MONTPELLIER—THE ARCHBISHOP OF NARBONNE—LIBERAL VIEWS OF COMMERCIAL
POLICY—SOCIETY AT MONTPELLIER—DEPARTURE FOR ITALY.
ABOUT the middle of November we left Toulouse. The weather was lovely,
with a clear frosty sunshine. We embarked on a large boat belonging to
the province, in company with the “Inspecteur des Travaux,” who was on
his way to Montpellier, to make his annual report to the Assembly of the
States. The canal of Languedoc, one of the greatest benefits which
France derived from the reign of Louis XIV., and which forms an inland
communication between the ocean and the Mediterranean, is really
interesting. In one place it passes through a mountain, by an excavation
some eighty fathoms in length, and in another goes over a bridge, under
which flows a river. We halted every night, and slept in the boat, as
there were three rooms, while the men-servants slept on shore. At
Béziers, which is situated on a considerable eminence, it is reported
that there is in every house a chamber, called “La Camerette,” reserved
for the mad members of the family, there being always at least one in
that condition. The inhabitants of this town are said to be the
liveliest people in France, and it is probably that circumstance which
gave rise to this ridiculous story. My mother’s carriage having been
sent on before us to this place, we now pursued our journey by land, and
proceeded by the high road to Montpellier, a city very famous for the
purity of its air, and on that account the resort of strangers in search
of a better climate than their own. Hence it has given its name to so
many places in England as a recommendation of the air. “Mais tout passe,
tout lasse, et tout casse!” Montpellier is no longer in fashion, though
its situation remains the same, its air is as good as ever, and the same
medicinal virtues reside in its waters. It has, not unhappily, been
called a “magazine of houses,” for the streets are neither wide nor
regular, though the houses are generally good, and some of them very
handsome, particularly in what was called “la Grande Rue.”
We were present at the opening of the Assembly of the States on the
27th. It was held in a great hall in the Hôtel de Ville. At the upper
end was a throne, under a canopy of crimson velvet. Long benches were
ranged on each side, and parallel rows in front below, with a table
covered with green cloth. The galleries and the rest of the hall were
filled with spectators. First entered the Archbishop of Narbonne, at the
head of the clergy; the bishops, in their violet robes, covered with
fine lace; and the “grands vicaires” representing the prelates who were
absent, in black cassocks. They took their places on the right hand of
the throne, which was occupied by the Comte de Périgord as soon as he
came in, followed by the barons and by the gentlemen who acted as
representatives of the absent nobles. The count and barons were robed in
black velvet mantles lined with gold stuff, hats with long feathers
hanging over them, and their hair dressed with two queues. The barons
took their places on the left, and below sat the “tiers état,”
consisting of deputies from the towns. The “greffiers” and lawyers were
at the table. On the left hand of the count, and above the barons, sat
the intendant of the province, M. de St. Priest, and two treasurers of
France, in black, with black caps, surmounted by a tuft. A greffier
having read the commission which the Count de Périgord, as commandant of
the province, had received from the king to hold the States, the count
made a speech, complimenting the intendant, the barons, and the bishops,
and particularly the Archbishop of Narbonne, whom he characterised as “a
prelate who supported the interests of the people at court without
flattery, and the interests of the court with the people without
ostentation.” The Assembly now became very attentive, for the archbishop
was to speak, and his eloquence was much admired. He began his
discourse[20] by dwelling on the utility of commerce, in all nations and
ages, towards the civilisation of mankind. Industry was the only true
road to improvement. In old times it was through commerce and industry
that the Phœnicians and their colonists, the Carthaginians, had risen to
eminence. The Romans, indeed, disdained to acquire riches except by
conquest, but they protected and encouraged commercial pursuits in their
tributary provinces, and by this policy supported their state, and
enabled themselves to pursue their astonishing career. And when the
Roman empire was overthrown by the Goths, a small number of fugitives
settled on the little islands in the bosom of the Adriatic, and a
flourishing republic arose out of this refuge for a few unfortunate
exiles. But this republic fell into insignificancy, because the people
became ashamed of the honourable industry of their ancestors, and
preferred an inglorious pomp and idleness. The example, however, had not
been lost upon England and Holland, as witness the flourishing state of
