The Navy Yard is, properly speaking, a settlement of exceedingly neat

detached houses, with gardens in front, porticoes, pillars, verandahs,

and Venetian blinds to aid the dense trees in keeping off the scorching

rays of the sun, which is intensely powerful in the summer, and is now

blazing so fiercely as to force one to admit the assertion that the

average temperature is as high as that of Calcutta to be very probable.

The grass-plots under these tree are covered with neat piles of cannon

balls, mostly of small size; two obsolete mortars--one dated 1776--are

placed in the main Avenue. Tents are pitched under the trees, and the

houses are all occupied by officers, who are chatting, smoking, and

drinking at the open windows. A number of men in semi-military dresses

of various sorts and side arms are lounging about the quays and the

lawns before the houses. Into one of these I am escorted, and find

myself at a very pleasant mess, of whom the greater number are officers

of the Zouave Corps, from New Orleans--one, a Dane, has served at

Idstedt, Kiel, Frederichstadt; another foreigner has seen service in

South America; another has fought in half the insurrectionary wars in

Europe. The wine is abundant, the fare good, the laughter and talk loud.

Mr. Davis has been down all day from Montgomery, accompanied by Mrs.

Davis, Mr. Maloney, and Mr. Wigfall, and they all think his presence

means immediate action.

The only ship here is the shell of the old Fulton, which is on the

stocks, but the works of the Navy Yard are useful in casting shot,

shell, and preparing munitions of war. An aide-de-camp from General

Bragg entered as we were sitting at table, and invited me to attend him

to the General’s quarters. The road, as I found, was very long and very

disagreeable, owing to the depth of the sand, into which the foot sank

at every step up to the ankle. Passing the front of an extended row of

the clean, airy, pretty villas inside the Navy Yard, we passed the gate

on exhibiting our passes, and proceeded by the sea beach, one side of

which is lined with houses, a few yards from the surf. These houses are

all occupied by troops, or are used as bar-rooms or magazines. At

intervals a few guns have been placed along the beach, covered by

sand-bags, parapets, and traverses. As we toiled along in the sand, the

aide hailed a cart, pressed it into the service, and we continued our

journey less painfully. Suddenly a tall, straight-backed man in a blue

frock-coat, with a star on the epaulette strap, a smart kepi, and

trowsers with gold stripe, and large brass spurs, rode past on a

high-stepping, powerful charger, followed by an orderly. “There is

General Bragg,” said his aide. The General turned round, reined up, and

I was presented as I sat in my state chariot. The commander of the

Confederated States Army at Pensacola is about forty-two years of age,

of a spare and powerful frame; his face is dark, and marked with deep

lines, his mouth large, and squarely set in determined jaws, and his

eyes, sagacious, penetrating, and not by any means unkindly, look out at

you from beetle brows which run straight across and spring into a thick

tuft of black hair, which is thickest over the nose, where naturally it

usually leaves an intervening space. His hair is dark, and he wears such

regulation whiskers as were the delight of our generals a few years ago.

His manner is quick and frank, and his smile is very pleasing and

agreeable. The General would not hear of my continuing my journey to his

quarters in a cart, and his orderly brought up an ambulance, drawn by a

smart pair of mules, in which I completed it satisfactorily.

