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Transcriber's Note:
A number of typographical errors and inconsistencies have been maintained
in this version of this book. Typographical errors have been marked with
a [TN-#], which refers to a description in the complete list found at the
end of the text. A list of words that have been inconsistently spelled or
hyphenated is found at the end of the present text.
The following codes are used for characters that are not present in the
character set used for this version of the book.
[)a] a with breve
[=a] a with macron
[c] quatrillo, resembles a 4 with a tail
[c,] quatrillo with comma
[t] tresillo, resembles a reversed 3
[tz] resembles a tz drawn together
LIBRARY
OF
ABORIGINAL AMERICAN
LITERATURE.
No. VI.
EDITED BY
D. G. BRINTON
BRINTON'S LIBRARY OF
ABORIGINAL AMERICAN LITERATURE.
NUMBER VI.
THE ANNALS
OF THE
CAKCHIQUELS.
THE ORIGINAL TEXT, WITH A TRANSLATION, NOTES AND
INTRODUCTION.
BY
DANIEL G. BRINTON
1885, Philadelphia
PREFACE.
Both for its historical and linguistic merits, the document which is
presented in this volume is one of the most important in aboriginal
American Literature. Written by a native who had grown to adult years
before the whites penetrated to his ancestral home, himself a member of
the ruling family of one of the most civilized nations of the continent
and intimately acquainted with its traditions, his work displays the
language in its pure original form, and also preserves the tribal
history and a part of the mythology, as they were current before they
were in the least affected by European influences.
The translation I offer is directly from the original text, and I am
responsible for its errors; but I wish to acknowledge my constant
obligations to the manuscript version of the late Abbe Brasseur (de
Bourbourg), the distinguished Americanist. Without the assistance
obtained from it, I should not have attempted the task; and though I
differ frequently from his renderings, this is no more than he himself
would have done, as in his later years he spoke of his version as in
many passages faulty.
For the grammar of the language, I have depended on the anonymous grammar
which I edited for the American Philosophical Society in 1884, copies of
which, reprinted separately, can be obtained by any one who wishes to
study the tongue thoroughly. For the significance of the words, my usual
authorities are the lexicon of Varea, an anonymous dictionary of the 17th
century, and the large and excellent Spanish-Cakchiquel work of Coto, all
of which are in the library of the American Philosophical Society. They
are all in MS., but the vocabulary I add may be supplemented with that of
Ximenes, printed by the Abbe Brasseur, at Paris, in 1862, and between
them most of the radicals will be found.
As my object in all the volumes of this series is to furnish materials
for study, rather than to offer finished studies themselves, I have
steadily resisted the strong temptation to expand the notes and
introductory matter. They have been limited to what seemed essentially
necessary to defining the nature of the work, discussing its date and
authorship, and introducing the people to whom it refers.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
PREFACE, v
INTRODUCTION, 9
ETHNOLOGIC POSITION OF THE CAKCHIQUELS, 9
CULTURE OF THE CAKCHIQUELS, 13
THE CAPITAL CITY OF THE CAKCHIQUELS, 21
COMPUTATION OF TIME, 28
PERSONAL AND FAMILY NAMES, 32
TRIBAL SUBDIVISIONS, 33
TERMS OF AFFINITY AND SALUTATION, 34
TITLES AND SOCIAL CASTES, 35
RELIGIOUS NOTIONS, 39
THE CAKCHIQUEL LANGUAGE, 48
THE ANNALS OF XAHILA, 53
SYNOPSIS OF THE ANNALS, 60
REMARKS ON THE PRINTED TEXT, 62
THE ANNALS OF THE CAKCHIQUELS, by a Member of the Xahila
Family, 66-194
NOTES, 195-200
VOCABULARY, 209
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES, 229
THE ANNALS
OF
THE CAKCHIQUELS.
INTRODUCTION.
_Ethnologic Position of the Cakchiquels._
The Cakchiquels, whose traditions and early history are given in the
present work from the pen of one of their own authors, were a nation of
somewhat advanced culture, who occupied a portion of the area of the
present State of Guatemala. Their territory is a table land about six
thousand feet above the sea, seamed with numerous deep ravines, and
supporting lofty mountains and active volcanoes. Though but fifteen
degrees from the equator, its elevation assures it a temperate climate,
while its soil is usually fertile and well watered.
They were one of a group of four closely related nations, adjacent in
territory and speaking dialects so nearly alike as to be mutually
intelligible. The remaining three were the Quiches, the Tzutuhils and
the Akahals, who dwelt respectively to the west, the south and the east
of the Cakchiquels.
