THE NEW WOMAN IN JAPAN[119]
OUTLINE OF TOPICS: Not Western “new woman,” but abstract, legal new
woman in Japan.—Woman in old _régime_; wife in old _régime_; lack of
“home”; woman anciently honored.—Legal status in Old Japan, in New
Japan; independent person; marriage; right of marriage; husband and
wife.—Divorce,—by arrangement and judicial.—Concubinage; child of
a concubine.—Prospects of new woman; openings for labor.—The “New
Great Learning for Women.”—Enlarged educational advantages; new
schools.—Women in business.—The Empress and the Crown Princess.—The
woman question; further needs; women and Christianity.—Bibliography.
Any intention of using the term “new woman” in a jocose or satirical
way is disclaimed at the outset. It is not our purpose to refer at all
to such a creature as that called “new woman” in the Occident; for it
has not yet appeared to any great extent among the Japanese. It may be
true, in some cases, that the modernized Japanese woman is “without
gentleness or refinement,” and may be called a “parody of a man” or
a “sickening sort of person.” But, as the “Jiji Shimpo” explains,
“the process of the new woman’s evolution may be disfigured by some
accident”; and “the new woman stands out with objectionable salience
because her environment is so colorless.”
It is desired, in the first instance, to consider, not the new woman
in the concrete, in the flesh, but the abstract, legal new woman that
has been created by the new Civil Code of Japan. In looking through
the translation of that document by Mr. Gubbins, we have been deeply
impressed with the possibilities which lie before the women of New
Japan through the rights and privileges vouchsafed to them under that
code.
In Old Japan, as stated in a preceding chapter,[120] the constitution
of the family was practically that of an empire, in which all other
members thereof were subject to the despotic authority of the master. A
Japanese woman was subject to the “three obediences”: as a maiden, to
her father; as a wife, to her husband and his parents;[121] as a widow,
to her oldest son, whether real or only adopted. A daughter might even
be called upon, for the sake of her parents, to sacrifice her honor
and enter a brothel; and she was still considered virtuous, because
personal chastity was a lower virtue than filial piety.
A Japanese, like a Grecian, wife was to her husband a faithful slave,
“something better than his dog, a little dearer than his horse”; she
was both a drudge and a plaything, to be cast aside as capriciously as
a child throws away a toy. She must tamely submit to having concubines
brought, perhaps, right into the house at the will of her lord; or
she herself might, under slight and flimsy pretexts, be divorced and
sent back to her parents. The following “seven reasons for divorce”
were laid down by a celebrated Japanese moralist: disobedience to
father-in-law or mother-in-law; barrenness; lewdness; jealousy; leprosy
or any like foul disease; garrulousness and prattling; stealing.
It is, therefore, a misnomer to speak of “Japanese homes” of the old
_régime_, in the sense in which we use that little word “home” with all
its depth and wealth of meaning and its associated thoughts of “love”
and “sympathy.” Indeed, the word “home” cannot be perfectly translated
into the Japanese language, and is generally transferred bodily with
the pronunciation _homu_. And one of the far-reaching results of
Christian mission work in Japan has been the introduction of the idea
and the ideal of the Christian home.
It should, however, be constantly kept in mind that in the most
ancient times women were highly esteemed, and even “used to play an
important part on the political stage.” In Shintō the central object
of adoration is the sun, which is worshipped as a goddess. There have
been seated on the imperial throne of Japan eight empresses, one of
whom is famous for her martial valor and military exploits. It was
when Buddhism became powerful that Hindoo and Chinese conceptions of
woman’s position moulded public opinion and thus eventually changed
the manners, customs, and laws of Japan so as to relegate woman to
an abnormally inferior position. As only one striking example out
of many possible illustrations of the relative positions of man and
woman, we note that, in the case of the death of the husband, the law
prescribed mourning garments for thirteen months and abstinence from
impurity for fifty days; but, in the case of the death of the wife,
mourning garments for three months and abstinence for twenty days were
sufficient.
