les Matelots, & nostre equipage ou nous autres passagers. La cause
en estoit, parce que la charte partie, & l'accord passé en France
portants, que lesdits Matelots seroyent tenus anchrer en vn Port de
l'Acadie, que nous leur nommerions; & là seiourner l'espace de trois
mois: Lesdits Matelots se maintenoy[~e]t estre arriués en vn Port de
l'Acadie, & que partant ledit terme de trois mois deuoit courir dés
cest'arriuée. On leur repliquoit [221] que le Port n'estoit point celuy
qu'on leur auoit nommé _Kadesquit_, & partant, que le temps ne courroit
point auant qu'ils y fussent. Le Pilote s'opiniastroit là cõtre,
maintenant, que iamais nauire n'estoit allé iusques à _Kadesquit_, &
qu'il ne vouloit point se faire vn descouureur de nouuelles routes:
il y auoit aussi faute, au nom de l'Acadie, pour dire la Norambegue,
ce qui augmentoit la dispute: raisons deçà, raisons delà. Rien que
plaidoyerie, mauuais augure de l'aduenir.
CHAPTER XXVI. [i.e., xxiv.]
WHY WE STAYED AT SAINT SAUVEUR; THE GOOD QUALITIES OF THE PLACE.
NOW here in this Port of St. Sauveur a great contention arose
between the Sailors and our company, or us other passengers,
because the charter party and contract, drawn up in France,
stipulated that the Sailors should be held at anchor in a Port of
Acadie, which we should name to them, and should remain there for
the space of three months; the sailors maintained that they had
arrived at a Port of Acadie, and that therefore the said term of
three months should begin to run from the time of this arrival. It
was explained to them [221] that the Port was not the one that had
been designated to them by the name of _Kadesquit_, and therefore
the time would not begin to be counted until they were there.
The Pilot obstinately opposed this, maintaining that a ship had
never gone as far as _Kadesquit_, and that he had no intention of
becoming a discoverer of new routes; there was also some mistake
about the name Acadie meaning Norambegue,[8] which strengthened the
dispute; reasons here, reasons there; nothing but argument, a bad
augury for the future.
Sur ces contestes, des Sauuages nous firent de la fumée. Ce signal veut
dire, qu'on les aille recognoistre, si on a besoin d'eux, ce qu'on
fit. Le Pilote par occasion leur dit, que les Peres de Port Royal
estoyent en son nauire. Les Sauuages repliquerent, qu'ils verroyent
bien volõtiers celuy qu'ils [222] auoyent cogneu y auoit deus ans,
à Pentegoet. Ce cogneu, estoit le P. Biard qui les alla incontinent
trouuer, & s'informãt d'eux touchant la route de _Kadesquit_, leur
signifia, qu'il s'y vouloit habituer. Mais (dirent-ils) si tu veux
te loger en ces quartiers, que ne demeures tu plustost icy auecques
nous, qui auons bien vne autant belle & bonne place que Kadesquit? Et
commencerent à luy raconter les loüanges de leur demeure, asseurants
qu'elle estoit si saine, & si agreable, que quand les Sauuages sont
malades autrepart, ils se font porter en ce lieu, & y guerissent.
Ces benedictions n'esmouuoyent pas beaucoup le P. Biard, parce qu'il
sçauoit assez que les Sauuages ne manquoy[~e]t point de ce en quoy
quasi tout chacun abonde; c'est de sçauoir priser ses denrées. Mais
ils sceur[~e]t [223] bi[~e] bander la machine pour l'enleuer. Car
(dirent-ils) il faut que tu viennes: d'autant que Asticou nostre Sagamo
est malade à la mort, & si tu ne viens il mourra sans baptesme, & n'ira
pas au ciel. Tu en seras la cause, car pour luy il voudroit bien estre
baptisé. Ceste raison ainsi naifuement deduicte, fit estonner le P.
Biard, & luy persuada totalement de s'y en aller, veu mesmes qu'il n'y
auoit que trois lieuës à faire: & que pour tout il n'y entreuenoit pas
plus grande perte de temps, que d'vne apres disnée; ainsi il se mit
dans vn de leurs cauots auec le sieur de la Mote Lieutenant, & Simon
l'interprete, & s'en allerent.
During these quarrels, the Savages signaled to us with smoke.
This means that we can go and find them if we need them, which we
did. The Pilot incidentally remarked to these Savages that the
Port Royal Fathers were in his ship. They answered that they would
like very much to see the one with whom they [222] had become
acquainted two years before at Pentegoet. This was Father Biard,
who went immediately to see them, and in asking about the route to
_Kadesquit_, said he wished to go there to live. "But" (said they)
"if thou wishest to stay in these regions, why dost thou not rather
remain here with us, who have truly as good and beautiful a place
as Kadesquit?" And they began to sing the praises of their home,
assuring him that it was so healthy, and so agreeable, that when
the Savages are sick in other parts, they have themselves brought
to this place and here recover. These blessings did not affect
Father Biard much, for he knew that the Savages did not lack that
with which almost every one is abundantly provided, namely, the
ability to praise their own wares. But they knew [223] well how to
use their machinations against him to carry him off. "For," (said
they) "it is necessary that thou comest, since Asticou,[16] our
Sagamore, is sick unto death; and if thou dost not come he will
die without baptism, and will not go to heaven. Thou wilt be the
cause of it, for he himself wishes very much to be baptized." This
argument, so naïvely deduced, astonished Father Biard, and fully
persuaded him to go there, especially as it was only three leagues
away, and in all there would result no greater loss of time than
one afternoon; so he got into one of their canoes with sieur de la
Mote, Lieutenant, and Simon the interpreter, and went off.
Arriués aux cabanes d'Asticou, nous le trouuames malade voirement;
mais non pas à mort, car ce n'estoit qu'vn rheume, qui le tourmentoit:
partant l'asseurance de [224] ses forces nous donna beau loisir
d'aller visiter ce lieu tant vanté, & meilleur que Kadesquit pour
vn'habitation Françoise. Et de vraye nous ne trouuasmes point, que les
Sauuages eussent eu mauuaise raison de le haut louër, car nous mesmes
nous en esmerueillions; & en ayants porté les nouuelles aux principaux
de nostre equipage: & eux encores l'estants venu recognoistre tous
vnanim[~e]t consentirent, qu'il falloit s'arrester là, & ne point
chercher mieux, veu mesmement, qu'il sembloit que Dieu le nous disoit
par les heureux rencontres, qui nous estoyent arriués, & par vn euident
miracle, qu'il fit en la guerison d'vn enfant, de laquelle nous
parlerons autre-part.
When we arrived at Asticou's cabins, we found him truly sick,
but not unto death, for it was only a cold that troubled him; so
having assured ourselves of [224] his good condition, we had plenty
of leisure to go and visit this place, so greatly boasted about and
so much better for a French settlement than Kadesquit. And in truth
we found that the Savages were not wrong in praising it so highly,
for we ourselves were wonderfully astonished; and having carried
the news to the chiefs of our company, and they having come to view
the place, all unanimously agreed that we ought to stay there and
not look for anything better, especially as it seemed as if God
told us to do so through the fortunate events which had happened
to us, and through an evident miracle which he performed in the
restoration of a child, of which we shall speak elsewhere.