These dialects are well marked members of the Maya linguistic stock, and
differ from that language, as it is spoken in its purity in Yucatan,
more in phonetic modifications than in grammatical structure or lexical
roots. Such, however, is the fixedness of this linguistic family in its
peculiarities, that a most competent student of the Cakchiquel has named
the period of two thousand years as the shortest required to explain the
difference between this tongue and the Maya.[10-1]
About the same length of time was that assigned since the arrival of
this nation in Guatemala, by the local historian, Francisco Antonio de
Fuentes y Guzman, who wrote in the seventeenth century, from an
examination of their most ancient traditions, written and verbal.[10-2]
Indeed, none of these affined tribes claimed to be autochthonous. All
pointed to some distant land as the home of their ancestors, and
religiously preserved the legends, more or less mythical, of their early
wanderings until they had reached their present seats. How strong the
mythical element in them is, becomes evident when we find in them the
story of the first four brothers as their four primitive rulers and
leaders, a myth which I have elsewhere shown prevailed extensively over
the American continent, and is distinctly traceable to the adoration of
the four cardinal points, and the winds from them.[10-3]
These four brothers were noble youths, born of one mother, who sallied
forth from Tulan, the golden city of the sun, and divided between them
all the land from the Isthmus of Tehuantepec to the confines of
Nicaragua, in other words, all the known world.[11-1]
The occurrence of the Aztec name of the City of Light, Tulan (properly,
Tonatlan), in these accounts, as they were rehearsed by the early
converted natives, naturally misled historians to adopt the notion that
these divine culture heroes were "Toltecs," and even in the modern
writings of the Abbe Brasseur (de Bourbourg), of M. Desire Charnay, and
others, this unreal people continue to be set forth as the civilizers of
Central America.
No supposition could have less support. The whole alleged story of the
Toltecs is merely an euhemerized myth, and they are as pure creations of
the fancy as the giants and fairies of mediaeval romance. They have no
business in the pages of sober history.
The same blending of their most ancient legends with those borrowed from
the Aztecs, recurs in the records of the pure Mayas of Yucatan. I have
shown this, and explained it at considerable length in the first volume
of this series, to which I will refer the reader who would examine the
question in detail.[11-2]
There is a slight admixture of Aztec words in Cakchiquel. The names of
one or two of their months, of certain objects of barter, and of a few
social institutions, are evidently loan-words from that tongue. There
are also some proper names, both personal and geographical, which are
clearly of Nahuatl derivation. But, putting all these together, they
form but a very small fraction of the language, not more than we can
readily understand they would necessarily have borrowed from a nation
with whom, as was the case with the Aztecs, they were in constant
commercial communication for centuries.[12-1] The Pipils, their
immediate neighbors to the South, cultivating the hot and fertile slope
which descends from the central plateau to the Pacific Ocean, were an
Aztec race of pure blood, speaking a dialect of Nahuatl, very little
different from that heard in the schools of classic Tezcuco.[12-2] But
the grammatical structure and stem-words of the Cakchiquel remained
absolutely uninfluenced by this association.
Later, when the Spanish occupation had brought with it thousands of
Nahuatl speaking followers, who supplied the interpreters for the
conquerers, Nahuatl names became much more abundant, and were adopted by
the natives in addressing the Spaniards. Thus the four nations, whom I
have mentioned as the original possessors of the land, are, in the
documents of the time, generally spoken of by such foreign titles. The
Cakchiquels were referred to as _Tecpan Quauhtemallan_, the Quiches as
_Tecpan Utlatlan_, the Tzutuhils as _Tecpan Atitlan_, and the Akahals as
_Tecpan Tezolotlan_. In these names, all of them pure Nahuatl, the word
_Tecpan_ means the royal residence or capital; _Quauhtemallan_
(Guatemala), "the place of the wood-pile;" _Utlatlan_, "the place of the
giant cane;" _Atitlan_, "the place by the water;" _Tezolotlan_, "the
place of the narrow stone," or "narrowed by stones."[13-1]
These fanciful names, derived from some trivial local characteristic,
were not at all translations of the native tribal names. For in their
own dialects, Quiche, [c]iche, means "many trees;" Tuztuhil, [c,]utuhil,
"the flowery spot;" Akahal, "the honey-comb;" and Cakchiquel, a species
of tree.
_Culture of the Cakchiquels._
These four nations were on the same plane of culture, and this by no
means a low one. They were agriculturists, cultivating for food beans,
peppers, and especially maize. To the latter, indeed, they are charged
with being fanatically devoted. "If one looks closely at these
Indians," complains an old author, "he will find that everything they do
and say has something to do with maize. A little more, and they would
make a god of it. There is so much conjuring and fussing about their
corn fields, that for them they will forget wives and children and any
other pleasure, as if the only end and aim of life was to secure a crop
of corn."[14-1]
In their days of heathenism, all the labors of the field were directed
by the observance of superstitious rites. For instance, the men, who
always did a large share of the field work, refrained from approaching
their wives for some days before planting the seed. Before weeding the
patch, incense was burned at each of the four corners of the field, to
the four gods of the winds and rains; and the first fruits were
consecrated to holy uses.[14-2] Their fields were large and extremely
productive.[14-3] In this connection it is worth noting, in passing,
that precisely Guatemala is the habitat of the _Euchlaena luxurians_,
the wild grass from which, in the opinion of botanists, the Zea Mais is
a variety developed by cultivation.
Cotton was largely cultivated, and the early writers speak with
admiration of the skill with which the native women spun and wove it
into graceful garments.[15-1] As in Yucatan, bees were domesticated for
their wax and honey, and a large variety of dye-stuffs, resins for
incense, and wild fruits, were collected from the native forests.
