I do not think I am mistaken in referring the more comfortable

conditions of life on the crown-property of the Altai, as compared

with the rest of West Siberia, back to its own past. The parents and

forefathers of the present inhabitants, notwithstanding their bondage,

never felt oppressed. They were serfs, but of the lord and ruler of the

vast land in which the cradle of their fathers stood. They were obliged

to labour for their master, and to yield up their sons for nearly a

generation to his service; but this master was the Czar, a being in

their eyes almost divine. In return, the Czar maintained them, freed

them from all the obligations of citizenship, permitted them to wrest

from his land what it would yield, placed no hindrances in the way

of their prosperity, protected them, as far as possible, from the

oppressions of unjust officials, and was, besides, a benefactor to

their children in that he compelled at least some of them to attend

school. The officials under whose superintendence they were, stood far

above the majority of the servants of the crown as regards culture;

nearly all had studied in Germany, not a few were even of German

extraction, and brought, if not German customs, at least widened views

into the country over which they ruled in the name of the Czar. Even

now, Barnaul, the capital of the crown-lands, is a centre of culture

such as can be found nowhere else in Siberia; and, while the mining

industry was at its best, it was the undisputed intellectual capital of

Northern and Central Asia, and the light emanating from it shone the

more brilliantly because it found in every mining centre a focus which

helped to spread it more widely. Thus the royal domain of the Altai has

always held a prominent position among the districts of Siberia.

It was probably never the intention of the administration of the

Altai to specially favour the peasant class. Until the suppression of

serfdom, at all events, the class was regarded much as a necessary

adjunct to the working of the mines. But times have changed. From the

day on which the serfs were emancipated, mining has retrograded as

steadily as agriculture has advanced. The authorities have not yet

been able to make up their minds to abandon the old routine of work,

but they have to pay such high sums to get it carried on that the

net profit from the mines is now inconsiderable. Throwing open the

mines freely to energetic workers, probably the only thorough means

of improving the present state of things, has been proposed in some

districts, but is still far from being an accomplished fact. The free

use of the soil, as far as the plough penetrates, has been customary so

long that it has become, to a certain extent, a prescriptive right. To

be sure, as I have already pointed out, no one owns the land he tills,

not even the spot on which his house stands, but, in the peasants’

eyes, what belongs to the Czar belongs to the “good Lord God”, and the

latter willingly permits every believer to make use of it. As a matter

of fact, the administration of the crown-lands levies forty _kopeks_ of

annual rent on every _hektar_ of land (2½ acres) which is brought under

the plough; but it is not particularly strict in the matter, and the

peasant on his side does not feel it at all incumbent on him to be very

precise. Thus each peasant, in reality, cultivates as much as he can,

and chooses it wherever he pleases.