Ce lieu, est vne iolie colline esleuée doucement dessus la mer, &
baignée à ses costés de deux [225] fontaines; la terre y est essartée
à vingt, ou vingt & cinq arp[~e]s, herbuë en quelques endroits presque
à la hauteur d'vn homme. Son aspect est au Midy & Orient, quasi à
l'emboucheure de Pentegoet, & où se descharg[~e]t plusieurs agreables,
commodes, & poissonneuses riuieres, le terroir y est noir, gras, &
fertile; Le Port & Haure sont des plus beaux, qu'on puisse voir, & en
endroit propre pour commander à toute la coste; le Haure specialement
est asseuré comm'vn estang. Car outre qu'il est reparé de la grande
Isle des Mõts deserts, il l'est encores de certaines petites Islettes,
qui rompent les flots & les vents, & fortifient son entrée. Il n'y
a flotte, de laquelle il ne soit capable, ny si haut nauire, qui ne
puisse s'approcher de terre pour descharger, iusques à la longueur d'vn
chable. Sa situation [226] est à quarante quatre degrés, & vn tiers
d'eleuation; position moins encores boreale, que celle de Bourdeaux.
This place is a beautiful hill, rising gently from the sea, its
sides bathed by two [225] springs; the land is cleared for twenty
or twenty-five acres, and in some places is covered with grass
almost as high as a man. It faces the South and East, and is near
the mouth of the Pentegoet, where several broad and pleasant
rivers, which abound in fish, discharge their waters; its soil is
dark, rich and fertile; the Port and Harbor are as fine as can be
seen, and are in a position favorable to command the entire coast;
the Harbor especially is as safe as a pond. For, besides being
strengthened by the great Island of Mount desert, it is still more
protected by certain small Islands which break the currents and
the winds, and fortify the entrance. There is not a fleet which
it is not capable of sheltering, nor a ship so deep that could
not approach within a cable's length of the shore to unload. It
is situated [226] in latitude forty-four and one-third degrees, a
position still less northerly than that of Bourdeaux.
Or estants descendus en ce dit lieu, & y ayans planté la Croix, nous
commençames à trauailler, & auec le trauail commencerent aussi nos
contestations, second signal, & prodige de nos mal-heurs. La cause de
ces contestations estoit d'autãt que la Saussaye, nostre Capitaine,
s'amusoit trop à cultiuer la terre, & tous les principaux le pressoyent
de ne point distraire en cela les ouuriers, ains de vacquer sans respit
aux alogement & fortification, ce qu'il ne vouloit pas faire. De ceste
cõtention en sourdirent des autres iusques à ce que l'Anglois nous mit
trestous de bon accord, ainsi que vous ouyrez tout maintenant.
Now having landed at this place and planted here the Cross,
we began to work; and with the beginning of work also began the
quarrels, a second sign and augury of our ill luck. The cause of
these dissensions was principally that la Saussaye, our Captain,
amused himself too much in cultivating the land, while all the
chiefs of the enterprise were urging him not to employ the laborers
for that purpose, but to get to work without delay upon the houses
and fortifications, which he did not wish to do. From these
disputes sprang others, until the English brought us all to an
understanding with each other, as you will hear immediately.
CHAPITRE XXVII. [i.e., xxv.]
[227] NOSTRE PRINSE PAR LES ANGLOIS.
LA Virginie est le continent de terre, que les anciens appelloyent,
_Mocosa_, entre la Floride, & la nouuelle France sur les 36. 37. &
38. degrez d'eleuation. Ce païs auoit premierement esté descouuert, &
saisi par Iean Verazan au nom de François premier (ainsi que nous auons
dit cy deuant) mais les Anglois l'ayants recognu despuis, sçauoir est
l'an 1593. & 1594. en fin l'a sõt venus habiter, despuis seulement
sept, ou huict ans. Leur demeure principale, qu'ils appellent Ieutom,
est distante de S. Sauueur où nous nous estions logez d'enuiron 250.
lieües par droictes routes. Regardez [228] s'ils ont bien dequoy nous
quereller.
CHAPTER XXVII. [i.e. xxv.]
[227] OUR CAPTURE BY THE ENGLISH.
VIRGINIA is that continent which our forefathers called _Mocosa_,
between Florida and new France under the 36th, 37th, and 38th
parallels of north latitude. This country was first discovered
and taken possession of by Jean Verazan in the name of Francis
first (as we have said before); but the English, having explored
it since then; namely, in the years 1593 and 1594, finally came
there to inhabit it only seven or eight years ago. Their principal
settlement, which they call Jeutom [Jamestown] is distant from St.
Sauveur, where we were located, about 250 leagues in a direct line.
Judge [228] if they have any good reason for quarreling with us.
Or ces Anglois de la Virginie ont accoustumé tous les ans de venir
aux Isles de Peucoit, qui sont à 25. lieües de nostre S. Sauueur, à
celle fin de se pourueoir de mouluës pour leur hyuer. S'y acheminants
doncques selon ceste coustume en l'Esté de l'année de laquelle nous
parlons 1613. aduint qu'en mer ils furent surprins des brumes, &
broüillas, que nous auons dit cy deuant, s'espandre souuent l'Esté
sur ces terres & mer. Pendant qu'elles durerent quelques iours, la
marée les ietta insensiblement beaucoup plus loin au Nordest, qu'ils
n'eussent pensé. Car ils estoyent bien quatre vingts lieües plus auãt
dans la nouuelle France, qu'ils ne croyoyent, au pres de nostre port.
Mais ne se cognoissants point au lieu, à [229] la mal'heure quelques
Sauuages passerent par là, qui les allerent trouuer cuidants que ce
fussent François, qui nous cherchassent. Les Anglois n'entendoyent
rien en Sauuage: mais aux gestes, & façons de faire ils recogneurent
assez qu'on leur faisoit signe, qu'il y auoit vn vaisseau là auprès,
& qu'iceluy vaisseau estoit François, car ils entendoy[~e]t le mot
de Normandia, duquel il nous appellent: & aux ceremonies, que les
Sauuages faisoyent pour leur complaire, ils recognoissent, que
c'estoyent ceremonies de courtoisie, & ciuilité Françoise. Doncques
les Anglois, qui estoy[~e]t en necessité, & de viures, & de tout;
deschirez, demy-nuds & ne questans que proye; s'enquirent diligemment
combien grand estoit nostre vaisseau, combien nous auions de Canons,
combien de gens, &c. [230] Et ayants eu response suffisante, & qui
leur plaisoit, firent vn cry ioyeux demonstrants, que c'estoit bien ce
qu'ils cherchoyent, & qu'on les menast à nous: car ils ne desiroyent
autre. Aussi ne faisoyent-ils, mais ce n'estoit pas en la façon, que
les Sauuages l'entendoyent; car les Sauuages estimoyent que ce fussent
aucuns de nos bons amis, estants en grande peine de nous: & qui
d'amitié desirassent sur tout de nous voir. Par ainsi vn d'entre eux
demeura dans leur nauire pour les conduire à nous; ce qu'il fit le bon
vent venu. L'Anglois dés qu'il nous descouurit commença à se preparer
au combat, & ce fut lors que le bon homme de Sauuage recogneust, qu'il
auoit esté trompé, dont il se print à plourer & lamenter sa faute, &
maudire ceux qui l'auoyent ainsi deçeu. Souuent [231] despuis il a
plouré, & demandé pardon de ceste sienne desaduenture, & à nous & aux
autres Sauuages; parce que les autres Sauuages vouloyent venger nostre
mal'heur sur luy, pensants que de malice il en eust esté la cause.
Now these English of Virginia are accustomed every year to come
to the Peucoit Islands,[50] which are 25 leagues from our St.
Sauveur, to lay in a supply of codfish for the winter. They were
making for this place, as usual, in the Summer of the year of which
we are speaking, 1613, when they happened to be caught in the fogs
and drizzling rains which, as has been stated, often spread over
these lands and seas during the summer. In the few days that they
continued, the current imperceptibly cast them much farther to the
Northeast than they thought. For they were fully eighty leagues
nearer to new France than they supposed, being in the neighborhood
of our port. But not recognizing the place, [229] unfortunately
some Savages passed that way, who went to see them, supposing they
were French people looking for us. The English understood nothing
of the Savage language, but from their gestures and actions they
easily gathered that they were trying to make them understand
that a vessel was near by, and it was a French vessel, for they
heard the word "Normandia," the name by which we were called: and
the acts of courtesy which the Savages performed to please them,
they recognized as French ceremonies of civility and politeness.
