ON THE CAUSES WHICH LED THE JESUITS TO GO TO NEW FRANCE IN 1611,
AND WHAT HAD BEEN ACCOMPLISHED THERE BY THE FRENCH FROM THE YEAR
1608 UP TO THE TIME OF THEIR ARRIVAL.
WE have discoursed above upon the countries and people of New
France, and in speaking [118] of the means of aiding these Nations,
we stumbled upon the _Factum_, written and published against the
Jesuits. Now inasmuch as this slanderer and factionist (which I
shall call him hereafter), beginning with the embarkation of the
Jesuits, pursues them, dogging their footsteps in Canada through
woods and rivers, upon sea and land, day and night, in all their
travels and dwelling places,--everywhere spying them out, to
draw down upon them, covertly and treacherously, his impostures
and calumnies; for this reason we must of necessity go back upon
our route, to defend the innocent and to give a true account of
their actions and conduct, as I promised to do in the Preface.
And although on this account we shall often be obliged to go
into details about many [119] little things which are scarcely
in harmony with the gravity of a history or the dignity of an
honorable Reader; nevertheless I believe that if I give heed to
these things three great results will be derived therefrom, besides
the discrimination of truth from falsehood and imposition, which in
itself would be very profitable.
Le premier emolument, que le sage Lecteur en tirera est, que de la
practique, actions, voyages, & accidents, que nous luy specifierons
l'vn apres l'autre, il recognoistra beaucoup mieux, ce qui est de ces
terres, de leur naturel, du moy[~e] de les aider, & les accid[~e]s de
telles expeditions & entreprinses.
The first advantage that the wise Reader will derive from this, is
that from the experiences, actions, journeys, and accidents which
we shall relate to him, one after the other, he will understand
much better what these countries are, their nature, the means
of helping them, and the vicissitudes of such expeditions and
enterprises.
Le second qu'il rencontrera tãt d'euenements, & si diuers, tant de
fortunes, & incidents auec leurs moments & articles, que sa prud[~e]ce
pourra beaucoup s'y former. [120] Car en verité, c'est tout autre chose
de philosopher en these, & de practiquer en hypothese: de mouler ses
idees en chambre, & d'esclorre ses actions entre les hõmes: de faire
son compte sur la liberté du genre, & se trouuer puis apres asseruy au
lieu, temps, personnes, & mille petits incidents, mais qui estreignent
bien fort; de nul prix, mais qui souuent neantmoins font changer de
resolutiõ, & de fortune. Or c'est en l'exercice de ces particulieres
circõstãces, & practique, qu'on acquiert la prudence; non en vne veuë,
& recognoissance sommaire, & vniuerselle.
The second is that he will encounter so many and so different
events, so many fortunes and incidents with their opportunities and
details, that his discretion will be thus greatly strengthened.
[120] For in truth, it is a very different thing for a man to
philosophize in thesis, and to practice by hypothesis: to mould
his ideas in his chamber, and to give form to his deeds among men:
to count upon the liberty of the race, and then to find himself
enslaved by place, time, people, and a thousand incidents which are
trifling, but which very effectually bind him; of no value, yet
they often change his purpose and his destiny. Now it is through
experience with these particular circumstances and practices, that
prudence is acquired; not in a comprehensive and general survey and
examination.
Le tiers fruict sera de recognoistre vne vrayement paternelle, douce
& admirable prouidence de Dieu sur ceux, qui l'inuoquent, & se fient
en luy parmy les hazards, & varietés de ceste [121] vie, tels qu'on
en verra icy beaucoup. Ces trois profits, à mon aduis, pourront bien
contre-balancer la lõgueur du temps, qui s'employera en ceste lecture.
The third fruit will be in the recognition of a truly paternal,
gentle, and admirable providence of God over those who invoke it,
and trust themselves to him among the dangers and changes of this
[121] life, such as will be often seen here. These three benefits,
it seems to me, will certainly offset the tediousness of the time
which will be employed in this reading.
Mais à celle fin, que le tout s'entende mieux, il nous conuient
retourner à ceux, qu'auons ja dés si long temps laissés: sçauoir est,
aux François, qui retournerent de Canada en leur pays, l'an 1607.
But to the end that all may be better understood, it is well for us
to return to those whom we have left for so long a time, namely, to
the French, who returned to their own country from Canada, in 1607.
Il vous a esté raconté, comme sur la fin de ladicte année 1607. tout
le train du sieur de Monts s'en reuint en France, & fut lors ceste
nouuelle France entierem[~e]t abandonnée des François. Neantmoins
l'an suiuant 1608. le sieur de Monts constitua son Lieutenãt le sieur
Champlain, & le manda descouurir au long de la grande riuiere S.
Laurens; Champlain y fit vaillamment, & fonda l'habitation de Kebec.
Mais quant aux [122] faicts, voyages, & descouuertures dudit Champlain,
il n'est ja besoin, que ie les vous crayonne, puis que luy mesme les a
si bien, & si au long depeint en ses liures.