It is doing the peasant of to-day on the crown-lands no more than

justice to describe him as well-built, wide-awake, handy, skilful,

intelligent, hospitable, good-natured and warm-hearted, and it is

not too much to say that his prosperity has given him considerable

self-esteem and a certain appreciation of freedom. His bearing is freer

and less depressed than that of the Russian peasants. He is polite

and obliging, submissive, and therefore easily managed; but he is not

servile, cringing or abject, and the impression he makes on a stranger

is by no means unfavourable. But he possesses all the qualities which

we call loutishness in a high degree, and several others as well, which

are calculated to weaken the first impression. Although he has had more

educational advantages than any others of his class in Siberia, he is

anything but in love with school. He is strictly religious and ready to

give up what he possesses to the Church, but he looks upon school as an

institution which spoils men rather than educates them. With a lasting

recollection of a former state of things, when the old discharged

soldiers, who held the educational sceptre in the times of his fathers,

did not scruple to send the scholars for “schnaps”, and even to

maltreat them while under its influence, he is exceedingly suspicious

of everything connected with “education”. He also clings, peasant-like,

to whatever has been in the past, and imagines that more knowledge than

he himself possesses will be injurious to his children, and it is by no

means easy to convert him from this opinion. The state of education is

thus very low. It is only exceptionally that he has acquired the art

of writing, and he invariably regards books as entirely superfluous

articles. But he clings, on that account, so much the more firmly to

the superstition which his Church countenances and promulgates. He

rarely knows the names of the months, but can always tell off the

names of the saints and their festivals on his fingers: God and the

saints, archangel and devil, death, heaven, and hell occupy his mind

more than all else. He cannot be described as easily satisfied, yet he

is perfectly contented. He does not wish for more than the necessaries

of life, and therefore only works as much as he absolutely must. But

neither his farm premises nor the fields which he calls his can be too

large, neither his family nor his flock too numerous.

“How is it with you here?” I asked, through an interpreter, one of the

heads of a village whom we picked up on the way.

“God still bears with our sins,” was the answer.

“Are your wives good, faithful, kindly, and helpful to you?”

“There are good and bad.”

“Are your children obedient, and do they cause you joy?”

“We have nothing to complain of in regard to them.”

“Is the land you till fruitful; does it yield you a rich harvest?”

“If it yields us corn tenfold, we are content.”

“Do your cattle thrive?”

“We are content.”

“How many horses have you?”

“Thirty-two; there may perhaps be thirty-five.”

“And how many of these do you require for your work?”

“Eight, ten, and sometimes twelve.”

“Then you bring up the rest to sell?”

“I may perhaps sell one of them some day.”

“And what shall you do with the others?”

“_Nitschewo._”

“How many cows and sheep have you?”

“I do not know. My wife takes charge of the cows, sheep, and pigs.”

“Have you heavy taxes to pay?”

“I am content.”

“Have you anything to complain of?”

“I am content.”

“So you have no complaints whatever to make; everything is quite

satisfactory?”

“No, not everything; I have one complaint.”

“What is that?”

“The land is becoming uncomfortable.”

“Uncomfortable; what does that mean?”

“Why, it is getting too small for us.”

“Too small; in what way?”

“Oh, the villages are springing up everywhere like mushrooms from the

soil. One has scarcely room to turn now, and does not know where to lay

out one’s fields. If I had not been too old I should have left this

part.”

“The villages spring up like mushrooms from the soil? But where? I see

none. How far is the next village from yours?”

“Fifteen _versts_” (ten miles).

Thus does the peasant of the crown estate speak and think. The vast

land is not spacious enough for him, and yet the twentieth part of what

he has at his disposal would suffice for him if he would cultivate it.

For the land is so fertile that it richly rewards even a very small

amount of labour. But if it does once fail, if the harvest does not

turn out as well as usual, if the peasant suffers from want instead of

from superfluity, he regards this not as the natural consequence of his

own laziness, but as a dispensation of God, as a punishment laid upon

him for his sins.

In reality, however, he is very comfortable in spite of his sins and

their punishment, and has more reason to talk of his reward. For not

scarcity but superfluity troubles him. The government allows each

peasant fifteen _hektars_ of the best land, usually at his own choice,

for every male member of his family; but of the 400,000 square _versts_

of the crown-estate, only 234,000 had been taken up till 1876, so it

does not matter much even now whether a peasant restricts himself

to what he has a right to or not. Some families use not less than

twelve or fifteen hundred _hektars_, and to these it is certainly a

matter of indifference whether they keep only the number of horses

necessary for their work, or twenty or thirty more. In reality, it

often happens that the superfluous animals relieve the peasants from a

heavy care--that of turning to account the over-abundant harvest which

the extremely deficient means of transport prevent his converting into

money. In a country in whose capital, under ordinary circumstances,

the _pood_ or thirty-six pounds of rye-meal is sold at sixpence, of

wheat-meal at ninepence, of beef in winter at about one shilling and

twopence at most; where a sheep costs four shillings, a weaned calf

ten, a pig eight, and an excellent horse seldom more than five pounds

of English money, an unusually good season lowers prices so far that

the too-abundant harvest becomes a burden. When the peasant, who in

any case works only when he must, can only get about one shilling and

twopence for about two hundredweights of grain, the flail becomes too

heavy in his hand, and the harvest, according to his limited ideas,

becomes a curse.

