"you my children," occurs in the year 1559, and is the last given in my
translation. My belief is that the document I give was written by the
father of Francisco Ernantez Xahila. The latter continued it from 1560
to 1583, when it was taken up by Francisco Diaz, and later by other
members of the Xahila family.
The Abbe Brasseur was of the opinion that these _Annals_ carry the
record of the nation back to the beginning of the eleventh century, at
least. A close examination of the account shows that this is not the
case. Gagavitz, the earliest ruler of the nation, can easily be traced
as the ancestor in the eighth remove, of the author. The genealogy is as
follows:--
1. Gagavitz, "he who came from Tulan."
2. His son, Cay Noh, who succeeded him.
3. Citan Qatu, son of Cay Noh, who also ruled.
4. His son, Citan Tihax Cablah, who does not seem to have enjoyed the
leadership. It was regained by
5. His son, Vukubatz, by the aid of the Quiche king, Quikab.[TN-8]
6. Oxlahuh Tzii, eldest son of Vukubatz, died A. D., 1509.
7. Succeeded by his eldest son, Hun Yg, who died, together with his
eldest son Balam, the father of the author, in the year 1521.
Allowing to these seven who outlived their parents an average survival
of twenty years, we are carried back to about the year 1380, as that on
which the migration, headed by Gagavitz, began its wanderings, little
more, therefore, than the length of two lives as protracted as that of
the author himself. This result is that generally obtained by a careful
scrutiny of American traditions. They very rarely are so far-reaching as
has usually been supposed. Anything spoken of as more than three or four
generations distant, may safely be assumed as belonging to myth, and not
to history.
It was the expressed intention of the Abbe Brasseur to edit the original
text with his translation, but this he did not live to accomplish. He
incorporated numerous extracts from it in his _Histoire des Nations
Civilisees du Mexique et de l'Amerique Centrale_, and added a few
paragraphs in the original at the end of the first volume of that work;
but these did not give much idea of the document as a whole.
When, with the aid of the previous partial translations and the
assistance of some intelligent natives, he had completed a version into
French, of that portion composed by the first two writers he gave a copy
of it to Don Juan Gavarrete. This antiquary translated it into Spanish,
and published it serially, in the _Boletin de la Sociedad Economica de
Guatemala_, beginning with No. 29, September, 1873, and continuing to
No. 43. Copies of this publication are, however, so scarce that I have
been unable to learn of a complete file, even in Guatemala. The
dissolution of the Sociedad Economica by order of the late President
Barrios, scattered the copies in its own archives.
_Synopsis of the Annals of Xahila._
The work opens with a statement that the writer intends to record the
ancient traditions of his tribe, as handed down from their early heroes,
Gagavitz and Zactecauh. He begins with a brief genealogical table of the
four sub-tribes of the Cakchiquels (Secs. 1-3), and then relates their
notions of the creation of man at one of the mythical cities of Tulan,
in the distant west (4, 5). Having been subjected to onerous burdens in
Tulan, they determine to leave it, and are advised to go by their
oracles (6-14).
They cross the sea, proceeding toward the east, and arrive at a land
inhabited by the Nonoualcats, an Aztec people (15-17). Their first
action is formally to choose Gagavitz and Zactecauh as their joint
rulers (18-19), and under their leadership they proceed to attack the
Nonoualcats. After a severe conflict the Cakchiquels are defeated, and
are obliged to seek safety in further wanderings. At length they reach
localities in Guatemala (20). At this point an episode is introduced of
their encounter with the spirit of the forests, Zakiqoxol (21, 22).
They meet with various nations, some speaking a totally different
language; others, as the Mams and Pokomams, dialects of their own. With
the last mentioned they have serious conflicts (23-29). During one of
their journeys, Zactecauh is killed by falling down a ravine (30). An
episode here relates the traditional origin of one of their festivals,
that in honor of Gagxanul, "the uncoverer of the fire" (31, 32).
Their first arrival at Lake Atitlan is noted (33), and the war that they
waged with the Ikomags (34). Here an episode describes the traditional
origin of the festival of Tolgom (35-37). A peaceful division of the
lake with the Tzutuhils is effected, and marriages take place between
the tribes (38).