Therefore the English, who were in need of food and all other
things, ragged and half-naked, seeking nothing but booty, inquired
diligently as to the size of our ship, how many Cannon we had, how
many men, etc. [230] Having received full and satisfactory answers,
they uttered a joyful shout, indicating that this was just what
they had been looking for, and that they might lead them to us,
for they desired nothing better. Nor were they pretending, but it
was not in this way that the Savages understood the matter; for
they thought that these were some good friends of ours, who were
in great anxiety about us, and who, through friendship, wished
to see us above all other things. Hence one of them remained in
their ship to conduct them thither; this he did, a favorable wind
having arisen. The English, when they discovered us, began to
prepare themselves for the fight, and it was then that the poor
simple Savage recognized that he had been imposed upon, when he
began to weep and to deplore his mistake, and to curse those who
had thus deceived him. Often [231] since then he has lamented and
begged forgiveness for his misadventure, both from us and from the
other Savages; for they wished to take revenge upon him for our
misfortune, thinking he had been the malicious cause of it.
Or nous, considerants ce nauire venir ainsi de loin à pleines voyles,
ne sçauions que penser, si c'estoyent amis, ou ennemis, François ou
estrangiers. A ceste cause le Pilote s'en alla au deuant dans vne
chaloupe pour les recognoistre, tandis que les autres s'armoyent.
La Saussaye demeura à terre & y retint la pluspart des hommes: la
Mote Lieutenant, Ronseré Enseigne, & Ioubert Sergent, & tous les
plus deliberez allerent au nauire. Aussi estoit-ce là où lon deuoit
recognoistre les gens de bien.
Now we, gazing upon this ship bearing down upon us thus from
afar off, with full sails, did not know what to think, whether
they were friends or foes, French or strangers. Whereupon the
Pilot went out in a boat on a tour of discovery, while the others
armed themselves. La Saussaye remained on shore and there kept
the greater part of the men: Lieutenant la Mote, Ensign Ronseré,
Sergeant Joubert, and all the more resolute men went to the ship.
For it was there that the good men ought to be found.
[232] Le nauire Anglois venoit plus viste qu'vn dard, ayant le vent
à souhait, tout pauis de rouge, les pauillons d'Angleterre flottans,
& trois t[r]ompettes & deux tambours faisants rage de sonner. Nostre
pilote, qui estoit allé descouurir ne reuint point à son nauire, parce
(dit-il) que les Anglois auoyent le vent sur luy, & partant pour ne
tomber en leurs mains, il s'en alla prendre le circuit d'vne Isle.
Tant y a qu'à ceste occasion le nauire se trouua destitué de la moitié
de ses Matelots, & n'auoit autres gens de defense que dix en tout,
encores n'y en auoit-il aucun de tous qui fust entendu aux combats de
mer, hors le Capitaine Flory, qui de vray ne manqua ny de conduicte
ny de courage. Mais il n'auoit ny assez de temps pour se preparer,
ny des gens, à cause dequoy il ne peut leuer l'anchre pour se [233]
desengager: ce qu'est toutesfois la premiere chose qu'on doit faire
és combats de la mer, combien qu'aussi en vain eust-on leué l'anchre,
consideré que les voyles estoyent empestrees. Car à cause que c'estoit
l'Esté, & qu'on seiournoit au port sans crainte, on les auoit tendues
en forme de berceau dés la Dunette iusques à la bite pour auoir ombre
sur le tillac, d'où lon ne pouuoit les deffaire en si peu de temps.
Mais ce malheur eust fort bonne chance: car à ceste occasion nos gents
demeurerent fort bien couuerts pendant le combat, de maniere que les
Anglois n'en pouuants choisir aucun durant leur escopeterie, moins de
gents furent ou tuez, ou blessez.
[232] The English ship came on swifter than an arrow, driven by a
propitious wind, all screened in pavesade[51] of red, the banners
of England flying, and three trumpets and two drums making a
horrible din. Our pilot, who had gone out reconnoitering, did not
return to his ship, because (said he) the English had the wind of
him, and therefore, not to fall into their hands, he started to go
round an Island. At all events the ship was now deprived of half
its Sailors, and had only ten men altogether to defend it; and of
these there were none who understood naval warfare except Captain
Flory, who certainly lacked neither courage nor the ability to
command. But he had not time enough to prepare, nor the men, hence
he could not heave the anchor to [233] free the boat; which is,
however, the first thing to be done in a battle at sea. But how
useless would it have been to heave anchor, when the sails were all
disarranged. For as it was Summer, and, as the vessel was lying in
port without apprehension of danger, they had stretched their sails
in the form of a cradle from Stern to bitts, to shade the deck,
hence they could not be undone in so short a time. But this proved
to be quite a lucky mischance: for in this way our people were well
shielded during the fight, so that the English were not able to
pick out any particular one for their musket shots, and fewer men
were killed or wounded.
A l'approche, comme c'est la coustume de sommer, à dire, qui l'on est:
Nos gens crierent à la [234] Marinesque leur O O. Mais l'Anglois ne
respondit en ce ton, ains d'vn autre plus furieux, à grands coups de
mosquet, & de canon. Il auoit quatorze pieces d'artillerie, & soixante
soldats mosquetaires duits au nauigage, &c. venants à la charge sur les
costez, sur le beau pré, à la dunette & où il falloit, à la file, & en
ordre, aussi bien que gens de pied font sur terre.
At their approach, as it is usual to call upon them to say who they
are, our people called out in [234] sailor-fashion their "O O."
But the English did not respond in this tone, but in another far
more violent--with loud volleys from musket and cannon. They had
fourteen pieces of artillery and sixty musketeers, trained to serve
on ships, etc., and came to attack us upon the flanks, in front,
behind, and wherever there was need, in regular order, as well as
foot soldiers do on land.
La première escopeterie fut terrible du costé de l'Anglois; tout
le nauire estoit en feu, & en fumée. De nostre part on respõdoit
froidement, & l'artillerie estoit du tout muette. Le Capitaine Flory
crioit bien lasche le canon, lasche; mais le Canonier n'y estoit pas.
Or Gilbert du Thet, qui de sa vie n'auoit esté paoureux, ny coüart,
ouyant ce cry, & ne voyant personne, qui obeist, print la mesche & nous
fit parler aussi haut que [235] l'ennemy. Le mal fut qu'il ne mira pas,
que s'il l'eust faict, peut-estre y eust-il eu quelque chose de pis,
que le bruit.
The first volley from the English was terrible, the whole ship
being enveloped in fire and smoke. On our side they responded
coldly, and the artillery was altogether silent. Captain Flory
cried, "Fire the cannon, fire," but the Cannoneer was not there.
Now Gilbert du Thet, who in all his life had never felt fear or
shown himself a coward, hearing this command and seeing no one obey
it, took a match and made us speak as loudly as [235] the enemy.
Unfortunately, he did not take aim; if he had, perhaps there might
have been something worse than mere noise.
L'Anglois apres ceste premiere, & furieuse escopeterie mit son nauire
de costé, & tenoit vn Anchre preparé pour accrocher nostre bite. Le
Capitaine Flory fila du chable fort à propos, ce qui arresta l'ennemy,
& luy fit tourner à costé: car il eust peur qu'en poursuiuant on ne le
voulust attirer sur des basses; despuis voyant nostre nauire à requoy,
& s'estant rasseuré, il recommença les approches auec escopeterie comme
deuant. Ce fut en ceste seconde charge, que Gilbert du Thet reçeut vn
coup de mosquet dans le corps & tomba estendu à l'enuers sur le tillac.