Mr. Gubbins in the introduction to Part II. of his translation of the
Civil Code, writes as follows:—
“The legal position of women in Japan before the commencement of
modern legislative reform is well illustrated by the fact that
offences came under different categories according to their commission
by the wife against the husband, or by the husband against the wife,
and by the curious anomaly that, while the husband stood in the first
degree of relationship to his wife, the latter stood to him only in
the second.[122] The disabilities under which a woman formerly labored
shut her out from the exercise of almost all rights. She could not
inherit or own property in her own name, she could not become the head
of a family, she could not adopt, and she could not be the guardian
of her child. The maxim, _mulier est finis familiae_, was as true in
Japan as in Rome, though its observance may have been less strict,
owing to the greater frequency of adoption.
“In no respect has modern progress in Japan made greater strides
than in the improvement of the position of women. Though she still
labors under certain disabilities, a woman can now become the head
of a family and exercise authority as such; she can inherit and own
property and manage it herself; she can exercise parental authority;
if single, or a widow, she can adopt; she is one of the parties to
adoption effected by her husband, and her consent in addition to that
of her husband is necessary to the adoption of her child by another
person; she can act as guardian or curator; and she has a voice in
family councils.”[123]
Moreover, although it is true that for the performance of certain
acts (Art. 14) a wife must obtain her husband’s permission, and that
a wife’s acts may be annulled by her husband (Art. 120), yet it is
explicitly stated that “a wife who has been permitted to engage in
one or more businesses possesses in regard thereto the capacity of an
independent person.”
But let us look a little more particularly into the provisions
relating to marriage, divorce, etc. The marriageable age is 17 full
years for men and 15 full years for women. Marriage takes effect when
notice of the fact is given to a registrar, by both parties with two
witnesses. From this it will appear that the ceremony is a “purely
social function, having no connection whatsoever with law beyond
the somewhat remote contingency of its being adducible as evidence
of a marriage having taken place.” And here is where some Japanese
Christians make an unfortunate and sometimes serious mistake, in
thinking that the ceremony by a minister of the gospel is sufficient
and registration is a matter of convenience. _Without registration a
marriage is not legal._
The right of marriage is not free, except to the head of a family.[124]
All other persons, whatever their ages, can marry only with the consent
of the head of his or her family. Men under 30 and women under 25
cannot marry without the consent of the parents; and minors in some
cases must obtain the consent of the guardian or even of a family
council.
In Art. 790 it is stipulated that “a husband and wife are mutually
bound to support one another.” A husband manages the property of his
wife, unless he is unable to do so, when she manages it herself. “With
regard to daily household matters, a wife is regarded as her husband’s
agent.”
There are two ways of effecting divorce: either by arrangement, which
is effected in a similar way to marriage—that is, by simply having
the registration of marriage cancelled—or by judicial divorce, which
may be granted on several grounds specified in the Code. But divorce
by arrangement cannot be effected by persons under 25 years of age,
without consent of the person or persons by whose consent marriage was
effected. And if the persons who effect this kind of divorce fail to
determine who is to have the custody of the children, they belong to
the father; but “in cases where the father leaves the family owing to
divorce, the custody of the children belongs to the mother,” evidently
because she remains in the family. In other words, _children are
chattels of the family_.
The grounds on which judicial divorce is granted include bigamy,
adultery on the part of the wife, the husband’s receiving a criminal
sentence for an offence against morality, cruel treatment or grave
insult such as to render living together unbearable, desertion with
evil intent, cruel treatment or gross insult of or by lineal ascendants.
The new Civil Code indirectly sanctions concubinage by stipulating (in
Art. 827) that “an illegitimate child may be recognized by the father
or mother” by giving notice to a registrar. Such a child is called
_shoshi_, but is not legitimized. It is, however, stipulated (in Art.