The Cakchiquels, Quiches and Akahals now settle permanently in their
towns, and develop their civilization (39, 40). They meet with numerous
hardships, as well as internal dissensions, the chief Baqahol at one
time obtaining the leadership. They succeed in establishing, however,
family life and a fixed religious worship, though in almost constant war
with their neighbors (41-46).
Gagavitz, "he who came from Tulan," dies, and is followed by Cay Noh and
Cay Batz (47). These acknowledge the supremacy of Tepeuh, the king of
the Quiches, and are sent out by him to collect tribute from the various
tribes. They are seduced and robbed by the Tzutuhils, and conceal
themselves in a cave, out of fear of Tepeuh. He forgives them, however,
and they continue in power until their death (49-59).
After this, a period of strife follows, and the names of four successive
rulers are mentioned, but none of the occurrences of their reigns
(60-66).
The narrative is resumed when Qikab, king of the Quiches, orders the
Cakchiquels to settle at the town of Chiavar. He appoints, as their
rulers, the warriors Huntoh and Vukubatz. A revolt agains[TN-9] Qikab,
headed by his two sons, results in his defeat and death (67-81). During
this revolt, a contest between the Cakchiquels takes place, the close of
which finds the latter established in their final stronghold, the famous
fortress of "Iximche on the Ratzamut" (82-85).
At the death of Huntoh and Vukubatz, they are succeeded by Lahuh Ah and
Oxlahuh Tzii, who carry on various wars, and especially defeat the
Quiches in a general engagement, which is vividly described (86-93).
They also conquer the Akahals, killing their king Ichal, and the
Tzutuhils, with their king Caoke (94-98).
During their reign, a sanguinary insurrection occurred in Iximche, of
such importance that the author adopts its date as the era from which to
reckon all subsequent events (99-104). This date corresponded to the
year 1496, A. D.(?)
The following years are marked by a series of unimportant wars, the
outbreak of a destructive pestilence, and finally, in 1524, twenty-eight
years after the Insurrection, by the arrival of the Spanish forces under
Alvarado (105-144).
The later pages are taken up with an account of the struggles between
the natives and the whites, until the latter had finally established
their supremacy.
_Remarks on the Printed Text._
In printing the MS. of Xahila, I have encountered certain difficulties
which have been only partially surmounted. As the Cakchiquel, though a
written, is not a printed tongue, there has no rule been established as
to the separation of verbs and their pronominal subjects, of nouns and
their possessive pronouns, of the elements of compound particles, of
tense and mode signs, etc. In the MSS. the utmost laxity prevails in
these respects, and they seem not to have been settled points in the
orthography of the tongue. The frequent elisions and euphonic
alterations observable in these compounds, prove that to the native mind
they bore the value of a single word, as we are aware they did from a
study of the structure of this class of languages. I have, therefore,
felt myself free to exercise in the printed page nearly the same freedom
which I find in the MS. At first, this will prove somewhat puzzling to
the student of the original, but in a little while he will come to
recognize the radical from its augment without difficulty.
Another trouble has been the punctuation. In the original this consists
principally of dashes and commas, often quite capriciously distributed.
Here also, I have been lax in reducing the text to the requirements of
modern standards, and have left much latitude to the reader to arrange
it for himself.
Capital letters are not often used in the original to distinguish proper
names, and as the text has been set up from a close copy of the first
text, some irregularities in this respect also must be anticipated.
The paragraphs numbered in the text are distinctly marked in the
original, but are not numbered there. The numerals have been added for
convenience of reference.
FOOTNOTES:
[10-1] Dr. Otto Stoll, _Zur Ethnographie der Republik Guatemala_, p. 157
(Zurich, 1884), on the phonetic laws which have controlled the
divergence of the two tongues, Cakchiquel and Maya. See the same writer
in his "Supplementary Remarks on a Grammar of the Cakchiquel Language,"
translated by Dr. D. G. Brinton, in _Proceedings of the American
Philosophical Society_, for 1885.
[10-2] _Recordacion Florida, Discurso Historial, Natural, Material,
Militar y Politico del Reino de Goathemala._ Lib. II, Chap. I.
[10-3] _Myths of the New World_, p. 181; _American Hero-Myths_, pp. 44,
73, 80, 162, etc.