the English navy, and the tranquil riches and peaceful security of the
Dutch in the midst of powerful and envious nations. The speaker then
lamented that France, which possessed so many and such superior
advantages, situated between two seas, in the centre of Europe, under
the most favourable sky, and inhabited by a people of the most active
disposition, was yet by no means so commercial as she ought to be. Louis
XIV., he said, would have afforded encouragement to the commerce of his
kingdom, had he not been hurried away by an ill-judged ambition, and
thus compelled to leave that essential duty to the care of his minister,
the great Colbert. That statesman, however, signally erred in laying
restraints upon commerce, for it would have been far better to have
suffered the trifling inconveniences resulting from certain commodities
leaving the country and being useful to foreign nations, than to
renounce the great advantages which arise from the communication of new
discoveries and inventions, or from superior perfection in those already
made. Instead, therefore, of laying the restraint he intended upon
abuses, Colbert fostered the worst of all, monopoly. The archbishop then
reverted to the unhappy fanaticism which had driven so many industrious
citizens to seek refuge in the open and liberal arms of England and
Holland, which nations were amply repaid for their generosity by the
stimulus given to their commerce, and the improvements introduced into
all useful arts, by those grateful exiles. Louis XV. had proper views on
these subjects, but was prevented from carrying them into execution by
the troubles of the times and the narrow-mindedness of his ministers.
Under the present government, however, everything might be hoped for
from the known good disposition of the king towards his people, and
especially in this province, where his Majesty’s gracious intentions
were so well understood and seconded, &c. &c.
At the close of this speech, which had a very good effect, the governor,
the intendant, and the treasurers, as commissaries for the king, left
the Assembly, and were accompanied to the door by the archbishop and
bishops, who then returned to their seats, the archbishop occupying the
throne. The hour of the next meeting having been fixed, mass was said by
the archbishop’s almoner, and served by his grace’s footmen in livery.
The prelates, the intendant, the treasurers, and barons afterwards dined
with the governor in their robes, with their hats on, which, however,
they took off while they stood up to drink the health of the king, the
queen, and the royal family. We went to see this ceremony, which was
called “le Dîner du Roi.” At six we went dressed to the governor’s, who
received the visits of the ladies, and afterwards to Mme.
l’Intendante’s, where a supper was laid out for all who chose to stay.
On the 2nd of December the Assembly met, that the king’s commissaries
might ask for the “don gratuit” from the province. The demand was made
by the intendant, in what struck me as being a very authoritative style.
The Archbishop of Narbonne replied in a manner equally pathetic and
spirited. He lamented that, at a season dedicated to joy and festivity,
the misfortunes of the province should cast a cloud over the public
cheerfulness. He remarked, that after a long and severe winter the
distress of the inhabitants had not been mitigated by a genial spring
and summer, in the happiest country as to situation that could be
imagined, inhabited by a people endowed with the most industrious
activity, and enjoying a climate which drew so many illustrious
strangers from less favoured lands. He pointed out in the most lively
colours the losses sustained by the province from the frosts, which had
destroyed nearly all the vines, and from the failure of a most promising
harvest. Nor could the unhappy people hope for any alleviation of their
distress while subjected to such heavy imposts. It was dreadful, he
said, to find, after fifteen years of peace, that the taxes were still
the same as in time of war, though it was right to expect that they
should be taken off. The province was, therefore, in no state to give
any further testimony of duty than what they had already afforded. Then,
with respect to commerce, if the unhappy laws, dictated by rigour rather
than by prudence, were allowed to prevail, Languedoc would be utterly
ruined, as the manufacturers, deprived of all power of extending their
views, would necessarily give up all emulation and desire of
improvement. He then observed that, although the neglect of public
statutes was injurious to a country, even that perhaps was a less evil
than the observance of pernicious ones. As an example, he mentioned the
manufacturers of woollen cloths, who, perceiving that the dyes of France
were inferior to the texture while the reverse was the case in the
Levant, had acquired and introduced into this province the beautiful hue
which is in use among those nations. This, strictly speaking, was
contrary to law, but it had been of infinite benefit to France.