These conditions, which apply to the present day, explain most of the

vices as well as many of the virtues of our colonist: his laziness, his

incorrigible contentment, his indifference to losses, his liberality to

the needy, his compassion for the unfortunate. They also explain the

intense desire, innate in all Siberians, to increase the population.

The vast land is hungry for inhabitants, if I may so speak. Therefore

even now the Siberian looks with pride on a numerous family; and

there is no foundling asylum in the whole country. Why should there

be? Every woman who cannot bring up the child she has borne, or who

wants to be rid of it, finds someone willing and anxious to take the

little creature off her hands. “Give it to me,” says the peasant to

the faithless mother: “I will bring it up;” and he looks as pleased as

if a foal had just been added to his stock. In former times, when the

population was considerably less than it is now, children were married

while still immature, or scarcely mature, so that they might become

parents as soon as possible and gain other hands to help them; now

youths do not usually marry until the beginning of their eighteenth

year, but they frequently wed older women who give promise of early

child-bearing, and the designs of such women upon marriageable youths

are not only winked at but encouraged by the bridegroom’s parents.

In order that romance may not be altogether awanting, I may mention

that elopements of young girls with love-struck youths, and secret

marriages, are by no means rare occurrences among the peasants of the

Altai. But the great majority of these elopements take place with the

consent of all concerned, thus also of the parents of both bride and

bridegroom--to avoid the customary entertaining of the whole village at

a meal, simple in itself, but accompanied by a great deal of brandy. As

may be imagined, however, love overcomes all obstacles, particularly

the disapproval of parents, on the crown-lands as elsewhere. The

maiden, like every other on the round earth, is soon won over by the

youth who desires to run away with her; a holy servant of the Church

can also be procured at all times by the payment of an exorbitantly

high fee; but the angry parents are not so easily reconciled. The

mother curses her daughter, the father his son; both swear by all the

saints never to see their depraved children again.

“And Heaven, full of kindness,

Is patient with man’s blindness.”

But it is not from above that the reconciliation comes; that is brought

about by a magic power beyond compare, known as _schnaps_ among the

races who inhabit German territory, as _vodki_ among those living on

the sacred soil of Russia. As soon as the father-in-law drinks, the

young bridegroom has gained the day; for the mother-in-law drinks

too, and the luscious nectar softens her inflexible heart also. If

some friends arrive, as if by chance, to assist at the reconciliation

festival, they are not denied admittance, for the cost of entertaining

them is much less than if the whole village had assembled, and,

drinking fervently, had called down the blessing of Heaven upon the

newly-united pair. Who can deny after this that love, pure, holy love,

makes even a peasant youth of the Altai inventive?

The bride of the Altai receives no dowry; her mother, on the other

hand, expects a gift from the bridegroom, and sometimes demands it with

much storming, weeping and howling, after the manner of women. Only

under special circumstances, as, for instance, when, on the morning

after the wedding, the nuptial linen does not fulfil the expectations

of the assembled guests, the contrary takes place. The intelligent

and experienced father-in-law makes use of the magic means already

mentioned, produces an inspiriting number of bottles thoughtfully

laid in beforehand, promises the indignant, or at any rate downcast

son-in-law a foal, an ox, a sucking-pig, and the like; the minds of all

are made easy again, and the reconciliation is effected.