Like the Mayas and Aztecs, they were a race of builders, skillful masons
and stone-cutters, erecting large edifices, pyramids, temples, and
defensive works, with solid walls of stone laid in a firm mortar.[15-2]
The sites of these cities were generally the summits of almost
inaccessible crags, or on some narrow plain, protected on all sides by
the steep and deep ravines--_barrancas_, as the Spaniards call
them--which intersect the plateau in all directions, often plunging down
to a depth of thousands of feet. So located and so constructed, it is no
wonder that Captain Alvarado speaks of them as "thoroughly built and
marvelously strong."[15-3]
In the construction of their buildings and the measurements of their
land, these nations had developed quite an accurate series of lineal
measures, taking as their unit certain average lengths of the human
body, especially the upper extremity. In a study of this subject,
published during the present year, I have set forth their various terms
employed in this branch of knowledge, and compared their system with
that in use among the Mayas and the Aztecs.[16-1] It would appear that
the Cakchiquels did not borrow from their neighbors, but developed
independently the system of mensuration in vogue among them. This bears
out what is asserted in the _Annals_ of Xahila, that their
"day-breaking," or culture, was of spontaneous growth.
The art of picture writing was familiar to all these peoples. It was
employed to preserve their national history, to arrange their calendar,
and, doubtless, in the ordinary affairs of life.[16-2] But I am not
aware that any example or description of it has been preserved, which
would enable us to decide the highly important question, whether their
system was derived from that of the Mexicans or that of the Mayas,
between which, as the antiquary need not be informed, there existed an
almost radical difference.
The word for "to write," is _[c,]ibah_, which means, in its primary
sense, "to paint;" _ah[c,]ib_, is "the scribe," and was employed to
designate the class of literati in the ancient dominion. Painted or
written records were called _[c,]ibanic_.
They had a literature beyond their history and calendars. It consisted
of chants or poems, called _bix_, set orations and dramas.[17-1] They
were said or sung in connection with their ceremonial dances. These
performances were of the utmost importance in their tribal life. They
were associated with the solemn mysteries of their religion, and were in
memory of some of the critical events in their real or mythical history.
This will be obvious from the references to them in the pages of their
_Annals_.
These chants and dances were accompanied by the monotonous beating of
the native drum, _tun_, by the shrill sound of reed flutes, _xul_, by
the tinkling of small metal bells, _[c]alakan_, which they attached to
their feet, and by rattles of small gourds or jars containing pebbles,
known as _zoch_. Other musical instruments mentioned, are the _chanal_,
the whistle (_pito_, _Dicc. Anon._), and _tzuy_, the marimba, or
something like it.
These nations were warlike, and were well provided with offensive and
defensive weapons. The Spanish writers speak of them as skilled archers,
rude antagonists, but not poisoning their weapons.[17-2] Besides the bow
and arrow, _[c]ha_, they used a lance, _achcayupil_,[18-1] and
especially the blow-pipe, _pub_, a potent weapon in the hands of an
expert, the knowledge of which was widely extended over tropical
America. Their arrow points were of stone, especially obsidian, bone and
metal. Other weapons were the wooden war club, _[c]haibalche_; the
sling, _ica[t]_; the hand-axe, _i[t]ah_, etc.
For defense, they carried a species of buckler, _pocob_, and a round
shield called _cetecic chee_, "the circular wood." Over the body they
wore a heavy, quilted cotton doublet, the _xakpota_, which was an
efficient protection.
They may all be said to have been in the "stone age," as the weapons and
utensils were mostly of stone. The obsidian, which was easily obtained
in that country, offered an admirable resource for the manufacture of
knives, arrow heads, awls, and the like. It was called _chay abah_, and,
as we shall see on a later page, was surrounded with sacred
associations.
The most esteemed precious stones were the _[c]ual_, translated
"diamond," and the _xit_, which was the impure jade or green stone, so
much the favorite with the nations of Mexico and Central America. It is
frequently mentioned in the _Annals_ of Xahila, among the articles of
greatest value.
Engraving both on stone and wood, was a prized art. The word to express
it was _[c]otoh_, and engraved articles are referred to as _[c]otonic_.
Although stone and wood were the principal materials on which they
depended for their manufactures, they were well acquainted with several
metals. Gold and silver were classed under the general name _puvak_, and
distinguished as white and yellow; iron and copper were both known as
_[c]hi[c]h_, and distinguished also by their color. The metals formed an
important element of their riches, and are constantly referred to as
part of the tribute paid to the rulers. They were worked into ornaments,
and employed in a variety of decorative manners.
The form of government of the four nations of whom I am speaking
approached that of a limited monarchy. There was a head chief, who may
as well be called a king, deriving his position and power through his
birth, whose authority was checked by a council of the most influential
of his subjects. The details of this general scheme were not the same at
all periods, nor in all the states; but its outlines differed little.
Among the Cakchiquels, who interest us at present, the regal power was
equally divided between two families, the Zotzils and the Xahils; not
that there were two kings at the same time, as some have supposed, but
that the throne was occupied by a member of these families alternately,
the head of the other being meanwhile heir-apparent.[19-1] These chiefs
were called the Ahpo-Zotzil and the Ahpo-Xahil; and their eldest sons
were entitled Ahpop-[c]amahay and Galel Xahil, respectively, terms which
will shortly be explained.