728) that between a wife and a _shoshi_ “the same relationship as that
between parent and child is established.” That seems clearly enough to
mean that a wife must accept a concubine’s child as if it were her own,
in case the father “recognizes” it. This would appear to be little, if
any, advance over the old _régime_, where “the wife of the father,” as
she was technically called, frequently had to accept as her own child
that of a concubine.
Mr. Gubbins makes the following explanation of _shoshi_:—
“This term illustrates the transitionary phase through which Japanese
law is passing. Japanese dictionaries define _shoshi_ as the child of
a concubine, and this, so long as concubinage was sanctioned by law,
and the question of legitimacy never arose, was the accepted meaning
of the term. The law of Japan, which, in the course of its development
on western lines, has come to accept the principle of legitimacy, and
to admit of the legitimization of children by the subsequent marriage
of their parents, now recognizes an intermediate stage between
legitimacy and illegitimacy.”
Such is the general outline of the legal status of woman according to
the new Civil Code. It will undoubtedly be most interesting to watch
the gradual evolution of a new woman in Japan as the outcome of this
legislation. It remains to be seen how far the social status of woman
will be improved. It is not at all likely that her actual position will
be immediately advanced in any great degree. It is probable that custom
will continue, for a while at least, to wield a mightier influence than
the Code; and that, as Mr. Gubbins remarks, “the present transitional
condition of Japanese society may favor a rule being honored more in
the breach than in the observance.” But it will probably not be long
before here and there certain women will claim the rights accorded by
law[125] and will find a corresponding improvement in their social
condition; and thus the general position of the Japanese woman will
gradually be advanced.
And, as a matter of fact, the status of woman in Japan is improving in
practice no less than in theory, especially in the new openings for
work that render her more or less independent of male support. For
instance, although the work of weaving, formerly carried on by women
in the homes, is now largely transferred to factories, with modern
machinery, there is an increasing demand for female hands. This is also
true in cotton mills, match factories, tobacco shops, and many other
such places of work. Telephone exchanges, post-offices, railway ticket
offices, printing offices, also find girls and women deft and skilful.
In hospitals and schools, too, the Japanese young woman is finding her
sphere. She is likewise showing her skill and taste in both artistic
and literary employments. But in Japan, as elsewhere, this drift into
industrial and other occupations is producing a scarcity of servants
for housework.
Just as Kaibara’s “Onna Daigaku” (Great Learning for Women) was the
standard for female education under the old _régime_, so New Japan most
appropriately has a “Shin [New] Onna-Daigaku,” by Mr. Fukuzawa, the
famous educator and writer. The following summary thereof is from the
“Japan Mail”:—
“The ‘Sekai-no-Nihon’ reviews at some length Mr. Fukuzawa’s series
of articles entitled ‘Shin Onna-Daigaku,’ which have now appeared in
book form. We give in a brief form the gist of the reviewer’s remarks.
Mr. Fukuzawa’s object in writing so much on the subject of women’s
position in modern times is to endeavor to create a new standard
for women. Hitherto the teaching of Kaibara Ekiken’s ‘Onna Daigaku’
has been accepted in all quarters. According to it woman occupies a
subordinate position, and must on no account assert her independence
or claim equality with man. While showing the untenableness of all
such theories, Mr. Fukuzawa does not rush to an opposite extreme. He
defines woman’s position in a remarkably common-sense way. He would
not have women attempt to imitate men. They have their own spheres
and should keep to them. When discussing the education of girls he
insists on the necessity of making a special point of giving them a
thorough drilling in household duties. They should have a knowledge of
cooking; they should be taught how to make the most of money, how to
manage servants, &c. Next to these things he attaches great importance
to their being instructed in the laws of health. Among other subjects
botany is to be recommended as specially suited to the female mind. He
further argues that women should be taught Economy and Law. He thinks
that a knowledge of these subjects will tend to develop their general
intelligence, and save them from becoming the creatures of emotion.