The end of the journey through the sandy plain was at hand, for in an

inclosure of a high wall there stood a well-shaded mansion, amid trees

of live oak and sycamore, with sentries at the gate and horses held by

orderlies under the portico. General Bragg received me at the top of the

steps which lead to the verandah, and, after a few earnest and

complimentary words, conducted me to his office, where he spoke of the

contest in which he was to play so important a part in terms of

unaffected earnestness. Why else had he left his estates? After the

Mexican war he had retired from the United States Artillery; but when

his State was menaced he was obliged to defend her. He was satisfied the

North meant nothing but subjugation. All he wanted was peace. Slavery

was an institution for which he was not responsible; but his property

was guaranteed to him by law, and it consisted of slaves. Why did the

enemy take off slaves from Tortugas to work for them at Pickens? Because

whites could not do their work. It was quite impossible to deny his

earnestness, sincerity, and zeal as he spoke, and one could only wonder

at the difference made by the “stand point” from which the question is

reviewed. General Bragg finally, before we supped, took down his plans

and showed me the position of every gun in his works and all his

batteries. He showed the greatest clearness of unreserved openness in

his communications, and was anxious to point out that he had much

greater difficulties to contend with than General Beauregard had at

Charleston. The inside of Pickens is well known to him, as he was

stationed there the very first tour of duty which he had after he left

West Point. It was late at night when I returned on one of the General’s

horses toward the Navy Yard. The orderly who accompanied me was, he

said, a Mississippi planter, but he had left his wife and family to the

care of the negroes, had turned up all his cotton land and replanted it

with corn, and had come off to the wars. Once only were we challenged,

and I was only required to show my pass as I was getting on board the

schooner. Before I left General Bragg he was good enough to say he would

send down one of his aides-de-camp and horses early in the morning, to

give me a look at the works.

LETTER XII.

NEW ORLEANS, May 25, 1861.

THERE are doubts arising in my mind respecting the number of armed men

actually in the field in the South, and the amount of arms in the

possession of the Federal forces. The constant advertisements and

appeals for “a few more men to complete” such and such companies furnish

some sort of evidence that men are still wanting. But a painful and

startling insight into the manner in which “Volunteers” have been

sometimes obtained has been afforded to me at New Orleans. In no country

in the world have outrages on British subjects been so frequent and so

wanton as in the States of America. They have been frequent, perhaps,

because they have generally been attended with impunity. Englishmen,

however, will be still a little surprised to hear that within a few days

British subjects living in New Orleans have been seized, knocked down,

carried off from their labor at the wharf and the workshop, and forced

by violence to serve in the “Volunteer” ranks! These cases are not

isolated. They are not in twos and threes, but in tens and twenties;

they have not occurred stealthily or in by-ways, they have taken place

in open day, and in the streets of New Orleans. These men have been

dragged along like felons, protesting in vain that they were British

subjects. Fortunately, their friends bethought them that there was still

a British Consul in the city, who would protect his countrymen--English,

Irish, or Scotch. Mr. Mure, when he heard of the reports and of the

evidence, made energetic representations to the authorities, who, after

some evasion, gave orders that the impressed “Volunteers” should be

discharged, and the “Tiger Rifles” and other companies were deprived of

the services of thirty-five British subjects whom they had taken from

their usual avocations. The Mayor promises it shall not occur again. It

is high time that such acts should be put a stop to, and that the mob of

New Orleans should be taught to pay some regard to the usages of

civilized nations. There are some strange laws here and elsewhere in

reference to compulsory service on the part of foreigners which it would

be well to inquire into, and Lord John Russell may be able to deal with

them at a favorable opportunity. As to any liberty of opinion or real

freedom here, the boldest Southerner would not dare to say a shadow of

either exists. It may be as bad in the North, for all I know; but it

must be remembered that in all my communications I speak of things as

they appear to me to be in the place where I am at the time. The most

cruel and atrocious acts are perpetrated by the rabble who style

themselves citizens. The national failing of curiosity and prying into

other people’s affairs is now rampant, and assumes the name and airs of

patriotic vigilance. Every stranger is watched, every word is noted,

espionage commands every keyhole and every letter-box; love of country

takes to eavesdropping, and freedom shaves men’s heads, and packs men up

in boxes for the utterance of “Abolition sentiments.” In this city there

is a terrible substratum of crime and vice, violence, misery, and

murder, over which the wheels of Cotton King’s chariot rumble gratingly,

and on which rest in dangerous security the feet of his throne. There

are numbers of negroes who are sent out on the streets every day with

orders not to return with less than seventy-five cents--anything more

they can keep. But if they do not gain that--about three shillings and

six pence a day--they are liable to punishment; they may be put into

jail on charges of laziness, and may be flogged _ad libitum_, and are

sure to be half starved. Can anything, then, be more suggestive than

this paragraph, which appeared in last night’s papers. “_Only_ three

coroners inquests were held yesterday on persons found drowned in the

river, names unknown!” The italics are mine. Over and over again has the

boast been repeated to me that on the plantations lock and key are

unknown or unused in the planters’ houses. But in the cities they are

much used, though scarcely trusted. It appears, indeed, that unless a

slave has made up his or her mind to incur the dreadful penalties of

flight, there would be no inducement to commit theft, for money or

jewels would be useless; search would be easy, detection nearly certain.