And why should the bridegroom be angry for ever? Others have fared no

better, and the future will equalize much. Paternal joys often blossom

even under irregular circumstances, and they are paternal joys all the

same. For even the poorest couple have no cares about their household

expenses, if they will use their hands at all; people are willing to

help them with this and that, and if a bountiful Heaven will only be

moderate enough for a few years in the outpouring of its blessings, so

that the price of grain and stock may not fall too low, a tea-caddy and

cups will adorn a corner table, and silk coverlets the big double-bed,

shining images the right-hand corner, and indescribably noble pictorial

representations of the hunting of the lion, tiger, bear, wolf,

elephant, stag, and crocodile the walls of the cleanly-kept “best

room”, which is never awanting in the better class of peasant houses.

A domestic life scarcely differing from that already described beckons

to every convict who is exiled to Siberia, to one sooner, to another

later, if he wishes to attain to it, if he lives long enough, and is to

a certain extent favoured by fortune. While in Siberia I came to have

views about exiles and banishment very different from those I had held

before visiting the country; but I may remark at the outset that I am

not one of those who bestow more sympathy upon a murderer, a robber, an

incendiary, a thief, or any other scoundrel, than upon the industrious

paterfamilias who strives, in the sweat of his brow, to bring up a

numerous family honestly, and that I have never been able to soar to

that loftiness of view which seeks to mitigate all punishment and relax

all confinement.

On an average, fifteen thousand people are sent from Russia,

“verschickt”, as the expression is among the German Russians. Those

who have been guilty of grave crimes are sentenced for life, of less

serious offences for a number of years. It is not within my province

to discuss the severities or deficiencies of the Russian penal code;

but the fact that the penalty of death is imposed only for the gravest

and rarest of all crimes does not suggest too great severity. But it

is undoubtedly a hardship that exiles sentenced for political causes

should be treated on the way to Siberia, and often when there, exactly

like common criminals.

Condemned exiles are first transferred from the prison in the district

town to that in the capital of the government, and thence transported

by rail or by the ordinary peasant-wagon to Nijni-Novgorod, Kasan,

or Perm. Whether criminals are still forced to march in chains, two

abreast, and thus to carry their fetters for the whole journey, I do

not know; I have never seen this, and I am firmly convinced that the

well-known mildness of the late Czar would never have suffered this

barbarous proceeding. In the towns already mentioned, as well as in

Tjumen and Tomsk, there are spacious prisons, and, at intervals along

such routes as have not been deserted because of the railway, there

are less roomy buildings for the safe housing of the exiles during

night. Whenever it can be avoided, the exiles are not compelled to

travel on foot, but are conveyed to their destination by rail, by the

wagons already referred to, or by regularly plying steamers: thus from

Nijni-Novgorod or Kasan to Perm, from Tjumen _via_ Thura, Tobolsk,

Irtish, Ob, and Tom, to Tomsk. The prisons are simple buildings, but

thoroughly clean; the hospitals connected with, but sufficiently far

apart from them, are model institutions; the river-boats are unusually

long, two-decked vessels, which may best be described as gigantic

floating cages, for the whole upper portion above the deck is latticed

after the fashion of a bird-cage. Each of these boats, which is towed

by a steamer, affords the necessary accommodation for six hundred

persons, and contains also a large kitchen, a sick-room, a small

dispensary, quarters for the accompanying soldiers and for the crew.

Between Perm and Tjumen run wagons, which also resemble bird-cages, and

which serve for the transport of dangerous criminals.

Every exile receives from government a cloak of heavy gray woollen

material, in the middle of the back of which is fastened a

diamond-shaped piece of cloth of colours varying with the length of

the sentence, so that the soldiers in charge may be acquainted with it

as far as is necessary. For procuring food on the journey, ten, or in

the case of “unfortunates” of higher social standing, fifteen _kopeks_

a day are allowed to each; but during a prolonged stay in prison the

rate is seven and fifteen respectively. This sum is so liberal that, if

spent with care, it suffices to procure all the necessaries of life,

although every day, except during Lent, three-quarters of a pound of

meat are served out to each. If wife and children accompany a condemned

criminal, each of these receives a similar sum. Additional earning is

permitted, and money gained by work or begging flows, though perhaps

not quite untaxed, into the pockets of the condemned himself, or down

his throat in the form of vodki.