[11-1] "Cuatro generosos mancebos, nobles hermanos," says Fuentes y
Guzman, _Recordacion Florida_, Lib. I, Cap. II. The story of the four
brothers who settled Guatemala is repeated by Torquemada, _Monarchia
Indiana_, Lib. XI, Cap. XVII, and other writers.
[11-2] _The Maya Chronicles_, 109-122 (Library of Aboriginal American
Literature, Vol. I). For the evidence of the wholly mythical character
of the Toltecs, and of their "King," Quetzalcoatl, see my _American
Hero-Myths_, Chapter III. (Philadelphia, 1882).
Sanchez y Leon, quoting apparently some ancient Cakchiquel refrain,
gives as the former name of their royal race, _ru tzutuh Tulan_, the
Flower of Tulan, which wondrous city he would place in Western Asia.
_Apuntamientos de la Historia de Guatemala_, p. 2.
[12-1] Herrera observes of the natives of Guatemala, that the Nahuatl
tongue was understood among them, though not in use between themselves.
"Corre entre ellos la lengua Mexicana, aunque la tienen particular."
_Historia de las Indias Occidentales_, Dec. IV, Lib. VIII, Cap. VIII.
[12-2] I have in my possession the only grammar of this dialect probably
ever written: _Arte de la Lengua Vulgar Mexicana de Guatemala_, MS., in
a handwriting of the eighteenth century, without name of author.
[13-1] The four names are given in this form in the _Requete de
Plusieurs Chefs Indiens d' Atitlan a Philippe II_, 1571, in
Ternaux-Compans, _Recueil des Pieces relatives a la Conquete du
Mexique_, p. 419. The spelling of the last is there _Tecocitlan_. For
their analysis, see Prof. Baschmann,[TN-10] _Ueber die Aztekischen
Ortsnamen_, p. 719.
[14-1] "Si bien se advierte, todo cuanto hacian y decian, era en orden
al maiz, que poco falto para tenerlo por Dios, y era, y es, tanto el
encanto y embelezo que tienen con las milpas que por ellas olvidan hijos
y muger y otro cualquiera deleite, como si fuera la milpa su ultimo fin
y bienaventuranza." _Chronica de la S. Provincia del Santissimo Nombre
de Jesus de Guattemala_, Cap. VII. MS. of the seventeenth century,
generally known as the _Cronica Franciscana_.
[14-2] See Francisco Ximenez, _Las Historias del Origen de los Indios de
esta Provincia de Guatemala_, p. 191. (Ed. Scherzer, London and Vienna,
1857).
[14-3] Their first conqueror, the truculent Captain Pedro de Alvarado,
speaks of the _muy grandes tierras de panes_, the immense corn fields he
saw on all sides. _Relacion hecha per Pedro de Alvarado a Hernando
Cortez_, in the _Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles_, Tom. XXII, p. 459.
[15-1] "Hay mucho algodon, e son las mugeres buenas hilanderas e hacen
gentiles telas dello." Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdes, _Historia
General y Natural de las Indias_, Par. III, Lib. III, Cap. IV. "De la
fertilidad de la tierra e gobernacion de Guatimala."
[15-2] "Son muy dados a edificar, y en lo que hoy vemos erigido de los
antiguos, reconocemos ser maquinas soberbias." Fuentes y Guzman,
_Recordacion Florida_, Lib. II, Cap. I.
[15-3] "Esta ciudad es bien obrada y fuerte a maravilla." _Relacion de
Pedro de Alvarado_, in _Bib. de Autores Espanoles_, Tom. XXII, p. 459.
So Herrera wrote from his authorities: "En Utlatan (_i. e._, the city of
Gumarcaah, capital of the Quiches), havia muchos, i mui grandes templos
de sus dioses, de maravillosos edificios." _Historia de las Indias
Occidentales_, Dec. III, Lib. IV, Cap. XIX.
[16-1] _The Lineal Measures of the Semi-Civilized Nations of Mexico and
Central America_, by D. G. Brinton, in _Proceedings of the American
Philosophical Society_, and separately.
[16-2] "En la Provincia de Utlatan, junto a Guatemala, se averiguo _por
las Pinturas, que los Naturales tenian de sus antiguedades, demas de
ochocientos anos_, etc." Herrera, _Historia de las Indias Occidentales_,
Dec. III, Lib. IV, Cap. XVIII.