That all the slaves are not indifferent to the issues before them, is

certain. At one house of a planter, the other day, one of them asked my

friend, “Will we be made to work, massa, when ole English come?” An old

domestic in the house of a gentleman in this city said, “There are few

whites in this place who ought not to be killed for their cruelty to

us.” Another said, “Oh, just wait till they attack Pickens!” These

little hints are significant enough coupled with the notices of

runaways, and the lodgments in the police jails, to show that all is not

quiet below the surface. The holders, however, are firm, and there have

been many paragraphs stating that slaves have contributed to the various

funds for State defence, and that they generally show the very best

spirit.

By the proclamation of Governor Magoffin, a copy of which I inclose, you

will see that the Governor of the Commonwealth of Kentucky and

Commander-in-chief of all her military forces on land or water, warns

all States, separated or united, especially the United States and the

Confederate States, that he will fight their troops if they attempt to

enter his Commonwealth. Thus Kentucky sets up for herself, while

Virginia is on the eve of destruction, and an actual invasion has taken

place of her soil. It is exceedingly difficult of comprehension that,

with the numerous troops, artillery, and batteries, which the

Confederate journals asserted to be in readiness to repel attack, an

invasion which took place in face of the enemy, and was effected over a

broad river, with shores readily defensible, should have been

unresisted. Here it is said there is a mighty plan, in pursuance of

which the United States troops are to be allowed to make their way into

Virginia, that they may at some convenient place be eaten up by their

enemies; and if we hear that the Confederates at Harper’s Ferry retain

their position one may believe some such plan really exists, although it

is rather doubtful strategy to permit the United States forces to gain

possession of the right bank of the Potomac. Should the position at

Harper’s Ferry be really occupied with a design of using it as a _point

d’appui_ for movements against the North, and any large number of troops

be withdrawn from Annapolis, Washington, and Baltimore, so as to leave

those places comparatively undefended, an irruption in force of the

Confederates on the right flank and in rear of General Scott’s army,

might cause most serious inconvenience and endanger his communications,

if not the possession of the places indicated.

Looking at the map, it is easy to comprehend that a march southwards

from Alexandria could be combined with an offensive movement by the

forces said to be concentrated in and around Fortress Monroe, so as to

place Richmond itself in danger, and, if any such measure is

contemplated, a battle must be fought in that vicinity, or the

_prestige_ of the South will receive very great damage. It is impossible

for any one to understand the movements of the troops on both sides.

These companies are scattered broadcast over the enormous expanse of the

States, and, where concentrated in any considerable numbers, seem to

have had their position determined rather by local circumstances than by

considerations connected with the general plan of a large campaign.

In a few days the object of the present movement will be better

understood, and it is probable that your correspondent at New York will

send, by the same mail which carries this, exceedingly important

information, to which I, in my present position, can have no access. The

influence of the blockade will be severely felt, combined with the

strict interruption of all intercourse by the Mississippi. Although the

South boasts of its resources and of its amazing richness and abundance

of produce, the constant advices in the journals to increase the breadth

of land under corn, and to neglect the cotton crop in consideration of

the paramount importance of the cause, indicate an apprehension of a

scarcity of food if the struggle be prolonged.

Under any circumstances, the patriotic ladies and gentlemen who are so

anxious for the war must make up their minds to suffer a little in the

flesh. All they can depend on is a supply of home luxuries; Indian corn

and wheat, the flesh of pigs, eked out with a small supply of beef and

mutton, will constitute the staple of their food. Butter there will be

none, and wine will speedily rise to an enormous price. Nor will coffee

and tea be had, except at a rate which will place them out of the reach

of the mass of the community. These are the smallest sacrifices of war.