The ceremonial distinction established between the ruler and those
nearest him in rank, was indicated by the number of canopies under which
they sat. The ruler himself was shaded by three, of graded sizes, the
uppermost being the largest. The heir-apparent was privileged to support
two, and the third from the king but one. These canopies were
elaborately worked in the beautiful feathers of the _quetzal_, and other
brilliant birds, and bore the name of _muh_, literally "shade" or
"shadow," but which metaphorically came to mean royal dignity or state,
and also protection, guardianship.[20-1]
The seat or throne on which he sat was called _tem_, _[c]hacat_, and
_[t]alibal_, and these words are frequently employed to designate the
Supreme Power.
The ceremonies connected with the installation of a king or head chief,
are described in an interesting passage of the _Annals_, Sec. 41: "He
was bathed by the attendants in a large painted vessel; he was clad in
flowing robes; a sacred girdle or fillet was tied upon him; he was
painted with the holy colors, was anointed, and jewels were placed upon
his person." Such considerable solemnities point to the fact that these
people were on a much higher plane of social life than one where the
possession of the leadership was merely an act of grasping by the
strongest arm.
Of the four nations, the Quiches were the most numerous and powerful. At
times they exercised a sovereignty over the others, and levied tribute
from them. But at the period of Alvarado's conquest, all four were
independent States, engaged in constant hostilities against each other.
There is no means of forming an accurate estimate of their number. All
early accounts agree that their territory was thickly populated, with
numerous towns and cities.[21-1] The contingent sent to Alvarado by the
Cakchiquel king, to aid in the destruction of Quiche, was four thousand
warriors in one body, according to Alvarado's own statement, though
Xahila puts it at four hundred. There are various reasons for believing
that the native population was denser at the Conquest than at present;
and now the total aboriginal population of the State of Guatemala, of
pure or nearly pure blood, is about half a million souls.
_The Capital City of the Cakchiquels._
The capital city of the Cakchiquels is referred to by Xahila as "Iximche
on the Ratzamut." It was situated on the lofty plateau, almost on a
line connecting Gumarcaah, the capital of the Quiches, with the modern
city of Guatemala, about twelve leagues from the latter and eight from
the former. Its name, _Iximche_, is that of a kind of tree (_che_=tree)
called by the Spanish inhabitants _ramon_, apparently a species of
_Brosimium_. _Ratzamut_, literally "the beak of the wild pigeon," was
the name given to the small and almost inaccessible plain, surrounded on
all sides by deep ravines, on which Iximche was situated. Doubtless, it
was derived from some fancied resemblance of the outline of the plain to
the beak of this bird.
The capital was also called simply _tinamit_, the city (not _Patinamit_,
as writers usually give it, as _pa_ is not an article but a preposition,
in or at); and by the Aztec allies of the conqueror Alvarado,
_Quauhtemallan_, "place of the wood-pile," for some reason unknown to
us.[22-1] The latter designation was afterwards extended to the
province, and under the corrupt form _Guatemala_ is now the accepted
name of the State and its modern capital.
The famous captain, Pedro de Alvarado was the first European to visit
Iximche. He entered it on April 13th, 1524 (old style). In his letter
describing the occurrence, however, he says little or nothing about the
size or appearance of the buildings.[22-2]
Scarcely more satisfactory are the few words devoted to it by Captain
Bernal Diaz del Castillo, who spent a night there the same year. He
observes that "its buildings and residences were fine and rich, as might
be expected of chiefs who ruled all the neighboring provinces."[23-1]
When the revolt of the Cakchiquels took place, soon afterwards, Iximche
was deserted, and was never again fully inhabited. The Spaniards ordered
the natives to settle in other localities, the fortifications of their
capital were demolished, and many of the stones carried away, to
construct churches and houses in other localities.
The next account we have of it dates from the year 1695, when the
historian and antiquary, Francisco Antonio de Fuentes y Guzman, wrote a
detailed description of its ruins from personal inspection. The account
of this enthusiastic author is the only one which supplies any
approximate notion of what the city must have been in its flourishing
period, and I therefore translate it, almost entire, from the recently
published edition of his voluminous work, the _Recordacion
Florida_.[23-2] His chapter will throw light on several otherwise
obscure passages in Xahila's narrative.
"_Tecpan goathemala_ was a city of the ancient inhabitants, populous,
wonderful and impregnable, from the character of its position, situated
in this valley (of Chimaltenango), on an elevated and cool site. It lies
eight leagues in a straight line from New Guatemala. Around this
ancient and dismantled town, now falling into utmost decay, extends a
deep ravine, like a moat, plunging straight down to a depth of more than
a hundred fathoms. This ravine, or moat, is three squares in width from
one battlement or bank to the other, and they say that a good part of it
was a work of hands, for the security and defense of the city. There is
no other entrance than a very narrow causeway, which cuts the ravine at
a point a little north of west. The whole area of the space where are
these ancient ruins measures three miles from north to south and two
from east to west, and its complete circumference is nine miles. In the
heart and centre of this area was prominently erected that great city of
_Tecpan goathemala_.