In olden times a woman carried a dagger in her girdle to be used as
a last resource. In modern times a thoroughly enlightened mind will
be her best protection against the dangers to which she is exposed.
With the tendency to conceit which is said to be engendered by the
kind of education recommended, Mr. Fukuzawa deals in his treatise,
arguing that this tendency can be rendered harmless by instruction in
the kind of demeanor that best becomes a woman.... Marriage according
to the old methods Mr. Fukuzawa condemns, and the practice of having
the father-in-law or mother-in-law living with the married couple
should, he thinks, be discontinued. Marriage should be regarded in a
serious light, and the duties and responsibilities it involves should
be duly considered. Mothers should take pleasure in instructing their
children, and should know enough to gain their respect. The whole
system recommended is based on Western life and thought. This new
Gospel for woman preached by a man who has spent his whole life in
advocating reform, as one of his last messages to the nation, is,
says the ‘Sekai-no-Nihon,’ very striking and likely to effect great
good.”[126]
Within the past decade or so the educational advantages for Japanese
girls have very largely increased; and the number of girls and young
women availing themselves of these advantages has grown encouragingly.
There has been a marked increase in the number of female pupils in
public and private, including mission, schools of all grades; and
there have been new institutions organized especially for young women,
concerning two of which it is necessary to speak more particularly.
One is a kind of English normal school in charge of Miss Umé Tsuda,
herself a type of the best kind of “new woman” in Japan. She was
the youngest of the first group of Japanese girls sent over to the
United States in 1871 to be educated; and ever since her return to
Japan she has been trying to elevate the condition of her sisters.
Her school is intended primarily to train young women to be efficient
teachers, particularly of English. Another important institution is the
University for Women, opened in 1901 in Tōkyō, the first of its kind
started in the first year of the new century, as a harbinger that the
Twentieth Century in Japan will be largely the women’s century.[127]
What the new woman in Japan is able to accomplish in business lines is
well illustrated in the following paragraphs:[128]—
“Mrs. Asa Hiroöka, of Ōsaka, is well known in business circles as
the actual guiding spirit and organizer of the famous banking firm
of Kajima. A daughter of the Mitsui family, she was married at the
age of 17 to Mr. Shingorō Hiroöka of Ōsaka a few years previous to
the restoration. The Hiroöka family was one of those celebrated
banking agents of the feudal barons who flourished at Ōsaka during the
Tokugawa _régime_, and, like many of the rest, had its affairs thrown
into disorder and was itself reduced to a precarious condition by the
political convulsion of three decades ago. The Kajimaya, under which
style the Hiroöka family conducted its business, would certainly have
shared the same melancholy fate that overtook so many of its compeers
had it not been for the resolute character and business capacity of
Mrs. Asa, who assumed the sole direction of affairs, introducing
sweeping changes in the organization of the firm, and in a remarkably
short space of time succeeded in starting it on a career of fresh and
increasing prosperity.
“About twenty years ago Moji, the present flourishing centre of the
coal business, had scarcely come into existence; in other words, few
people had yet commenced to turn their attention to the development of
coal-mining. In this venture she encountered innumerable difficulties.
In the first place, she had to overcome the determined opposition
of the other members of the family. Their position was, in fact,
so strong and persistent that she had to engage in the undertaking
entirely on her own account and responsibility. She had thus to
start afresh with little capital, except her own personal credit,
and many were the hardships and disadvantages against which she had
to struggle. But there is always a way where there is a will, and
our fair but indomitable miner was ultimately rewarded with signal
success, and succeeded in adding largely to the capital of the firm
and in establishing her reputation as a resourceful organizer and a
unique business woman.