[17-1] "Son amigos de hacer colloquios y decir coplas en sus bailes."
Thomas Coto, _Vocabulario de la Lengua Cakchiquel_. MS. sub voce,
_Poesia_.
[17-2] "Son flecheros y no tienen hierba." Oviedo, _Historia General de
Indias_, Par. III, Lib. III, Cap. IV.
[18-1] This word is doubtful, as I do not find it in the dictionaries,
and judge of its meaning from its derivation and context. See the
Vocabulary. Sanchez y Leon speaks of the "very long lances pointed with
flint," used by these people. _Apuntamientos de la Historia de
Guatemala_, p. 27.
[19-1] The statement of Gavarrete, in his notes to Sanchez y Leon,
_Historia de Guatemala_, p. 3, that the Xahils and Zotzils were two
branches of the ruling family, the one residing at Iximche, the other at
Solola, rests on a misapprehension, as will be seen from the _Annals_
published in this volume.
[20-1] It is interesting in this connection to observe how widespread
was the symbolic significance of the canopy, or sun shade, as a mark of
dignity. The student of Shakspeare will recall the lines in his 125th
sonnet--
"Were it aught to me I bore the canopy,
With my extern the outward honouring;"
while the ethnologist may consult Richard Andree's suggestive essay,
_Der Schirm als Wuerdezeichen_, in his _Ethnographische Parallelen und
Vergleiche_, p. 250 (Stuttgart, 1878).
[21-1] Alvarado writes "La tierra es muy poblada de pueblos muy recios."
_Relacion_, etc., ubi supra, p. 459. The following extract is quoted
from Las Casas, _Historia Apologetica_, MS., by Mr. Squier, in his notes
to Palacio:--
"En el Reyno de Guatemala, en la parte que va por la Sierra, estaban
ciudades de caba muy grandes, con maravillosos edificios de cal y canto,
de los cuales yo vi muchos; y otros pueblos sin numero de aquellas
sierras."
Sanchez y Leon states that there were, in all, thirty independent native
states in the former confines of Guatemala. _Historia de Guatemala_, p.
1.
[22-1] On the derivation of Guatemala, see Buschmann, _Ueber die
Aztekischen Ortsnamen_, p. 719. That this is probably a translation of
the Cakchiquel _Molomic chee_, which has the same meaning, and is a
place-name mentioned in the _Annals_, I shall show on a later page.
[22-2] See the _Otra Relacion hecha por Pedro de Albarado a Hernando
Cortes_, printed in the _Bibliotheca de Autores Espanoles_, Tom. XXII,
p. 460.
[23-1] Bernal Diaz, _Historia Verdadera de la Conquista de la Nueva
Espana_, Cap. CXCIII.
[23-2] _Historia de Guatemala, o Recordacion Florida_, Lib. XV, Cap. V.
The _Recordacion_ was first printed at Madrid, 1882-83, edited by Don
Justo Zaragoza, as one of the numbers of the _Biblioteca de los
Americanistas_.
[27-1] _Incidents of Travel in Central America, Chiapas and Yucatan_,
Vol. II, Chap. IX. I am inclined to believe that the original stone,
evidently supposed to be of great value, had been stolen, and this piece
of slate substituted. It was sewed up in a bag, which makes the
supposition probable, as it offered facility to conceal the theft.
[28-1] They are referred to by the Archbishop Garcia Pelaez, in these
words: "Los planos y vistas tomadas por el comisionado y el informe que
las acompana, muestran vestijios de adoratorios, fortificaciones y
trazas de edificios, calles y plazas ajustadas a dimensiones y con
elecion de materias en su estructura."--_Memorias para la Historia del
Antiguo Reyno de Guatemala_. Por Don Francisco de Paula Garcia Pelaez,
Tom. I, p. 15, (Guatemala, 1851).
[28-2] The names applied to these intercalary days are analyzed
differently by various authorities. For the etymology given of
_nemontemi_, I have followed M. Remi Simeon, in his notes to Dr.
Jourdanet's translation of Sahagun's _Historia de Nueva Espana_; the
Cakchiquel _[tz]api_ is undoubtedly from _[tz]ap_, fault, evil, crime.