"The whole surface of the soil in this ancient city seems to have been
artificially prepared, by means of a cement or mortar, laid by hand, to
a depth of three-fourths of a yard. Close to the brink of the ravine
there are the sumptuous ruins of a magnificent and stately edifice, in
length a hundred measured paces, and in width the same, thus forming a
perfect square, all of stone and mortar, the stone accurately cut with
great skill, polished and nicely adjusted. In front of this building is
a great square plaza, of much dignity and beauty; and on its northern
side one can still recognize and admire the ruins of a palace which,
even in its broken vestiges, reveals a real magnificence. This royal
edifice also has in front of it some squares as large and spacious in
their splendor as that which has already been mentioned. Surrounding
this remarkable structure, are a vast number of foundations, which,
according to tradition, and by what is obvious by examination, were the
houses and dwellings of nobles and of the great number of _ahaguaes_,
besides those who gave their constant attention to the king. In this
quarter or ward of the nobility, there are several wide and capacious
streets, which, as the foundations indicate, ran from east to west.
"Through the middle of the site of the city, from north to south, runs a
trench a fathom and a half in depth, and its battlements of stones laid
in mortar rise more than half a fathom in height. This trench divided
the city into two parts, leaving the residences of the chiefs and nobles
on the eastern side; those of the common people to the west. The
principal street runs from the entrance of the city to the chief square
of the Temple, which is near the Palace; and from this main street
others run east and west, north and south, branching off from the main
street, having many dwellings upon them well arranged and located, and
displaying the high cultivation of the ancient rulers.
"Another broad street runs close to the main street, from the trench
mentioned, toward the east, for about a quarter of a league, ending at a
small hill which overlooks the town, on whose summit is a circular wall,
not unlike the curb of a well, about a full fathom in height. The floor
within is paved with cement, as the city streets. In the centre is
placed a socle or pedestal of a glittering substance, like glass, but of
what composition is not known.
"This circular structure was the tribunal or consistory of the
Cakchiquel Indians, where not only was public hearing given to causes,
but also the sentences were carried out. Seated around this wall, the
judges heard the pleas and pronounced sentences, in both civil and
criminal causes. After this public decision, however, there remained an
appeal for its revocation or confirmation. Three messengers were chosen
as deputies of the judges, and these went forth from the tribunal to a
deep ravine, north of the Palace, to a small but neatly fitted up chapel
or temple, where was located the oracle of the demon. This was a black
and semi-transparent stone, of a finer grade than that called _chay_
(obsidian). In its transparency, the demon revealed to them what should
be their final decision. If it was that the sentence should be
confirmed, the accused was immediately executed on the central pedestal
mentioned, which also served as a place of torture. If, on the other
hand, nothing could be seen in the transparency of the stone, the
accused was forthwith discharged. This oracle was also consulted in all
their military undertakings; and war was declared or not, as it seemed
to dictate, as is stated both by Spaniards and the oldest natives. But
in the early days of our occupation, when these facts came to the
knowledge of the Reverend Bishop Don Francisco Marroquin, of glorious
memory, he gave orders that this stone should be artistically squared,
and he consecrated it and used it as an altar stone, and at this day it
is so employed on the grand altar of the convent of _San Francisco de
Tecpan goathemala_, and it is considered a jewel of unusual beauty and
value. The size of the stone is a full half yard in each direction.
"The principal gate of this stronghold or citadel was upon the causeway
mentioned; and they say it was closed with two doors set in the solid
wall, the external one opening outward, the internal one inward, and
both were of the stone called _chay_. Thus, one of these doors backed up
against the other, as we sometimes see double doors in our prisons.
They were always guarded with double guards, one within, the other
without, and these guards were changed every seven days. In the open
country, on the other side of the ravine, there were a number of mounds,
about a quarter of a league apart, extending for a considerable
distance. On these, lookouts were constantly stationed, to give notice
of the invasions of the Quiches or of the Sotojil king."
The site of Iximche was visited in 1840 by the eminent American
traveler, John L. Stephens. He states that its position, the steep and
profound barranca, and the plain, "warrant the description given of it
by Fuentes." A century and a half had, however, almost erased the
vestiges of human life. "The ground was covered with mounds of ruins. In
one place we saw the foundations of two houses, one of them about one
hundred and fifty feet long by fifty feet broad."
Mr. Stephens was also fortunate enough to see and examine the mysterious
divining stone, preserved in the church of Tecpan Guatemala. But a great
disappointment awaited him. "This oracular slab is a piece of common
slate, fourteen inches by ten, and about as thick as those used by boys
at school, without characters of any kind upon it."[27-1]
A few years after Mr. Stephens' visit, the government of Guatemala
appointed a commission to survey and examine these ruins. They completed
their labors successfully, but I have been unable to learn that the
results were published, although they were written out and placed in the
governmental archives.[28-1]
_Computation of Time._
I propose, in a future work, to discuss the methods of reckoning time in
use in Central America; but a brief explanation of that adopted by the
Cakchiquels is essential to a comprehension of their _Annals_.
The Cakchiquels were probably acquainted with the length of the year as
365 days; there is even some evidence that they allowed an intercalary
day every four years, by beginning the reckoning of the year one day
earlier.
The beginning of their year is stated, by most authorities, to have been
on the day corresponding to our January 31st or February 1st, old style
(February 11th or 12th, new style).
The year was not divided into lunar months, as was the case with the
hunting tribes, but in a manner similar to the highly artificial and
complicated system that prevailed among the Mayas and Mexicans. This
allotted to the solar year twenty months of eighteen days each, leaving
a remainder of five days, which the Mexicans called _nemontemi_,
insufficient; the Mayas _n yail kin_, days of pain or of peril, and the
Cakchiquels _[tz]api [t]ih_, days of evil or days at fault; and which
were not included in the count of the months.[28-2]
Dates, however, were not assigned by a simple reference to days of the
month, but by days of the week; these weeks being of thirteen days each,
and including every day of the year. The week days were not named, but
numbered only.