Le Capitaine Flory fut aussi blessé au pied, & autres trois autre part,
ce qui fit faire signe, & [236] crier qu'on se rendoit. Aussi certes
la partie n'estoit pas egale. A ce cry, l'Anglois se ietta dans son
bateau pour venir à nostre nauire. Nos gents aussi par mauuais conseil,
se ietterent dans le leur, pour faire à terre: car ils craignoyent
l'arriuée du victorieux. Le vainqueur fut plustost dans nostre
nauire, qu'eux ne furent loin, & partant il se print à leur crier,
qu'ils retournassent, & pour les y contraindre tiroit sur eux. Dequoy
espouuãtez deux de nos g[~e]s se ietterent dans l'eau pour à mõ aduis
gaigner terre à la nage, mais ils furent noyez, soit que ja ils eussent
esté blessez, soit (ce qui est plus vray semblable) qu'ils fussent
attaints, & percez dans l'eau. C'estoyent deux ieunes compagnons de
bonne expectation, l'vn de Dieppe, appellé le Moyne, l'autre dit
Nepueu, de la ville de [237] Beauuais: leurs corps ne comparurent que
neuf iours apres. On eust moyen de les prendre & religieusement les
enterrer: telle fut la prinse de nostre nauire.
The English, after this first and furious volley, came
alongside of us, and held an Anchor ready to grapple our bitts.
Captain Flory very opportunely paid out more cable, which stopped
the enemy and made them turn away, for they were afraid if they
pursued us we would draw them into shallow water; then seeing our
vessel fall back, and thus being reassured, they again began to
approach us, firing off the muskets as before. It was during this
second charge that Gilbert du Thet received a musket shot in his
body and fell stretched out across the deck. Captain Flory was
also wounded in the foot, and three others in other places, which
made them signal and [236] cry out that we surrendered, for it was
evidently a very unequal match. At this cry the English jumped into
their boat to come to our ship. Our men also, misled by bad advice,
jumped into theirs with the hope of gaining the shore, for they
feared the arrival of the victors. These, however, reached the ship
before our men could get away from it, and so they began to yell
to them to come back, and, to enforce the order, fired upon them.
Frightened at this, two of our men threw themselves into the sea,
in order, I believe, to swim to the shore; but they were drowned,
either because they were already wounded, or (what seems more
probable) because they were struck and wounded in the water. These
were two very promising young fellows, one from Dieppe, called le
Moyne, the other named Nepveu, of the town of [237] Beauvais; their
bodies did not appear until nine days later, when means were found
to recover them and they were given a religious burial. Such was
the capture of our ship.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL. III
XIII
The original Latin MS. of Biard's letter to his general, dated at
Amiens, May 26, 1614, is in the archives of the Gesù, at Rome. In
1858, Father Martin there copied this document, with others of like
character; and in the present publication we follow his apograph, which
is now preserved in the archives of St. Mary's College, Montreal.
Martin's translation of the letter into French appears in Carayon's
_Première Mission_, pp. 106-116.
See Bibliographical Data in Volume I. of the present series, for
particulars of Carayon's collection. The originals of the letters in
Carayon, were written in three different languages: nos. 2, 5, 9,
12, 18, 25, 27-31, were in French; nos. 13, 14, 15, 16, in Italian;
and the others in Latin. Letters to the general in Rome were for the
most part in Italian or Latin, but those to the provincial in Paris
were in French. The Italian and Latin letters were translated for
Carayon, into French, in most cases by Martin, who had copied them for
that publication. In our series, we have followed the printed pages
of Carayon, for the French letters; but for the Italians and Latins
(except Documents III., V., and VI., in Volume I.), have reverted for
our copy to Martin's own apographs, at Montreal, and our translations
into English are made directly from these.
XIV
We reprint Biard's _Relation_ of 1616 directly from the printed
original in Lenox Library. The Lenox copy has no original title-page,
its place being supplied by a clever facsimile in pen-and-ink, said
to be by Pilinski. For the present edition, we supply a photographic
facsimile of the original title-page of the copy at the Bibliothèque
Nationale (formerly Bibliothèque Royale), Paris; the plate shows the
old library stamp, "Biblioteque Royale." The Paris copy is the only one
known to us, at this writing, which has an original title-page.
O'Callaghan issued a special reprint, "presque en facsimile," of this
_Relation_ (Albany, 1871), the edition being limited to 25 copies, at
$25 a copy.
The Lenox Catalogue (p. 4), says that O'Callaghan followed the copy
owned by Rufus King, of Jamaica, L. I. The whereabouts of this copy is
unknown to us. The late Charles H. Kalbfleisch, of New York, at one
time had a copy; but a letter to us from his son, Charles C., dated
May 11, 1896, states that he does not know its present location. In
the announcement of his facsimile, O'Callaghan said (see Murphy's Sale
Catalogue, 1884, p. 33):
"The owner of, we believe, the only copy in this country of the
original edition of this _Relation_, has obligingly loaned it to
me. In order to enable collectors who possess some of the Jesuit
Relations to place at least beside these an exact reprint of
this extremely rare volume, I have undertaken a small edition,
reproducing the original, page for page, line for line.
"The edition in the Collected Relations, published at Quebec, was
printed from a transcript made from the only other known copy
in the National Library at Paris. This transcript was to all
appearances hastily and carelessly executed. The consequence is,
that the Quebec edition abounds, as a minute collation proves, with
grave errors of omission and alteration.
"The present reprint will be limited to twenty-five copies, and
will be supplied, in sheets, to subscribers at $25 a copy."
The Lenox copy is marked on front fly leaf, "A very rare book,"
and it is understood that it cost 1,000 francs, notwithstanding its
pen-and-ink title-page. In the "Privilege," on the last page, the
syllable "pro" has been accidentally omitted. O'Callaghan's facsimile
reprint supplies this omission. In both, the "privilege" is in ten
lines, but the contents of the lines differ.
Harrisse says (no. 30), concerning Biard's _Relation_ of 1616: "Some
bibliographers cite, but without having seen, a relation published at
Lyons in 1612, and which was the first edition of the one we have just
described; but that is hardly possible, since the events described
in that relation extend up to the year 1614. As for the relations,
the titles of which are given in Latin, we think that they are the
letters addressed by Father Biard [given in Volumes I. and II. of this
series]. That of January 31, 1611 [1612], was published in the _Annuæ
Litteræ Societatis Jesu_, printed at Lyons by Claude Cayne, but not
till 1618. It is probably the same of which Jouvency gives the text in
his _Histoire de la Société de Jésus_. Sotwell also cites [_Bibliotheca
Script. Soc. Jesu_], a _Relatio Expeditionis Anglorum in Canadam_, of
Father Biard, which is probably the letter which Father Biard wrote to
Father Claude Aquaviva regarding the act of piracy committed upon him
by Argall. It is possible that there were, at that period, publications
of these letters both in Latin and French; but we have been able to
find only one instance of this." Brunet's _Supplément_ says the alleged
1612 edition of the _Nouvelle France_ is spurious. All of the foregoing
letters by Biard, cited by Harrisse, are given in Volumes I. and II. of
the present series.
See other references in Brown's _Genesis of the United States_
(Boston, 1890), vol. ii., p. 707; Leclerc, no. 2482; Sabin, vol. ii.,
no. 5136; Ternaux, no. 380; Lenox, p. 4; Winsor, p. 300; Brown, vol.
ii., no. 178; and the Barlow (no. 251) and Murphy (no. 244) sale
catalogues. Leclerc describes the Lenox copy; most of the others, the
O'Callaghan facsimile reprint.
_Title-page._ Photographic facsimile, from original in Bibliothèque
Nationale, Paris.
_Collation of Lenox copy._ Title, 1 p.; blank, reverse of title, 1 p.;
dedication "Av Roy," 3 unnumbered pp.; Avant-Propos, 7 unnumbered pp.;
text, pp. 1-338. Table, 34 unnumbered pp.; privilege, 1 p.