[31-1] _May_ is allied to the verb _meho_, to go somewhere and return
again. Hence _may_ came to mean a cycle of years, months or days.
[31-2] _Apuntamientos de la Historia de Guatemala_, p. 28.
[32-1] "_Chinamitl_, seto o cerca de canas," from _chinantia_, to build
a fence, to enclose.--Molina, _Vocabulario de la Lengua Mexicana_.
[32-2] Torresano, in his _Arte de la Lengua Cakchiquel_, MS., gives this
word as _ca_, which indicates its probable derivation from the verb
_cae_, to join together, to unite, "those united by a common tie."
[32-3] Coto, _Vocabulario de la Lengua Cakchiquel_, MS., sub voce,
_Cunado_.
[32-4] Coto, u. s., s. v. _Alguacil_. The word _[c,]alam_ is now applied
to the canvas or tablets on which are painted the saints in the
churches. It also means a box or chest.--_Dicc. Cakchiquel Anon._
[32-5] See Brasseur, _Hist. du Mexique et l' Am. Cent._, Tom. II, pp.
489-90.
[33-1] "Tienen tambien renombres de sus chinamitales o parcialidades que
tambien son de signos vel nombres senalados, como Xahila, etc."--Coto,
_Vocabulario_, MS., s. v. _Renombre_.
[34-1] _Hist. du Mexique_, Tom. II, p. 84.
[34-2] Their names are given in the _Titulos de la Casa de Ixcuin
Nehaib_, p. 3. They are called "pueblos principales, cabezas de
calpules." The Nahuatl word, _calpulli_, here used, meant the kinsfolk
actual and adopted, settled together. They were the gentes of the tribe.
See Ad. F. Bandelier, _On the Social Organization and Mode of Government
of the Ancient Mexicans_, for a full explanation of their nature and
powers.
[34-3] _The Lenape and their Legends_, p. 139.
[37-1] Father Coto, in his MS., _Vocabulario Cakchiquel_, gives the
rendering "mandadero," and states that one was elected each year by the
principals of each _chinamitl_, to convey messages. He adds: "Usan mucho
de este nombre en el Pueblo Atitlan."
[37-2] Compare my edition of the _Cakchiquel Grammar_, p. 58. Brasseur
translates this title erroneously, "decorated with a bracelet."--_Hist.
des Nations Civilisees_, etc., Tome. II, p. 515.
[37-3] "El retorico, platico." Pantaleon de Guzman gives the fuller
form, _naol ah uchan_, which means "he who knows, the master of
speech."--_Compendio de Nombres en Lengua Cakchiquel_, MS.
[37-4] Usually written by ellipsis, _atzih vinak_. Brasseur translates
it "distributor of presents," but it appears to be from _tzih_, word,
speech. The vocabularies are, as usual, very unsatisfactory. "_Atzijh
vinak_, Principal deste nombre."--_Dicc. Cakchiquel Anon._
[38-1] _Dicc. Cakchiquel Anon_,[TN-11] MS., sub voce.
[38-2] _Requete de Plusieurs Chefs Indiens d'Atitlan a Philippe II_, in
Ternaux-Compans, _Recueil de Pieces relatives a la Conquete du Mexique_,
p. 418.
[38-3] Not "of the bird's nest," "ceux du nid de l'oiseau," as Brasseur
translates it (_Hist. du Mexique_, Tome. II, p. 89), nor "casa de la
aguila," house of the eagle, as it is rendered by Fuentes y Guzman,
_Recordacion Florida_, Tom. I, p. 21. _[c,]iquin_ is the generic term
for bird.
[39-1] _The Names of the Gods in the Kiche Myths of Central America_, in
the _Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society_, 1881.
[40-1] "Chamalcan u bi qui gabauil Cakchequeleb, xa Zotz u
vachibal."--_Popol Vuh_, p. 224.
[40-2] _Hist. des Nations Civ. du Mexique_, Tom. II, p. 173.
[40-3] "El quinto _Cam_, esto es; amarillo, pero su significado es
culebra."--Ximenez, _Las Historias del Origen de los Indios de
Guatemala_, p. 215. There are two errors in this extract. The name is
not _Cam_, but _Can_, and it does not mean yellow, which is _[t]an_.