As will be noted in the _Annals_, more importance was attached to the
day on which an occurrence took place than to the year. This is common
with untrained minds. Every citizen of the United States knows that
George Washington was born on the 22d of February; but it would puzzle a
large portion of them to be asked the year of his birth.
_Names of the Cakchiquel Months._
_Name._ _Signification._
1. Tacaxepual, Corn planting
2. Nabey tumuzuz, First of winged ants.
3. Rucan tumuzuz, Second of winged ants.
4. Cibix, Smoky, or clouds.
5. Uchum, Re-planting
6. Nabey mam, First grandson.
7. Rucab mam, Second grandson.
8. Li[t]in[t]a, Soft to the hand.
9. Nabey to[t], First cacao harvest.
10. Rucab to[t], Second cacao harvest[TN-1]
11. Nabey pach, First incubation.
12. Rucab pach, Second incubation.
13. Tziquin [t]ih, Bird days.
14. Cakan, Red clouds.
15. Ibota, Mat rolling.
16. Katic, Drying up.
17. Itzcal [t]ih, Bad road days.
18. Pariche, In the woods.
To appreciate the bearing of these names, one must remember that this is
a rural calendar, in which the months were designated with reference to
farming and household incidents. Thus, the "winged ants" referred to,
are a species that appear in March and April, shortly before the first
of the rainy season; the fourth month is cloudy or misty, from the
frequent rains; the first and second grandsons refer probably to the
"suckers," which must be plucked from the growing corn; in the eighth
month the earth is moist, and must be kept, by tillage, "soft to the
hand;" the others have obvious rural allusions, down to the last, when
the natives went "in the woods" to gather fuel. The names appear to be
all in the Cakchiquel dialect, except the first, _Tacaxepual_, the
resemblance of which to the name of the second Mexican month,
_Tlacaxipehualiztli_, is too striking to be a coincidence, and perhaps
the seventeenth, _Itzcal_, which is very like the eighteenth of the
Mexican calendar, _Izcalli_; but if borrowed from the latter, two
Cakchiquel words, of similar sound but different meaning, have been
substituted for the original by the familiar linguistic principle of
_otosis_ or paronomasia.
_Names of the Cakchiquel Days._
_Name._ _Name._
1. Imox, 11. Batz,
2. I[t], 12. Ee,
3. A[t]bal, 13. Ah,
4. Kat, 14. Yiz,
5. Can, 15. Tziquin,
6. Camey, 16. Ahmac,
7. Queh, 17. Noh,
8. Kanel, 18. Tihax,
9. Toh, 19. Caok,
10. Tzii, 20. Hunahpu,[TN-2]
The calendars in use were of two different kinds, the one called _[c]hol
[t]ih_, literally "the valuer or appraiser of days," which was employed
exclusively for astrological and divining purposes, to decide on which
were lucky and unlucky days; and _may [t]ih_, "the revolution or
recurrence of days," which was for chronological purposes.[31-1]
It will be noticed that in Xahila's _Annals_, every year ends on a day
_Ah_, and that each such closing day is numerically three less than the
day _Ah_ terminating the preceding year. There are also obvious
inconsistencies in his identification of native dates with the Christian
calendar; but these, and the numerous difficult questions they suggest,
would take me too far afield to enter upon in the present introductory
paragraphs. The object of this volume is rather to furnish material for
study than to undertake the study itself.
The brief description of their reckoning of time, given by Sanchez y
Leon, may be quoted: "They divided the year into 18 months, and each
month into 20 days; but they counted only by nights, which they
mentioned as dawns (alboradas); the movements of the sun in the ecliptic
governed their calendar; they began their year forty days before ours;
they celebrated annually three great feasts, like Easters, at which
periods both sexes assembled together at night, and indulged in
drunkenness and wantonness."[31-2]
I think in this extract the author should have said that they began
their year 40 days later than ours, as this would bring his statement
more into conformity with other writers.
_Personal and Family Names._
Among the Cakchiquels, each person bore two names; the first his
individual name, the second that of his family or _chinamitl_. This word
is pure Nahuatl, and means a place enclosed by a fence,[32-1] and
corresponds, therefore, to the Latin _herctum_, and the Saxon _ton_. As
adopted by the Cakchiquels, it meant a household or family of one
lineage and bearing one name, all of whom were really or theoretically
descended from one ancestral household. To all such was applied the term
_aca_, related or affined;[32-2] and marriage within the chinamitl was
not permitted. When a man of one chinamitl married into another, every
male in the latter became his brother-in-law, _baluc_, or son-in-law,
_hi_.[32-3]
Each _chinamitl_ was presided over by a recognized leader, the "head of
the house," whose title was _ah[c,]alam_, "the keeper of the
tablets,"[32-4] probably the painted records on which the genealogy of
the family and the duties of its members were inscribed.