“All the collieries in her possession have one after another been
disposed of at profitable prices, and just at present she is devoting
her whole attention to the expansion of the banking business of the
firm. An eminently successful financier and business organizer, she is
by no means indifferent to interests of a higher sort. Herself well
educated, she takes a keen interest in educational matters, especially
those relating to her own sex, being one of the principal supporters
of Mr. Naruse’s scheme for a university for girls. By way of giving
practical encouragement to the movement in favor of female education,
she already employs some educated girls as clerks at her banks, and
intends to place a new department which is about to be opened at those
banks almost exclusively in the hands of female clerks.”
This chapter would, of course, be incomplete without a few words about
the recent first lady of the land now Empress Dowager, who has proved
herself to be in heartiest sympathy with the ideals of New Japan. As
she had no children of her own, she adopted the entire nation and
completely won their love; she was, indeed, the mother of millions. She
is especially interested in educational and benevolent institutions;
she is the active patron of the Peeresses’ School, the University for
Women,[129] the Red Cross Society, and other philanthropic enterprises.
In times of calamity her purse is always opened for a liberal
contribution to the suffering.[130]
The lady now of special interest is Empress Sada, the young wife
of the new Emperor. She was born in 1884, and was educated in the
Peeresses’ School until her betrothal, when she was placed under
private tutors. She was married on May 10, 1900, and is the mother of
three healthy sons. The young rulers live a happy and congenial life.
[Illustration: H. I. M. THE EMPRESS]
In conclusion, we make one more quotation, from Miss Bacon’s “Japanese
Girls and Women,” as follows:—
“The woman question in Japan is at the present moment a matter of much
consideration. There seems to be an uneasy feeling in the minds of
even the more conservative men that some change in the status of women
is inevitable, if the nation wishes to keep the pace it has set for
itself. The Japanese women of the past and of the present are exactly
suited to the position accorded them in society, and any attempt to
alter them without changing their status only results in making square
pegs for round holes. If the pegs hereafter are to be cut square, the
holes must be enlarged and squared to fit them. The Japanese woman
stands in no need of alteration unless her place in life is somehow
enlarged, nor, on the other hand, can she fill a larger place without
additional training. The men of new Japan, to whom the opinions and
customs of the western world are becoming daily more familiar, while
they shrink aghast, in many cases, at the thought that their women may
ever become like the forward, self-assertive, half-masculine women
of the West, show a growing tendency to dissatisfaction with the
smallness and narrowness of the lives of their wives and daughters—a
growing belief that better-educated women would make better homes, and
that the ideal home of Europe and America is the product of a more
advanced civilization than that of Japan. Reluctantly in many cases,
but still almost universally, it is admitted that in the interest of
the homes, and for the sake of future generations, something must be
done to carry the women forward into a position more in harmony with
what the nation is reaching for in other directions. This desire shows
itself in individual efforts to improve by more advanced education
daughters of exceptional promise, and in general efforts for the
improvement of the condition of women.”
Miss Bacon, in her book, traces very clearly the progress that has been
made in the condition of woman, and shows how “better laws, broader
education for the women, [and] a change in public opinion” are still
necessary. And she affirms that “we can feel pretty sure that, when the
people have become used to these [recent] changes [of the new Civil
Code], other and more binding laws will be enacted, for the drift of
enlightened public opinion seems to be in favor of securing better and
more firmly established homes.”
The following is also worthy of quotation: “It is not possible to
understand the actual progress made in Japan in improving the condition
of women, without some consideration of the effect that Christian
thought and Christian lives have had on the thought and lives of the
modern Japanese.”
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
“The Real Japan,” chap. viii.; “Out of the Far East” (Hearn), pp.
85-125; “The Yankees of the East,” chaps. ix., xix.; “An American
Missionary in Japan” (Gordon), chap. xv.; “Japan and her People,”
vol. i. pp. 178-191; “A Japanese Interior” (Miss Bacon); “Every Day
Japan” (Lloyd); and, last and best, Miss Bacon’s “Japanese Girls and
Women,” revised edition, illustrated.