This archbishop was of a commanding figure, and had a fine open
countenance. By birth he was an Irishman, being brother to Lord Dillon,
but he was brought up in France, and, while still very young, was
present at the battle of Fontenoy. Subsequently he went into the Church,
and became possessed of great benefices and considerable influence. He
belonged to that class of prelates called “Evêques Administrateurs,” but
he was liberal-minded and charitable. At a later period he behaved in a
very proper and dignified manner, when the revolution broke out, and at
length retired to England, where he died at an advanced age in 1803 or
1804. We were introduced to him at Montpellier, and he invited us to
dinner, when his conversation was lively and agreeable, intermixed with
sallies of wit and pleasantry in the best taste.
The Comte de Périgord was a truly worthy man; and, what is singular, was
free from the prejudice at that time general in France in favour of
America. He could not bear the idea of being at peace with England, and
yet supporting rebels against their sovereign. The Comtesse de Périgord
was dead. She was a beautiful woman, and Louis XV. fell in love with
her, which made her persuade her husband to leave the Court. He never
knew her reason till the king gave him the distinguished post he still
held in 1777, at the same time telling him that he owed it to the virtue
of his wife, for that he could not bear it should be supposed that so
worthy a nobleman had left the Court in disgrace. When we were at
Montpellier an English gentleman, named Langlais, was staying with the
count, which compelled the latter to enter his deceased wife’s
dressing-room, as it was occupied by his guest. Though several years had
passed since her death, he had never before ventured to look into it.
His suppers were splendid, attended by guards, and his liveries
magnificent. His parties were also very pleasant and cheerful. It is
painful to add, that this excellent man, who was equally loyal to his
king and beneficent to the poor, was uncle of the Bishop of Autun, M. de
Talleyrand. The Comte de Périgord was not possessed of such brilliant
talents as his nephew, but was distinguished rather for plain sense and
rectitude of principles. In person he was dignified and elegant. I have
since become acquainted with his descendants, and I must add that they
have inherited his virtues.
The intendant, M. de St. Priest, and the treasurers also had parties, at
which my mother usually played whist, while I sat by her side at the
corner of the table, finding plenty of idlers to chat with, for which I
sometimes received from my mother very proper lectures. It might be said
to be my first entrance into the world; and, excepting two or three of
my fellow-countrywomen, there were no young unmarried women at these
parties, as it was not the custom in France. We supped once with the
treasurer of the province. His house was not large, but well furnished,
and the supper, I remember, was thought to be remarkably fine, with
respect both to the eye and the palate. The place of treasurer _gave_
nobility, and of course the treasurers were rich, expensive, and not in
the list of “good company,” though visited by everybody at these
seasons. I believe the post was always purchased.
To the honour of Montpellier it must be observed, that, although there
were many Calvinists in the place, there was not that dissension and
hatred between the followers of the two religions that always existed at
Nismes, and evident proofs of this were given during the revolution. I
am sorry to say that M. de St. Etienne, who was a pastor here, did not
do credit to his cloth in this respect, for he was very violent, and
worthy to have belonged to Cromwell’s Independents. But many Roman
Catholic priests were saved by the Protestant inhabitants of
Montpellier. I remember we were much struck by the showy dress and
variegated plume of feathers worn by a young woman at a concert at which
we were present, and we were told that she was the wife of a Protestant
minister—in fact, of M. de St. Etienne himself.
It was not without regret that we quitted Montpellier on the 13th of
December, and arrived the same afternoon at Nismes. Here we inspected
the various Roman remains, under the guidance of M. Séguier, the
naturalist and antiquary, and on the 16th we reached Marseilles. At this
seaport we were detained by the bad weather until the 29th of January
(1777), when we embarked on board a “Senau,” which my mother had hired
to convey us to Civita Vecchia, as we had been told at Montpellier that
that was the quickest mode of conveyance, and that probably we should
not be above a day or two on our passage. We started with a fine
north-west wind, which shifted in the course of the evening to the east,
and we were obliged to put back and run into La Ciotat, a safe little
port, seven leagues distant from Marseilles by the road. It was late in
the evening of the 3rd of February before our captain would again
venture out to sea, but next day we were glad to run for shelter into
Toulon Roads. Fortunately, we happened to be acquainted with two French
naval officers who were stationed there, and who showed us every
attention. The command of ships in the French navy did not depend on
rank in the service as with us. An “enseigne de vaisseau” might command
a sloop, but they had many more steps, and were longer in getting on
than our officers at that time. In general, the French navy was composed
of men of fashion, belonging to the highest families, and great interest
was required to support them in the service. They had, by a recent
order, destroyed the places of commissioners, and all was in the hands
of sea officers, by which change many abuses were stopped, and their
navy was in a much better condition than it had been for many years, or
perhaps ever before.