[Illustration: Fig. 75.--Exiles on the Way to Siberia.]

I said that everyone was at liberty to take his wife and children with

him into exile, and I may add that he usually does so. A long sentence

of imprisonment for a serious crime is a ground of divorce even in

Russia; every married woman is, therefore, free to choose whether she

will accompany her husband into exile, or remain in her native land.

Even children who have attained their fourteenth year have the right to

decide for themselves whether they will leave Russia for Siberia with

their parents or not. But the government prefer that wife and children

should accompany the criminal, and they encourage it in every possible

way, therefore they give much consideration to the question of how far

it is practicable to lessen the difficulties and disagreeablenesses of

the journey.

That it is oppressive under all circumstances cannot be denied; but

the journey of the exiles is by no means so indescribably dreadful

as it has been depicted. Only those convicted of the gravest crimes

are conducted to their destination in chains; the rest enjoy more

freedom than our convicts. The portion of the journey which has to be

performed in the steamers or the boats they tow is the worst. Here all

the exiles and their families are cooped up together, and excesses of

all descriptions are committed by the most degraded criminals, who are

only, or can only, be kept under sufficient restraint in rare cases.

The expert thief steals from the bungler in the same disreputable

calling, the more violent overpowers the weaker, or takes the soles off

the boots of a sleeper to possess himself of the bank-notes supposed

to be hidden there; the incorrigible shakes the resolution of the

penitent, or destroys utterly those who had previously given ground for

hopes of improvement. Male and female criminals are now separated from

each other, but the members of a family remain with their head, and the

wife and daughters of an exile are always in danger during the journey,

no matter what attempts are made to avoid this. On the other hand,

the steamer shortens the journey tenfold, and thus removes those

who are not irretrievably ruined, and those who are not criminals,

so much the sooner from evil influences. More difficult, certainly,

yet less dangerous to the more hopeful criminals, is the journey by

land. Driving along Russian roads in a Russian peasant-wagon drawn by

galloping Russian horses is certainly a species of torture according

to our ideas; but it is not so to those who have, from their youth

upwards, been accustomed to no better conveyances or smoother roads. To

be sure, the exiles are more closely packed in a wagon holding six or

eight people than the peasant packs his when he drives with his family;

the driver or the accompanying soldier is in no way more comfortable

than the convicts, with the exception of the worst criminals, whose

chains jar more uncomfortably than usual on such a journey. An exile

belonging to a cultured family, and convicted, for instance, on

political grounds, cries out under the torture of such a journey, and

is fully justified in depicting it in the blackest possible colours

from his own point of view; but if we take into account the local

conditions, and the customs of the country, we must at least acquit

the directors of these forced journeyings from the charge of cruelty

under which they lie. And as for the journeys on foot, these never take

place in winter, it is only strong and able men who are forced to make

them, not more than forty _versts_ a day are traversed, and every third

day is spent in resting at one of the prisons on the way. The soldiers

in charge walk too, they must keep constant watch over the prisoners

for whom they are responsible, and must therefore exert themselves

much more; for if the murderer has to drag his chains, the soldier

has to carry his weapon, baggage, and ammunition. He, however, is the

irreproachable servant of the state, the other an outcast from society!

But it is certainly unjust that an exile of higher social position who

has been convicted of a common crime should, if he has still means

at his disposal, or can obtain them, be treated otherwise than one

of lower degree, who is sentenced for the same crime. The former is

permitted to travel to his place of banishment at his own time, and

with every comfort, guarded only by two Cossacks, whom he must pay for

the double journey.

From North Pole to Equator: Studies of Wild Life and Scenes in Many Lands · 第 41 / 47 段