The blockade is not yet enforced here, and the privateers of the port

are extremely active, and have captured vessels with more energy than

wisdom.

The day before yesterday, ships belonging to the United States in the

river were seized by the Confederation authorities, on the ground that

war had broken out, and that the time of grace accorded to the enemy’s

traders had expired. Great was the rush to the Consul’s office to

transfer the menaced property from ownership under the Stars and Strips

to British hands; but Mr. Mure refused to recognize any transactions of

the kind, unless sales _bona fide_ had been effected before the action

of the Confederate Marshals.

At Charleston the blockade has been raised, owing, apparently, to some

want of information or of means on the part of the United States

Government, and considerable inconvenience may be experienced by them in

consequence. On the 11th, the United States steam frigate Niagara

appeared outside and warned off several British ships, and on the 13th

she was visited by Mr. Bunch, our Consul, who was positively assured by

the officers on board that eight or ten vessels would be down to join in

enforcing the blockade. On the 15th, however, the Niagara departed,

leaving the port open, and several vessels have since run in and

obtained fabulous freights, suggesting to the minds of the owners of the

vessels which were warned off the propriety of making enormous demands

for compensation. The Southerners generally believe not only that their

Confederacy will be acknowledged, but that the blockade will be

disregarded by England. Their affection for her is proportionably

prodigious, and reminds one of the intensity of the gratitude which

consists in lively expectations of favors to come.

* * * * *

NEW ORLEANS, May 21, 1861.

Yesterday morning early I left Mobile in the steamer Florida, which

arrived in the Lake of Pontchartrain late at night, or early this

morning. The voyage, if it can be called so, would have offered, in less

exciting times, much that was interesting--certainly, to a stranger, a

good deal that was novel--for our course lay inside a chain, almost

uninterrupted, of reefs, covered with sand and pine trees, exceedingly

narrow, so that the surf and waves of the ocean beyond could be seen

rolling in foam through the foliage of the forest, or on the white

beach, while the sea lake on which our steamer was speeding lay in a

broad, smooth sheet, just crisped by the breeze, between the outward

barrier and the wooded shores of the mainland. Innumerable creeks, or

“bayous,” as they are called, pierce the gloom of these endless pines.

Now and then a sail could be made out, stealing through the mazes of the

marshy waters. If the mariner knows his course, he may find deep water

in most of the channels from the outer sea into these inner waters, on

which the people of the South will greatly depend for any coasting

trade, and supplies coastwise, they may require, as well as for the safe

retreat of their privateers. A few miles from Mobile, the steamer

turning out of the bay, entered upon the series of these lakes through a

narrow channel called Grant’s Pass, which some enterprising person, not

improbably of Scottish extraction, constructed for his own behoof by an

ingenious watercut, and for the use of which, and of a little iron

light-house that he has built close at hand, on the model of a

pepper-castor, he charges toll on passing vessels. This island is

scarcely three feet above the water; it is not over twenty yards broad

and one hundred and fifty yards long. A number of men were, however,

busily engaged in throwing up the sand, and arms gleamed amid some tents

pitched around the solitary wooden shed in the centre. A schooner lay at

the wharf, laden with two guns and sand-bags, and as we passed through

the narrow channel several men in military uniform, who were on board,

took their places in a boat which pushed off for them, and were conveyed

to their tiny station, of which one shell would make a dust-heap. The

Mobilians are fortifying themselves as best they can, and seem, not

unadvisedly, jealous of gunboats and small war steamers. On more than

one outlying sand-bank toward New Orleans are they to be seen at work on

other batteries, and they are busied in repairing, as well as they can,

old Spanish and new United States works which had been abandoned, or

which were never completed. The news has just been reported, indeed,

that the batteries they were preparing on Ship Island have been

destroyed and burnt by a vessel of war of the United States. For the

whole day we saw only a few coasting craft and the return steamers from

New Orleans; but in the evening a large schooner, which sailed like a

witch and was crammed with men, challenged my attention, and on looking

at her through the glass I could make out reasons enough for desiring to

avoid her if one was a quiet, short-handed, well-filled old merchantman.