_Peculiarities._ Only the pages of the text are numbered; p. 191 is,
from typographical error, wrongly numbered 181. The numbering of the
chapters is erratic. From i. to x. they are correctly numbered, but
thereafter the variations are as follows:
CHAP. CHAP.
xi., incorrectly numbered xii.
xii., " " xiii.
xiii., " " xiv.
xiv., " " xv.
xv., " " xvi.
xvi., " " xvii.
xvii., " " xviii.
xviii., " " xxi.
xix., " " xx.
xx., " " xxi.
xxi., " " xxiii.
xxii., " " xxiv.
xxiii., " " xxv.
xxiv., " " xxvi.
xxv., " " xxvii.
xxvi., " " xxviii.
xxvii., " " xxix.
xxviii., " " xxx.
xxix., " " xxxii.
xxx., " " xxxi.
xxxi., " " xxxii.
xxxii., correctly " xxxii.
xxxiii., incorrectly " xxxiv.
xxxiv., " " xxxv.
xxxv., " " xxxvi.
xxxvi., " " xxxvii.
xxxvii., " " xxxviii.
The editor of the Quebec reprint overcame the difficulty without
explanation, by correcting the enumeration throughout. O'Callaghan,
without comment, corrects numbering of p. 191, in his facsimile, but
follows original in numbering the chapters.
Owing to the length of this document, we give only the first
twenty-five chapters thereof, in the present volume; the others will
appear in Volume IV.
NOTES TO VOL. III
(_Figures in parentheses, following number of note, refer to pages of
English text._)
1 (p. 39).--See vol. ii., _note_ 72.
2 (p. 39).--_Ocean of Guienne_: one of many names applied to the
Atlantic Ocean. The Catalan Mappemonde (1375) names it Mare Ochceanum;
Fra Mauro's "World" (1439), Oceanus Athlanticus; Ptolemy's map (ed.
1482), Oceanus Occidentalis; Hondius's (1595), Mar del Nort. Cf. H. H.
Bancroft's _Central America_, vol. i., p. 373.
3 (p. 39).--Ferland says (_Cours d'Histoire_, vol. i., pp. 11-13) of
Aubert that in 1508 "he visited the Gulf of St. Lawrence; if we may
believe the Dieppe chronicles, he ascended the river eighty leagues
above its mouth, and brought to France a Canadian savage."--Cf. vol.
i., _note_ 7. He also cites these Dieppe historians as declaring that
Verrazano was commander of one of the two ships with which Aubert made
the above voyage. The ship commanded by Aubert himself was named "La
Pensée," and belonged, according to the "Gran Capitano" (_Ramusio_,
iii., 359), to "Jean Ango, father of Captain Ango, and viscount of
Dieppe."
4 (p. 39).--Denys is said by many writers to have made a chart of the
St. Lawrence; but this is now seriously questioned. Dexter (in Winsor's
_N. and C. Hist._, vol. iv., p. 4) says: "What now passes for such a
chart is clearly of later origin." Harrisse says (_Jean et Sébastien
Cabot_, pp. 250, 251) that it could not be found at Paris; and that
the chart in the Library of Parliament at Ottawa, purporting to be a
copy of Denys's, is "utterly apocryphal;" he also states (_Discov.
N. Amer._, p. 181), that researches in the archives of Honfleur have
proved fruitless for any information as to the expedition of Denys.
Some information concerning his family is given by Bréard, cited by
Dionne (_Nouv. France_, p. 107, _note_ 3).
5 (p. 41).--Giovanni da Verrazano: probably born at Florence, Italy,
soon after 1480. He was apparently a corsair in French employ, by the
year 1521, harassing the commerce of Spain with the New World; while
thus engaged, he assumed the name of Juan Florin, or Florentin. Under
commission from Francis I. of France, he made a voyage during the first
half of the year 1524 (not 1523), "to discover a western passage to
Cathay." In the "Dauphine," with a crew of fifty men, he explored the
Atlantic coast from about 27° to 43° north latitude (that is, from
Florida to Maine); then sailed to "the country already discovered by
the Bretons," thence returning to France. His letter to the court,
announcing his safe arrival at Dieppe, was published by Ramusio, in
vol. iii. of his _Raccolta_ (1556). A translation of this letter (with
a note by Edwin D. Mead, the editor), is given in _Old South Leaflets_,
general series, no. 17. Little is known of Verrazano's subsequent
history; but it is generally supposed that he was hanged as a pirate,
at Cadiz, Spain, in November, 1527.--See Dexter, in Winsor's _N. and
C. Hist._, vol. iv., pp. 5-9; and Margry's _Navig. Fr._ pp. 194-196,
205-218. H. C. Murphy (_Voyages of Verrazano_, N. Y., 1875), and
others, have doubted whether Verrazano ever made this voyage; Harrisse
gives an exhaustive discussion of the whole matter in his _Discov. N.
Amer._, pp. 214-228, as does Winsor, in _N. and C. Hist._, vol. iv.,
pp. 16-27. The discoveries of Verrazano are shown on a mappa-mundi,
made in 1529 by his brother Hieronimo; this is fully described by
Winsor, in above citation.
6 (p. 41).--See vol. ii., _note_ 48.
7 (p. 41).--This chart is probably the one mentioned by Biard in doc.
x.; see vol. ii., _note_ 12.
8 (p. 41).--On Norembega, see vol. i., _note_ 11.--Cf. Dionne's
_Nouv. France_, pp. 257-263. Biard himself uses this term (_post_) to
designate the region wherein lay St. Sauveur.
The name Acadia (see vol. i., _note_ 2) was in general use up to the
downfall of the French régime (1763).
9 (p. 41).--The first of these attempts at colonization was inspired
by the explorations of Jacques Cartier (who, according to Harrisse,
was born at St. Malo, December 31, 1494; died September 1, 1557).
Having obtained letters patent from Francis I., he sailed to Canada in
April, 1534, with two ships, and explored the coasts of Newfoundland,
Labrador, and the Gulf of St. Lawrence, but did not enter the
great river. On his second voyage, however (1535), he explored the
St. Lawrence, Saguenay, and St. Charles, and ascended as far as
Hochelaga, on the island of Montreal. Building a fort near Quebec,
he spent the winter there, losing many of his men through sickness,
and returned to France in July, 1536. A list of the ship's company
on this voyage, taken from an old register of St. Malo, is given by
Ramé in his _Documents Inédits sur Jacques Cartier_ (Paris, 1865),
pp. 10-12. Cartier's third voyage was made in 1541, as master-pilot
of an expedition undertaken by Jean François de la Roque, Sieur de
Roberval (a town near Boulogne), whom the king had appointed lieutenant
and governor of Canada. (For the latter's commission, with other
documents concerning him, see Harrisse's _Notes_, pp. 243-247.) Cartier
sailed several months earlier than his patron, whose preparations were
not completed; again ascended the St. Lawrence, and again spent the
winter in that region,--this time about four leagues above Quebec.
Meanwhile, Roberval carried from France some 200 persons, including a
few adventurous gentlemen, but largely recruited from the condemned
criminals of Paris, Toulouse, and other cities, both men and women.
According to Gosselin (cited by Dionne, _Nouv. France_, p. 25, _note_
3), there were among them, also, fifty from St. Malo, convicted of
heresy and lèse-majesté. With this motley throng, he established a
residence at Cartier's abandoned fort, below Quebec, and spent the
ensuing winter there, many of the people dying from famine and scurvy.
It is uncertain whether Cartier was with him during any part of this
sojourn; but the former seems to have returned to France in 1542; some
writers claim that this action resulted from a quarrel between him
and Roberval. In 1543, however, Cartier went, by command of the king,
to rescue Roberval and what remained of his unfortunate colony.--See
Harrisse's _Notes_, pp. 1-5, 11, 12; Faillon's _Col. Fr._, vol. i., pp.