[41-1] I have suggested an explanation of this strange term to apply to
the highest and most beneficent of their divinities, in a short article
in the _American Antiquarian_, 1885, "The Chief God of the Algonkins in
his Character as a Cheat and a Liar."
[42-1] Pantaleon de Guzman, _Compendio de Nombres en Lengua Cakchiquel_,
MS. On the role of the Tzitzimime in Aztec mythology see my _American
Hero-Myths_, p. 78.
[42-2] "Al duende que anda en los montes llaman _ru vinakil chee_ vel
_caki[c]oxol_."--Coto, _Vocabulario_, MS., s. v. Monte. _Zak_, white;
_[c]ox_, to make fire. Brasseur's translation, "Le blanc abime de feu,"
is indefensible.
[42-3] See a paper entitled "The Folk Lore of Yucatan," contributed by
me to the _Folk-Lore Journal_, Vol. I, 1883.
[43-1] For an interesting note on the _zaztun_, see Apolinar Garcia y
Garcia, _Historia de la Guerra de Castas en Yucatan_, p. XXIV (folio,
Merida, 1865).
[43-2] For the derivation of Xibalbay, and for the myths referred to in
the text, see my article, before referred to, _The Names of the Gods in
the Kiche Myths_, pp. 27, 28.
[44-1] _The Maya Chronicles_, pp. 110, 111. Vol. I of the _Library of
Aboriginal American Literature_.
[45-1] Brasseur, Juarros, Fuentes y Guzman, etc.
[45-2] Thomas Coto, _Vocabulario de la Lengua Cakchiquel_, MS., 1651.
Sub voce, _Sacrificar hombres_, quoting Varea.
[45-3] "Sacandole el corazon y asperjando, con la sangre de la victima a
los cuatro vientos cardinales."--_Apuntamientos de la Historia de
Guatemala_, p. 26.
[46-1] _The Names of the Gods in the Kiche Myths_, pp. 21, 22.
[47-1] "_Labah_, agorar y guerrear, porque agoraban si la hacian o
no."--Ximenez, _Vocabulario de las Tres Lenguas_, sub voce.
[47-2] These particulars are from the work of Jose Sanchez y Leon,
_Apuntamientos de la Historia de Guatemala_, pp. 26, 27.
[48-1] _Recordacion Florida_, Lib. IX, Cap. VII.
[48-2] _Vocabulario de la Lengua Cakchiquel_, MS. (1651).
[48-3] _Apuntamientos de la Historia de Guatemala_, p. 27.
[49-1] Fr. Estevan Torresano, _Arte de la Lengua Cakchiquel_, MS., in my
possession.
[51-1] _Supplementary Remarks to the Grammar of the Cakchiquel Language,
edited by D. G. Brinton.--Proceedings of the American Philosophical
Society_, 1885.
[52-1] See _The Maya Chronicles_, p. 67, and note.
[53-1] "Die bewundernswuerdige Feinheit und consequente Logik in der
Ausbildung des Maya Zeitwortes setzt eine Kultur voraus, die sicherlich
weit ueber die Zeitraeume hinaus zurueckreicht, welche man bis jetzt
geneight war, der Amerikanischen Civilization zuzuschreiben."--Otto
Stoll, _Zur Ethnographie der Republik Guatemala_, s. 148 (Zurich, 1884).
Compare the remarks of Wilhelm von Humboldt on the Maya conjugation, in
his essay on the American verb, as published in my _Philosophic Grammar
of the American Languages, as set forth by Wilhelm von Humboldt_, pp.
35-39 (Philada., 1885).
[54-1] Gavarrete's words are, "Paso por manos de muchos personas
versadas en los idiomas indigenos sin que pudiese obtenerse una
traduccion integra y exacta de su testo, habiendo sido bastante, sin
embargo, lo que de su sentido pudo percibirse, para venir en
conocimiento de su grande importancia historica."--_Boletin de la
Sociedad Economica_.
[54-2] The Abbe says that Gavarrete gave him the original (_Bibliotheque
Mexico-Guatemalienne_, p. 14). But that gentleman does not take to
himself credit for such liberality. He writes "El testo original quedo
sin embargo en su poder," etc. Ubi supra.