We remained at Toulon until the 10th, when we made another attempt to
reach the Italian shores, but on the following afternoon again found
ourselves in our old lodgings. As the wind continued very high and
unfavourable, we stayed here till the 17th, and on the previous day went
to a “piquenique” at a little country-house not far from the town. We
were about fifty in number, of whom fifteen were ladies. We dined early,
and afterwards danced. Most of the company were of the first families of
Provence, all good humoured and well bred. Their dancing was excellent,
and their cheerfulness unwearied.
At last we got fairly under weigh, and were within eight leagues of
Civita Vecchia on the 19th, when a contrary wind sprang up, and we were
miserably tossed about all night, the weather very bad, the people
praying to St. Anthony, and the ship under little government. Late in
the afternoon of the 20th we succeeded in landing at a wretched little
place in Tuscany, belonging to the King of Naples, in what was called “i
Presidj di Toscana.” Its name was Santo Stefano, a small village, with a
castle and an insignificant garrison to keep off ships coming from the
Levant. Next day, the 21st, we went on shore, but could find no house
where we could get a bed. We were afraid to sleep on board, because we
heard that the Moorish pirates sometimes came here and cut vessels out
of the harbour. We were, therefore, very anxious to get away, and having
received flowers, salads, and civil messages from the governor, we at
length summoned up courage to call upon him and inquire if there were
any means of reaching Rome, for we were still fifteen leagues by sea
from Civita Vecchia.
The governor, an elderly man named Latil, a Provençal, was very
obliging, but kept his hands in a muff, and apologised for not having
called upon us, because he had unfortunately caught a complaint in his
hands which rendered him unfit for society. He told us we must go by
Orbitello, the capital of the Presidj, and there procure horses for our
journey. A Walloon officer, who happened to be at the governor’s,
obligingly offered to accompany us, and accordingly, in the afternoon of
the 28th, we embarked in a small felucca, another following in tow with
our carriage. We rowed about three miles, when we arrived at a neck of
land, and were taken ashore on the men’s shoulders, the carriage being
put into a cart with all our baggage. We walked across this sandy neck
of land to the Lake of Orbitello, where we embarked as before, and
happily arrived at the town, situated in the midst of the lake, and much
resembling a fish in water.
Captain Sougnez, the Walloon officer, offered us the use of his house,
but we went to the inn, which was not a very bad one, considering the
unfrequented situation of the place. The beds had muslin curtains, but
there were no glass windows in the room, only shutters, and the
adjoining apartment was a great hall, which served as the public
ball-room every night during Carnival. As far as I recollect, the price
of entrance was the value of twopence; the company consisting of all
ranks of people, but chiefly of soldiers and their wives. They danced
till three or four in the morning, but neither intoxication nor
indecorum of any kind appeared amongst them.
On the 1st of March the officers of the garrison invited us to a ball.
They danced minuets for five hours of the time. The manners of the
ladies were quiet and proper, though not elegant, and their dress no
very happy imitation of the French. On the following day we went to see
a comedy, entitled “Il Napolitano a Parigi,” acted in a barn by
soldiers. The sergeants and corporals, for distinction, acted the female
parts, and hid their moustaches as well as they could. They looked
oddly, but they really were good comedians.
The four horses which we had been obliged to send for from Viterbo
having at length arrived, we were enabled to resume our journey on the
7th, accompanied by Captain Sougnez, who was so good as to give us his
protection for the first day’s journey. We finally reached Rome late in
the afternoon of the 9th of March, on the fortieth day after our
departure from Marseilles, and engaged apartments in the Piazza di
Spagna.
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