38-55, 496-523; Winsor's _N. and C. Hist._, vol. iv., pp. 56-59; and
Dionne's _Nouv. France_, pp. 9-54.
The next enterprise of this sort was attempted in 1598, by a nobleman,
Troïlus de Mesgouez, marquis de la Roche, etc.; governor of Morlaix
from 1568 to 1586, afterwards of St. Lô. Lescarbot gives, in his
_Nouv. France_ (1612), pp. 422-429, La Roche's commission from Henry
IV. Gathering from the prisons a shipload of convicts, as material
for a colony, and landing them temporarily on Sable Island (see
vol. ii., _note_ 20), he was driven thence by a storm, and forced
to return to France. Broken by misfortunes, he died in 1606.--See
Faillon's _Col. Fr._, vol. i., pp. 66-71; Dionne's _Nouv. France_, pp.
151-189, 299-310; and Harrisse's _Notes_, pp. 12-14. Ferland (_Cours
d'Histoire_, vol. i., pp. 60, 61) argues that La Roche's voyage was
made in 1578, or soon afterward.
No other colonial enterprises seem to have been actually undertaken
until those of Champlain.
10 (p. 47).--Now Cornouaille; a district, then a part of Lower
Brittany; also the name of a port near Quimper.
11 (p. 47).--Now Fuenterrabia, in the province of Guipuzcoa, Spain,
close to the French boundary-line; noted for its strong fortress (until
1494), and for Wellington's passage here of the Bidassoa (1813).
12 (p. 57).--Sir Francis Drake, one of England's most renowned
navigators and explorers; named "the Dragon" (by a play upon his
name), in Spanish annals of the time, on account of his fiery and
merciless attacks upon the commerce and colonies of Spain. He was a
native of Devonshire, England, probably born about 1540; and became
a sailor in his boyhood. After several voyages to foreign lands, he
commanded one of Sir John Hawkins's ships (the "Judith"), on a voyage
to the West Indies, in 1567-68; and from this time until his death was
actively engaged in navigation, in war, or in the public service. His
most famous voyage is that around the world (December, 1577-September,
1580), in which he discovered (March-July, 1579), the coasts of
California and Oregon, of which he took possession in the name of
England--a claim never advanced, however, by the English crown. To this
country he gave the name of New Albion, which for some time was applied
by cartographers to the present Oregon; it is shown on Lady Virginia
Ferrer's map (London, 1651). Another notable voyage was that to America
(September, 1585-July, 1586), in which Drake, under royal commission,
ravaged the Spanish main, taking many towns and much treasure. While on
a voyage with Hawkins, he died (January 28, 1596), and was buried at
sea.
The reference in the text is to a passage in the narration of Francis
Fletcher, Drake's chaplain, _The World Encompassed by Sir Francis
Drake_ (London, 1628): "_June_ 3, we came into 42 deg. of North
latitude, where in the night following we found such alteration of
heate, into extreame and nipping cold, that our men in generall did
grieuously complaine thereof, some of them feeling their healths much
impaired thereby; ... the next day ... the very roapes of our ship
were stiffe, and the raine which fell was an vnnatural congealed and
frozen substance.... In 38 deg. 30 min. we fell with a conuenient
and fit harborough, and _June_ 17 came to anchor therein, where we
continued till the 23 day of July following. During all which time,
notwithstanding it was in the height of summer, and so neere the sunne,
yet were wee continually visited with like nipping colds as we had felt
before." This was the experience of the English (according to Fletcher,
though his veracity is questioned by some writers), while sailing along
the western coast of North America, from the region of Cape Blanco to
Cape Mendocino.--See Hakluyt Society reprint of _The World Encompassed_
(London, 1854), pp. 113-118. Cf. H. H. Bancroft's _History of the
Northwest Coast_ (San Francisco, 1886), vol. i., pp. 139-145.
Drake's aim in this voyage was to find a northern passage from the
Pacific to the Atlantic. Such a passage was supposed to exist, and was
termed "the Straits of Anian;" Cortereal having found, as he imagined,
its eastern end in Hudson's Straits. This supposed passage across
the continent is shown on Zaltieri's map (1566), Mercator's (1569),
Porcacchi's (1572), Furlano's (1574), and others. For various theories
as to the origin of the name Anian, see Bancroft, _ut supra_, vol. i.,
pp. 53-56.
13 (p. 57).--On some early charts was shown an imaginary lake,
Conibas,--its waters flowing through a river or strait into the great
Northern sea, as in the Wytfleit-Ptolemy map (1597); or into the
mythical "Straits of Anian," as in Judæis's map (1593), and Löw's
(1598). On Wytfleit's map is shown, within the lake, an island and town
of the same name. See Bancroft's _N. W. Coast_, vol. i., pp. 84-85: and
Winsor's _N. and C. Hist._ vol. ii., p. 457. Bancroft thinks that the
notion of the lake was "probably owing to Canadian aboriginal rumors,"
doubtless of Hudson Bay.
14 (p. 67).--The white cedar (a name commonly given to the arbor-vitæ,
_Thuya occidentalis_) is found in abundance along the Atlantic slope.
The red cedar (_Juniperus Virginiana_) is abundant from Canada to the
Gulf of Mexico; its odor is offensive to most insects. It is probably
the tree thus referred to by Sagard (_Canada_, p. 783): "In the forests
[of the Huron country] are seen abundance of cedars; the odor of this
tree is disliked by serpents, and on this account its branches are used
by the savages for their beds, when on their journeys."
15 (p. 69).--Champlain's statement, here referred to, is in his
_Voyages_ (Prince Soc.), vol. ii., p. 16: "From Long Island passage we
sailed north-east two leagues, when we found a cove where vessels can
anchor with safety [Little River, on Digby Neck, St. Mary's Bay].... In
this place there is a very good silver mine, according to the report
of the miner, Master Simon, who accompanied me." He adds: "Quarter
of a league from here [the place now known as Sandy Cove] there is a
good harbor for vessels, where we found an iron mine, which our miner
estimated would yield fifty per cent. Advancing three leagues farther
on, to the north-east [probably near Rossway], we saw another very good
iron mine, near which is a river surrounded by beautiful meadows. The
neighboring soil is red as blood."
Nova Scotia is rich in minerals of many kinds, and is one of the chief
mining districts of the Dominion. Murdoch says (_Nova Scotia_, p. 3):
"The discovery of gold, along the whole Atlantic shore of the peninsula
of Nova Scotia, has taken place chiefly since I began this work in
1860; and it now gives steady remunerative employment to about 800 or
1,000 laborers, with every expectation of its expansion." In 1895,
there were in this province 37 mines, yielding 22,112 ounces of gold.
It is estimated that gold may be found in an area of from 5,000 to
7,000 square miles; but less than forty square miles have as yet been
worked. The industry supports 3,000 to 4,000 persons. From 1862 to
1895, the total yield was 602,268 ounces, the average value of the ores
during that time being $14.50 a ton.
Copper is mined to some extent. Gesner says, in _Industrial Resources
of Nova Scotia_ (Halifax, 1849), p. 289: "Thin seams of copper ore
are seen in the red sandstones of Minudie. At Tatmagouche, Carriboo,
and the rivers of Pictou, small deposits of the sulphuret and green
carbonate of copper have been found among the strata of the coal
series." An interesting statement on this subject is made in a "Memoir
upon Acadia," written in 1735, by one Duvivier, a descendant of Charles
de la Tour, and cited by Murdoch (_Nova Scotia_, vol. i., pp. 508-511):
"In the seigneurie of Mines, which is six leagues square (and belongs
to the family [of La Tour's descendants] with donations of mines,
etc.), a lead mine, a considerable silver mine, an especial mine of
red copper of a color like gold, and one of another metal, the value
of which is not known to the Sr. Duvivier or anybody.... The English
having obtained likewise the knowledge of a copper mine resembling
gold, at a place called Beaubassin, joining to Mines, have sent thirty
miners there, with an officer, according to the report of one Fougère.