The division of the early tribes into these numerous families was not
ancient, dating, according to tradition, from about a century and a half
before the Conquest.[32-5]
The family name was sometimes derived from a locality, sometimes from a
peculiarity, and at others from astrological motives.[33-1]
The personal name was always that of the day of birth, this being
adopted for astrological reasons. There was a fixed opinion that the
temperament and fortunes of the individual were controlled by the
supposed character of his birthday, and its name and number were
therefore prefixed to his family name. This explains the frequent
occurrence in the Cakchiquel _Annals_ of such strange appellatives as
_Belehe Queh_, nine deer; _Cay Batz_, two monkey, etc.; these being, in
fact, the days of the year on which the bearers were born. They should
be read, "the 9th Queh," "the 2d Batz," etc.
_Tribal Subdivisions._
The _chinamitl_ appears to have been the sub-gens. Besides it, there are
other words frequently recurring in the _Annals_ referring to divisions
of the community, _hay_, home or household; _[c]hob_, sept or division;
and _ama[t]_ tribe or city.
The first of these, _hay_, appears to be a general term applied to a
community, without necessarily implying relationship. An Indian, asked
where he is from, will answer _in ah-hay vae_, "I am of this place,"
referring to his village. Yet it is evident that in early times, all of
one village were considered to be related. The word _hay_,
moroever,[TN-3] does not signify a house as an edifice. In that sense
the proper term is _ochoch_.
The frequent references by Xahila to the seven tribes, or rather the
seven cities, _vuk ama[t]_, and the thirteen divisions or provinces,
_oxlahuh [c]hob_, are not explained in the course of the narrative.
These numbers retained sacred associations, as they were adopted later
to assign the days of worship of their divinity (see Sec. 44). Brasseur
is of opinion that the thirteen divisions refer to the Pokomams,[34-1]
but that such a subdivision obtained among the Cakchiquels as well, is
evident from many parts of their _Annals_. The same division also
prevailed, from remote times, among the Quiches,[34-2] and hence was
probably in use among all these tribes. It may have had some
superstitious connection with the thirteen days of their week. The
_[c]hob_ may be regarded as the original gens of the tribe, and the
similarity of this word to the radical syllable of the Nahuatl
_calp-ulli_, may not be accidental. I have elsewhere spoken of the
singular frequency with which we hear of seven ancestors, cities, caves,
etc., in the most ancient legends of the American race.[34-3]
_Terms of Affinity and Salutation._
In the Cakchiquel grammar which I edited, I have given a tolerably full
list of the terms of consanguinity and affinity in the tongue (pp. 28,
29). But it is essential to the correct understanding of the text in
this volume, to recognize the fact that many such terms in Cakchiquel
are, in the majority of cases, terms of salutation only, and do not
express actual relationship.
Examples of this are the words _tata_, father, used by women to all
adult males; and _tee_, mother, employed by both sexes in addressing
adult women. In Xahila's writings, we constantly find the words _nimal_,
elder brother, and _cha[t]_, younger brother, inserted merely as
friendly epithets. The term _mama_, grandfather, almost always means
simply "ancestor," or, indeed, any member of an anterior generation
beyond the first degree. This word must not be confounded with _mam_ (an
error occurring repeatedly in Brasseur's writings), as the latter means
"grandchild;" and according to Father Coto, it may be applied by a
grandparent of either sex to a grandchild of either sex.
_Titles and Social Castes._
There are a number of terms of frequent recurrence in Xahila's text,
expressing the different offices in the government, rank in social life
and castes of the population, which offer peculiar difficulty to the
translator, because we have no corresponding expressions in European
tongues; while to retain them in the version, renders it less
intelligible, and even somewhat repulsive to the reader. I have thought
it best, generally, to give these terms an approximate English rendering
in my translation, while in the present section I submit them to a
critical examination.
The ordinary term for chief or ruler, in both the Cakchiquel and Maya
dialects, is _ahau_. Probably this is a compound of _ah_, a common
prefix in these tongues, originally signifying _person_, and hence, when
attached to a verb, conveying the notion of one accustomed to exercise
the action indicated; to a noun of place, a resident there; and to a
common noun, a worker in or owner of the article; and _u_, a collar,
especially an ornamental collar, here intended as a badge of authority.
_Ahau_ is, therefore, "the wearer of the collar;" and by this
distinction equivalent to chief, ruler, captain, lord, king, or emperor,
by all which words it is rendered in the lexicons. It is not a special
title, but a general term.
Scarcely less frequent is the term _ahpop_. This is a compound of the
same prefix _ah_, with the word _pop_, which means a mat. To sit upon
such a mat was a privilege of nobility, and of such dignitaries as were
entitled to be present at the national council; _ahpop_, therefore, may
be considered as equivalent to the German title _Rath_, counsellor, and
appears to have been used much in the same conventional manner. In the
Cakchiquel lexicons, _popoh_ is "to hold a council;" _popol_, a council;
_popoltzih_, "to speak in council," etc. All these are derived from the
word _pop_, mat; from the mats on which the councillors sat during their
deliberations.
Personages of the highest rank, of the "blood royal," combined these
titles. They were _ahau ahpop_, "lords of the council." Uniting the
latter title to the family names of the ruling house, the chief ruler
was known as _Ahpo' Zotzil_, and the second in rank and heir-apparent,
as _Ahpo' Xahil_. The oldest son of the former bore the title
_Ahpop-[c]amahay_, which is translated by the best authorities
"messenger of the council," and ordinarily was applied to an official
who communicated the decisions of the councils of one village to that
of another.[37-1] Another title, mentioned by Xahila, is _ahpop-achi_,
the last word means man, _vir_.