There could be no mistake about certain black objects on the deck. She

lay as low as a yacht, and there were some fifty or sixty men in the

waist and forecastle. On approaching New Orleans, there are some

settlements rather than cities, although they are called by the latter

title, visible on the right hand, embowered in woods and stretching

along the beach. Such are the “Mississippi City,” Pass Cagoula, and Pass

Christian, &c.--all resorts of the inhabitants of New Orleans during the

summer heats and the epidemics which play such havoc with life from time

to time. Seen from sea, these huge hamlets look very picturesque. The

detached villas, of every variety of architecture, are painted brightly

and stand in gardens in the midst of magnolias and rhododendrons. Very

long and slender piers lead far into the sea before the very door, and

at the extremity of each there is a bathing box for the inmates. The

general effect of one of these settlements, with its light domes and

spires, long lines of whitewashed railings, and houses of every hue set

in the dark green of the pines, is very pretty. The steamer touched at

two of them. There was a motley group of colored people on the jetty, a

few whites, of whom the males were nearly all in uniform; a few bales of

goods were landed or put on board, and that was all one could see of the

life of that place. Our passengers never ceased talking politics all

day, except when they were eating or drinking, for I regret to say they

can continue to chew and to spit while they are engaged in political

discussion. Some were rude provincials in uniform. One was an

acquaintance from the far East, who had been a lieutenant on board of

the Minnesota, and had resigned his commission in order to take service

under the Confederate flag. The fiercest among them all was a thin

little lady, who uttered certain energetic aspirations for the

possession of portions of Mr. Lincoln’s person, and who was kind enough

to express intense satisfaction at the intelligence that there was

small-pox among the garrison at Monroe. In the evening a little

difficulty occurred among some of the military gentlemen, during which

one of the logicians drew a revolver, and presented it at the head of

the gentleman who was opposed to his peculiar views, but I am happy to

say that an arrangement, to which I was an unwilling “party,” for the

row took place within a yard of me, was entered into for a fight to come

off on shore in two days after they landed, which led to the

postponement of immediate murder.

The entrance to Pontchartrain Lake is infamous for the abundance of its

mosquitoes, and it was with no small satisfaction that we experienced a

small tornado, a thunderstorm, and a breeze of wind which saved us from

their fury. It is a dismal canal through a swamp. At daylight the vessel

lay alongside a wharf surrounded by small boats and bathing stations. A

railway-shed receives us on shore, and a train is soon ready to start

for the city, which is six miles distant. For a few hundred yards the

line passes between wooden houses, used as restaurants, or “restaurats,”

as they are called hereaway, kept by people with French names and using

the French tongue; then the rail plunges through a swamp, dense as an

Indian jungle, and with the overflowings of the Mississippi creeping in

feeble, shallow currents over the black mud. Presently the spires of

churches are seen rising above the underwood and rushes. Then we come

out on a wide marshy plain, in which flocks of cattle up to the belly in

mud are floundering to get at the rich herbage on the unbroken surface.

Next comes a wide-spread suburb of exceedingly broad lanes, lined with

small one-storied houses. The inhabitants are pale, lean, and sickly,

and there is about the men a certain look, almost peculiar to the

fishy-fleshy populations of Levantine towns, which I cannot describe,

but which exists all along the Mediterranean seaboard, and crops out

here again. The drive through badly-paved streets enables us to see that

there is an air of French civilization about New Orleans. The streets

are wisely adapted to the situation; they are not so wide as to permit

the sun to have it all his own way from rising to setting. The shops are

“magasins;” cafés abound. The colored population looks well dressed, and

is going to mass or market in the early morning. The pavements are

crowded with men in uniform, in which the taste of France is generally

followed. The carriage stops at last, and rest comes gratefully after

the stormy night, the mosquitoes, “the noise of the captains” (at the

bar), and the shouting.

* * * * *

The Civil War in America Fuller's Modern Age, August 1861 · 第 11 / 19 段