They have formed a company for this undertaking, in which the Governor,
Lieutenant du Roi, and Major are secretly interested, to establish
there a so-called copper work."
Gesner says (_ut supra_, p. 264): "Narrow veins of galena occur in the
limestones of the Shubenacadie, Stewiacke, and Brookfield, and the ore
sometimes contains a small percentage of silver. No profitable veins
have so far been discovered."
The coal fields of Nova Scotia (including those of Cape Breton), cover
about 635 square miles, and are of great richness, the veins being 30
to 70 feet deep. It has been estimated that they contain 7,000,000,000
tons of coal. The present annual output is about 2,400,000 tons.
The _Statistical Year-Book_ for 1893 (p. 361) cites Sir William
Fairbairn as saying: "In Nova Scotia some of the richest ores yet
discovered occur in boundless abundance. The iron manufactured from
them is of the very best quality, and is equal to the finest Swedish
material." The ores are found through almost the entire length of the
province. The product of Nova Scotia for 1895 was 79,636 tons. Gesner
(_ut supra_, p. 255) says: "The most common variety of iron ore in the
oldest fossiliferous strata is brown hematite. At Clements, in the
county of Annapolis, and three miles from the mouth of Moose river,
it outcrops, and may be traced a mile on the surface, with an average
thickness of 9 feet 6 inches. It yields from 33 to 40 per cent. of cast
metal, and the quality of the iron is very superior."
Granite, sandstone, limestone, marble, gypsum, salt, and other valuable
materials, are found in great abundance and of excellent quality. For
an account of these and other mineral products, see Gesner, already
cited; also _Statistical Year-Book_, _Report of Minister of Mines_, and
other Government publications.
16 (p. 71).--_Betsabes_: written also Bessabes (Champlain); the
"sagamore of Kadesquit" (Biard); identical with the "Bashaba" of
Gorges. The most powerful sachem in New England, ruling over many
inferior sagamores in the country called Moasham (Gorges), or Mawooshen
(Hakluyt), corresponding to the southern part of Maine and New
Hampshire; Poor (in "Vindication of Gorges," _Popham Memorial_, p. 50)
thinks his authority extended to Narragansett Bay. His residence is
supposed to have been at Pemaquid, or the semi-mythical Arâmbec (see
vol. i., _note_ 11). Gorges says he was "killed by the Tarentines;"
Lescarbot, in _Nouv. France_, p. 561, avers that he was slain by the
English.--See Godfrey's "Bashaba and the Tarratines," _Maine Hist.
Colls._, vol. vii., pp. 93-102.
_Asticou_: Lescarbot calls this chief "sober, valiant, and feared, who
could at a moment's notice, gather a thousand Savages." He says that,
after the death of Bessabes, Asticou was successor to the former's
authority.--_Nouv. France_, p. 561. Champlain says (Laverdière's ed.,
p. 862) that the basin of the Falls of Chaudière, on the Ottawa River,
was called by the natives _Asticou_, meaning "a boiling kettle."
Maurault (_Hist. Abenakis_, p. 95, _note_ 2) says that _asticou_ is
an Algonkin word, meaning "caribou." He adds (p. 111), that the chief
of that name was probably an Algonkin who had migrated to the Abenaki
country. A post office on Mt. Desert Island is called Asticou.
17 (p. 79).--Caribou: the American woodland reindeer (_Cervus
tarandus_, or _Rangifer caribou_), inhabiting the northern regions as
far as the timber line. Specimens are still found in Nova Scotia and
New Brunswick; it is smaller than the moose or elk. Sagard (_Canada_,
p. 750) calls it "caribou, or wild ass."
18 (p. 83).--_Ponamo_: Shea (_Charlevoix_, vol. vi., p. 124) translates
this "dogfish," and cites J. H. Trumbull as authority for the statement
that the _ponamo_ is the "tom cod" (_Morrhua pruinosa_),--the
_apounanmesou_ of Rale, and the _paponaumsu_ of Roger Williams.
19 (p. 109).--See Garneau's statement, in _History of Canada_ (Bell's
ed., Montreal, 1866), vol. i., p. 132: "As soon as the young attained
nubile years, they were allowed all freedom,--'thought no harm of
it,' to use the words of Lescarbot. From this early and unrestrained
frequentation, we may deduce one cause of the limited fecundity of
the native women; as well as from their practice of suckling their
children for several years." Cf. Sagard's _Canada_, p. 324; in the same
place (and on p. 342), he also describes the easy accouchements of the
women.
20 (p. 119).--See vol. ii., _note_ 23.
21 (p. 131).--The sagamore of St. John's river; called Secondon by
Champlain; accompanied Poutrincourt on his expedition to Chouacoët,
and (according to Lescarbot, who calls him Chkoudun) offered to
oppose, single-handed, a hostile band of natives who attacked the
French.--_Nouv. France_, p. 575.
22 (p. 133).--Cartier gives the native Canadian word for "sun" as
_Ysnay_ or _Isnez_.--Tross ed. of _Discovrs dv Voyage par Iaques
Cartier_ (Paris, 1865), vol. i., pp. 13, 69. Lescarbot says it was
_achtek_.--_Nouv. France_, p. 691.
23 (p. 145).--Joseph de Acosta, born 1540, at Medina del Campo, near
Valladolid, Spain, entered the Jesuit order in his fourteenth year, and
devoted himself to the study of sacred and classical literature. In
1570, he sailed to the New World, with other Jesuit brethren, spending
thirteen years in Peru, and nearly four in Mexico, in missionary and
literary labors. In Peru, he resided partly at Lima, and partly at
Juli, near Lake Titicaca, then the principal seat of the Jesuits,
where a college was established, the native language studied, and a
printing-press erected; here was printed, in 1611, Bertonio's Aymara
dictionary. Acosta returned to Spain in 1587, and soon began the
publication of his manuscripts. The most important of these is the
_Historia natural y moral de las Indias_ (Seville, 1590); two books
of which were earlier published in Latin (Salamanca, 1588). This is
considered by modern historians a valuable and authoritative account
of the New World and of the Mexican and Peruvian nations. It was
translated into Dutch, by Van Linschoten (Enckhuysen, 1598); into
French, by Regnauld (Paris, 1597); into German, by De Bry (Frankfort,
1601); and into English, by Grimston (London, 1604).
Acosta was head of the Jesuits' college at Valladolid, and, later,
of that at Salamanca, where he died February 15, 1600. His brother
Bernardo also became a Jesuit; was a resident of the City of Mexico in
1586, dying there May 29, 1613. For a fuller account of the former's
life and works, see Introduction to Hakluyt Society's translation of
his _Historia natural y moral_ (London, 1880).
24 (p. 149).--_Angelic Salutation_: the salutation, "Ave Maria, gratia
plena, Dominus tecum," with which the archangel greeted the Virgin when
he announced to her that she was to become the mother of Christ.--See
Lee's _Glossary of Liturg. and Eccl. Terms_.
25 (p. 151).--The apparent omission of chap. xi., arising from a
typographical error, is explained in the "Bibliographical Data,"
_ante_. The _Factum_ alluded to was a controversial pamphlet "written
and published against the Jesuits." The only copy known to us is in
the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris. It was reprinted in 1887, with
an introduction by G. Marcel, under the title, _Factum du procés
entre Jean de Biencourt et les Pères Biard et Massé, Jésuites_: pp.
xix-91. The publication was anonymous, but its authorship has been
ascribed by many to Lescarbot. The succeeding six chapters of the
present _Relation_ are devoted by Biard to answering the _Factum_.--See
Rochemonteix's _Jésuites_, vol. i., pp. 81-82.
