud and despotism at Coppet.
Still one question arises. Was the battle of Gingins useless? No, for it
saved Geneva. The bravery of the Swiss and their victory were deeply
imprinted in the minds of the population of Vaud. They talked of it in
villages and castles, and even in Savoy. Accordingly, some months later,
when an army sent by the Councils of Berne appeared in the country, no
one dared measure himself with it, the bravery of the Swiss still
freezing all hearts with terror.
Louis of Diesbach and his colleagues, who arrived at Geneva the day
after the treason of Coppet, proposed to the council a treaty with the
duke, stipulating, among other things, that the traitors of Peney should
be restored to their privileges. 'What!' said the premier Syndic, 'you
have sent back those who were coming to our help, and you claim to place
within our walls those who will never cease from making war on us!'[672]
De la Maisonneuve, discovering that the trumpeter had made a false
report, and that his troops, instead of returning to Geneva, ought to
have marched upon Coppet, could not contain his sorrow and rage. He
declared the man guilty of high-treason, and many persons joined with
him in demanding Ami Voullier's head. His life was, however, spared, but
he lost the esteem of his fellow-citizens.[673]
The indignation of the magistrates and of the chiefs of the soldiery was
trifling compared with the anger of the people. The thought that the
envoys had been shut up within the walls of Chillon made all their
hearts burn. 'Let us make reprisals,' said the relatives of the victims
to the syndics, 'and to make sure that they will restore us our
fellow-citizens, let us seize hostages who are as good as they.' Three
notable men, at that time within the reach of the Genevans—M. de Sales,
the Bastard of Wufflens, and M. de Montfort—were laid hold of.[674] The
last-named was a monk of the convent of St. Jean, situated on the
heights bathed by the blue waters of the Rhone, at the gates of Geneva,
although within the duke's territories. The people do not weigh the
claims of justice so calmly as wise men in council. The flames which
burnt in every heart broke out all of a sudden. There was shouting and
assembling. The popular waves rose higher from street to street, tossing
and foaming. 'Shall we leave at the very gates of the city,' was the
cry, 'a building whence the enemy can make his artillery bear upon us?'
The crowd rushed to St. Jean, scaled the walls, seized De Montfort,
climbed on the roof, broke, demolished, and threw down everything, and
did not stop until the convent was in ruins. The crime of Coppet
produced the execution at St. Jean. Popular indignation did not reflect
that in all states, and especially in republics, nothing should be done
except by the law.
[650] See the works of Madame de Staël, her family, the Duc de Broglie,
Comte Haussonville, and her friends.
[651] Report of the two Bernese envoys to the Council of Geneva.
[652] 'Von Lullin sagte Alinges hatte Gleit zu geben keine
Gewalt.'—Stettler, _Chronik_.
[653] 'Die Deutsche heim zu mahnen, und zu Ihnen den Berg hinauf zu
reiten.'—_Ibid._
[654] Report of the two Bernese envoys.—_Registres du Conseil de
Genève._
[655] 'Hielt die Berner betrüglich auf, bemeldeter von Lullin, und
sagte: Er wollte zum ersten Mess hören.'—Stettler, _Chronik_.
[656] 'Und eine Collation thun.'—_Ibid._
[657] Registres du Conseil de Genève du 12 Octobre 1535.
[658] 'Nahm er des Genfers starken hispanischen Hengst, setzt
denselbigen hingegen auf einen Esel.'—Stettler, _Chronik_, p. 71.
[659] 'Vermahnet sie ihren Feinden bey Hencken zügestehen.'—Stettler,
_Chronik_, p. 71.
[660] Stettler says that the Swiss had already started for Geneva when
the Bernese arrived; and Ruchat and others say the same. On reading the
manuscript registers of the Council of Geneva, it is seen that the
report of Messieurs de Berne states expressly the contrary; and Froment
corroborates this report, p. 196.
[661] These are the words spoken in the Council.—See the _Registres du
Conseil_ for the 11th October 1535.
[662] _Registres du Conseil_, _ad diem_.
[663] Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 197.
[664] _Registres du Conseil_ du 11 Octobre 1535.—MSC. de Roset,
liv. iii. ch. 51.
[665] 'Gaigné.' Froment. _Gestes de Genève_, p. 197.
[666] Registres du Conseil de Genève du 12 Octobre 1535.—Froment,
_Gestes de Genève_, pp. 196-198.
[667] 'Die Schryen, Würgen, würgen! Setzten dem von Diesbach ein
Feuerbüchsen an die Brust.'—Stettler, _Chronik_, p. 71.
[668] Stettler, _Chronik_, p. 72.
[669] Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 198.—Registres du Conseil du 11
Octobre 1535.—MSC. de Roset, liv. iii. ch. 41.
[670] 'Une _allée_ qui n'aura pas de _retour_.'
[671] Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 199.—MSC. de Roset, liv. iii.
ch. 41.—_Schweizer Chronik in Liedern_, Berne, 1535.
[672] Registres du Conseil du 12 Octobre 1535.—MSC. de Roset, liv. iii.
ch. 42.
[673] Froment, Roset, &c.
[674] Chron. MSC. de Roset, liv. iii. ch. 51.