A third article, which distinguished the higher classes, was the seat or
stool on which they sat during solemn ceremonies. This was called
_[t]aalibal_, an instrumental noun from the verb _[t]al_, to be visible
or prominent, persons so seated being elevated above, and thus
distinguished from others, from this the verbal form, _[t]alel_, was
derived, meaning "he who is prominent," etc., or, more freely,
"illustrious," "distinguished."[37-2] The title _ahpop [t]alel_ meant,
therefore, originally "he who is entitled to a mat and a stool," that
is, in the council chamber of his town.
Another official connected with the council was the orator appointed to
bring before it the business of the day. His title was _ah uchan_, from
_ucheex_, to speak, and it is translated by Spanish writers, the
"rhetorician, orator."[37-3] A similar personage, the _ah tzih vinak_,
"the man of words,"[37-4] was in attendance on the king, and,
apparently, was the official mouth-piece of the royal will. Still a
third, known as the _lol-may_, which apparently means "silence-breaker,"
was, according to the dictionaries, "an envoy dispatched by the rulers
to transact business or to collect tributes."[38-1]
Very nearly or quite the same organization prevailed in the courts of
Quiche and Atitlan. The chiefs of the latter province forwarded, in
1571, a petition to Philip II, in which they gave some interesting
particulars of their former government. They say: "The supreme ruler was
called _Atziquinihai_, and the chiefs who shared the authority with him,
_Amac Tzutuhil_. These latter were sovereigns, and acknowledged no
superiors.... The sovereign, or king, did not recognize any authority
above himself. The persons or officers who attended at his court were
called _Lolmay_, _Atzivinac_, _Galel_, _Ah-uchan_. They were factors,
auditors and treasurers. Our titles correspond to yours."[38-2]
The name here applied to the ruler of the Tzutuhils, _Atziquinahay_,
recurs in Xahila's _Annals_. It was his family name, and in its proper
form, _Ah [c,]iquin-i-hay_, means "he who is a member of the bird
family;"[38-3] the bird being the totemic symbol of the ruling house.
While the nobles were distinguished by titles such as these, the mass of
the people were divided into well defined classes or castes. The
warriors were called _ah-labal_, from _labal_, war; and they were
distinguished from the general male population, who were known as
_achi_, men, _viri_. These were independent freemen, engaged in peaceful
avocations, but, of course, ready to take up arms on occasion. They were
broadly distinguished from the tributaries, called _ah-patan_; the
latter word meaning tax or tribute; and still more sharply from the
slaves, known as _vinakitz_, "mean men," or by the still more
significant word _mun_, hungry (Guzman, _Compendio_). The less
cultivated tribes speaking other tongues, adjoining the Cakchiquels,
were promiscuously stigmatized with the name _chicop_, brutes or beasts.
A well developed system of tribute seems to have prevailed, and it is
often referred to by Xahila. The articles delivered to the collectors
were gold, silver, plain and worked, feathers, cacao, engraved stones,
and what appear as singular, garlands (_[c]ubul_) and songs, painted
apparently on skins or paper.
_Religious Notions._
The deities worshiped by these nations, the meaning and origin of their
titles, and the myths connected with them, have been the subject of an
examination by me in an earlier work.[39-1] Here, therefore, it will be
needless to repeat what I have there said, further than to add a few
remarks explanatory of the Cakchiquel religion in particular.
According to the _Popol Vuh_, "the chief god of the Cakchiquels was
_Chamalcan_, and his image was a bat."[40-1] Brasseur endeavored to
trace this to a Nahuatl etymology,[40-2] but there is little doubt it
refers, as do so many of the Cakchiquel proper names, to their calendar.
_Can_ is the fifth day of their week, and its sign was a serpent;[40-3]
_chamal_ is a slightly abbreviated form of _chaomal_, which the lexicons
translate "beauty" and "fruitfulness," connected with _chaomar_, to
yield abundantly. He was the serpent god of fruitfulness, and by this
type suggests relations to the lightning and the showers. The bat,
_Zotz_, was the totem of the Zotzils, the ruling family of the
Cakchiquels; and from the extract quoted, they seem to have set it up as
the image of Chamalcan.
The generic term for their divinities, employed by Xahila, and also
frequently in the _Popol Vuh_, is _[c]abuyl_, which I have elsewhere
derived from the Maya _chab_, to create, to form. It is closely allied
to the epithets applied in both works to the Deity, _[c,]akol_, the
maker, especially he who makes something from earth or clay; _bitol_,
the former, or fashioner; _[c]aholom_, the begetter of sons; _alom_, the
bearer of children; these latter words intimating the bi-sexual nature
of the principal divinity, as we also find in the Aztec mythology and
elsewhere. The name _[c]axto[c]_, the liar, from the verb
_[c]axto[c]oh_, to lie, also frequently used by Xahila with reference to
the chief god of his nation in its heathendom, may possibly have arisen
after their conversion to Christianity; but from the coincidence that
the Algonkin tribes constantly applied such seemingly opprobrious terms
to their principal deity, it may have arisen from a similar cycle of
myths as did theirs.[41-1]