26 (p. 161).--See vol. ii., _notes_ 42, 59.
27 (p. 161).--See vol. i., _note_ 2.
28 (p. 165).--See vol. i., _note_ 25.
29 (p. 165).--See vol. i., _notes_ 31, 37.
30 (p. 169).--See vol. i., _notes_ 35, 36.
31 (p. 173).--In the Edict of Nantes, the Huguenots are referred to as
followers of _la religion prétendue réformée_. Upon the significance of
this term, see _Atlantic Monthly_, vol. lxxvi., p. 414.
32 (p. 173).--The consistory was a council or assembly composed of the
ministers and elders of the Reformed churches.
33 (p. 177).--The _Contract d'association des Jésuites au Trafique du
Canada_, entered into before a notary of Dieppe, January 20, 1611 (see
vol. i., _note_ 31). It is given in Lescarbot's _Nouv. France_ (1618),
p. 665; and has been reprinted by Tross (on vellum, 12 copies only,
of which the Lenox and Brown libraries have each one). This contract
occasioned much hostile comment against the Jesuits, whom their enemies
accused of profiting by the Canadian trade.--See Champlain's _Voyages_
(1632), p. 101; Faillon's _Col. Fr._, vol. i., p. 104; Harrisse's
_Notes_, pp. 35-36; and Biard's _Relation_, _post_, chap. xix.
34 (p. 181).--This is now Kara Strait, between Nova Zembla and Siberia,
connecting the Kara and Archangel Seas; and the large island at its
eastern end is named Waigatz. Jenkenson's map (London, 1562), shows the
island as _Vaigatz_; Sanson's (1674), _Destroit du Vaigatz_; Schenck's
(1720, _ca._) _Fret. Weygatz al. Nassovicum_. Both the strait and the
island were discovered in 1594, by an expedition sent out by Count
Maurice of Nassau.
35 (p. 181).--By an oversight, Biard here says that they arrived June
22, instead of May 22 (as in his former letters). Whitsunday (on which
was celebrated the festival of Pentecost) fell on May 22, in 1611. A
similar discrepancy occurs on pp. 235-237, _post_, where Biard says
that Poutrincourt's ship left Dieppe on December 31, 1611, and arrived
at Port Royal January 23, 1612, after a voyage of two months. The
latter date is correct; so the departure from France was probably in
November, not December.
36 (p. 199).--Probably Head Harbor, near the N.E. point of Campobello
Island.
37 (p. 201).--See vol. ii., _note_ 80.
38 (p. 207).--_Larvæ_ or Lemures, the spirits of the dead, believed by
the Romans to return to the upper world, wandering about at night as
spectres, and tormenting the living.
39 (p. 209).--See vol. i., _note_ 9.
40 (p. 215).--The beds used in the Carthusian monasteries seem to
have been simply pallets of straw covered by skins; but the bed here
mentioned, as one into which a man could be shut, is evidently of the
kind still used by the peasants of Brittany--built into the wall, and
closed by sliding doors, to keep out dampness.
41 (p. 221).--See vol. ii., _notes_ 2, 5.
42 (p. 233).--Madame de Guercheville (see vol. i., note 33) married
(February, 1594), as her second husband, Charles du Plessis, seigneur
de Liancourt; but she would not use his name, because it had been borne
by Gabrielle d'Estrées, a favorite of the king.
43 (p. 235).--Robert du Thet (see _Relation_ of 1613-14, vol. ii., p.
233).
44 (p. 239).--See vol. ii., _note_ 45.
45 (p. 249).--Now called Gaspé, and sometimes Gaspesia; the peninsula
occupying the southeastern extremity of the province of Quebec,
extending from the St. Lawrence to the Bay of Chaleurs and Restigouche
River. Cartier, on his first voyage, landed on this coast, and took
possession of the country in the name of France. From 1636 to 1685, it
was governed by Nicholas Denys, Sieur de Fronsac (for whom the strait
of Canso was named; see vol. i., _note_ 40); for an account of him,
see Murdoch's _Nova Scotia_, vol. i., pp. 124-131. For descriptive
and statistical account of this region, see Langelier's _Sketch of
Gaspesia_ (Quebec, 1884).
Laverdière (_Champlain_, p. 68, _note_ 2) cites Abbé Maurault as
deriving the name Gaspé from the Abenaqui word _Katsepioui_, "that
which is separated," referring to Cape Forillon (known to Cartier as
Honguedo)--a remarkable mountainous headland, 700 feet high, extending
into the sea between Cape Rosier and the Bay of Gaspé; it is the most
eastern point in the Shickshock Mountains (described in vol. ii.,
_note_ 40).
The Récollet, Christian Le Clercq, was a missionary in Gaspé from
1675 to 1687, and wrote an account of his work there--_Relation de la
Gaspésie_ (Paris, 1691). He is noted as the inventor of a system of
hieroglyphics, by which he taught the Micmacs to read and write, and
which those tribes still use. In 1866, a volume of catechism, hymns,
prayers, etc., was printed in these characters, by the Leopold Society
of Vienna, Austria.
46 (p. 259).--See vol. ii., _notes_ 35, 77.
47] (p. 263).--See vol. ii., _note_ 81.
48 (p. 263).--_Menauo_; probably a misprint for Menano (as it appears
_post_): is now known as Grand Manan Island, a favorite summer resort.
49 (p. 265).--See vol. i., _note_ 61.
50 (p. 275).--See vol. ii., _note_ 85.
51 (p. 279).--_Pavesade_; a sort of screen made of canvas, extended
along the side of a vessel in a naval engagement, to prevent the enemy
from seeing what is done on board.
Transcriber's Note.
Variable spelling and hyphenation have been retained. Minor punctuation
inconsistencies have been silently repaired.
Corrections.
The first line indicates the original, the second the correction.
p. 54:
ceste oppiate nous à beaucoup serui.
ceste oppiate nous a beaucoup serui.
p. 146:
Acosta à tres bien remarqué la faute
Acosta a tres bien remarqué la faute
p. 186:
vn appartenãt au au sieur de Monts,
vn appartenãt au sieur de Monts,
p. 190:
a là sollicitation instante dudit P. Biard,
à la sollicitation instante dudit P. Biard,
p. 252:
qui estoyent passeés
qui estoyent passées
p. 256:
Parce que le chemins de ce païs là sont les riuieres
Parce que les chemins de ce païs là sont les riuieres
p. 274:
bien quatre vintgs lieües
bien quatre vingts lieües
p. 276:
Aussi ne saisoyent-ils
Aussi ne faisoyent-ils
Errata.
The first line indicates the original, the second how it should read.
p. 34:
d'où ce tant inegal partage de bon, & mal heur?
d'où ce tant inegal partage de bon, & mal'heur?
p. 36:
que i'y fus enuoyé pas mes Superieurs:
que i'y fus enuoyé par mes Superieurs:
p. 144:
Aussi le maistre de toute Sapience à dit
Aussi le maistre de toute Sapience a dit
p. 178:
estãt neanmoins le contraire:
estãt neantmoins le contraire:
p. 180:
si vous ioigniez plusiears
si vous ioigniez plusieurs
p. 192:
Or ie voulut les reconduire
Or il voulut les reconduire
Mais on ne sçauroit croire les grandes difficulés
Mais on ne sçauroit croire les grandes difficultés
p. 194:
comme il appelloy[~e]t chasque chose
comme ils appelloy[~e]t chasque chose
p. 260:
L'ARRIUÉE DE LA SAUSSAYE À PORT ROYAL, & & DE LÀ, À S. SAUUEUR.
L'ARRIUÉE DE LA SAUSSAYE À PORT ROYAL, & DE LÀ, À S. SAUUEUR.