You have been told how, towards the end of the year 1607, sieur
de Monts's entire company returned to France, and this new France
was then entirely deserted by our countrymen. However, in the
following year, 1608, sieur de Monts chose as his Lieutenant sieur
de Champlain, and sent him on a tour of discovery along the great
St. Lawrence river; Champlain did admirably there, establishing the
settlement of Kebec.[26] But as to the [122] deeds, journeys, and
discoveries of the said Champlain, there is no need of my outlining
them to you, as he himself has given such long and excellent
descriptions of them in his books.
Or le sieur Iean de Biencourt, appellé de Potrincourt auant que le
sieur de Monts partist de la nouuelle France, luy demanda en don Port
Royal. Le sieur de Monts le luy accorda, moyennant, que dans les deux
ans prochains ledit de Potrincourt s'y transportast auec plusieurs
autres familles pour le cultiuer, & habiter ainsi qu'il promettoit de
faire. Doncques l'an 1607. tous les François estants reuenus (ainsi
qu'a esté dict,) le sieur de Potrincourt presenta à feu d'immortelle
memoire Henry le Grand la donnation à luy faicte par le sieur de Monts,
requerant humblem[~e]t sa Majesté de la ratifier. Le Roy [123] eust
pour agreable ladicte Requeste, & proiettant en soy de puissamment
remettre sus ceste Françoise peuplade, dit au P. Coton, qu'il vouloit
se seruir de leur Compagnie en la conuersion des Sauuages. Qu'il en
escriuit au P. General: & qu'on designast aucuns, qui se disposassent
à ces voyages. Qu'il les appelleroit au premier temps; promettant dés
lors deux mille liures pour leur entretien.
Now sieur Jean de Biencourt, called de Potrincourt, before sieur
de Monts left new France, asked from him the gift of Port Royal.
Sieur de Monts granted it to him, stipulating that within the two
succeeding years sieur de Potrincourt should go there with several
other families to cultivate and inhabit it, which he promised to
do. Now in 1607, all the French having returned (as has been said),
sieur de Potrincourt presented to the late Henry the Great, of
immortal memory, the deed of gift made to him by sieur de Monts,
humbly requesting his Majesty to ratify it.[27] The King [123]
favored the Request, and, contriving some way by which he could
give effective aid to this French colony, told Father Coton that
he would like to make use of his Society for the conversion of
the Savages; that he should write to the Father-General about it;
and that they should designate some persons who should prepare to
undertake these voyages; that he would summon them at the first
opportunity; promising henceforward two thousand livres for their
support.
Le Pere Coton obeït à sa Majesté, & bien tost par tous les Colleges
de la France fut entendu, qu'on en deuoit choisir quelques vns pour
ceste mission. Plusieurs se presenterent pour estre de la partie,
comme est la coustume en telles expeditions beaucoup penibles, & peu
honorables; & entre autres se presenta le P. Pierre Biard, enseignant
[124] pour lors la Theologie à Lyon, Dieu voulust que ledit Pere fut
choisi, & enuoyé à Bourdeaux sur la fin de l'an 1608. Parce qu'on
pensoit à Lyon, que le project d'vn Prince tant efficace, ayant esté
signifié dés tant de mois, l'execution n'en pouuoit estre que bien
proche. Mais le P. Biard fut autant deceu du lieu, que du temps. Car à
Bourdeaux on fut estonné, quand on ouyt ce pourquoy il y venoit. Nulle
nouuelle d'embarquement pour Canada, ouy bien du debris, & desroute
passée, de laquelle chacun philosophoit à sa façon. Nul apprest, nul
bruit ou nouuelle.
Father Coton obeyed his Majesty, and soon through all the colleges
of France it was understood that persons were to be chosen for this
mission. Many offered themselves to take part in the work, as is
usual in such expeditions, in which there is a great deal of work
and very little honor; and among others who presented themselves
was Father Pierre Biard, then teaching [124] Theology at Lyons; God
willed that the said Father should be chosen and sent to Bourdeaux
towards the end of the year 1608. For they thought at Lyons that
the project of so powerful a Prince, having been known so many
months before, could not be otherwise than speedily executed. But
Father Biard was as much deceived in regard to the place, as the
time. For at Bourdeaux they were very much surprised when they
heard why he had come there. There was no news of any embarkation
for Canada, but there was of the former wreck and ruin, upon which
each one philosophized in his own fashion. No preparation, no
reports or tidings.
Sur la fin de l'an suiuant 1609. Le sieur de Potrincourt vint à Paris,
où sa Majesté ayant sceu, que contre son opinion ledit sieur n'auoit
bougé de France (car le Roy le croyoit auoir passé la mer aussi [125]
tost apres auoir obtenu la confirmation de Port Royal.) Il se fascha
cõtre luy. Dequoy ledit sieur fort touché, respondit, que puis que
sa Majesté auoit cest affaire tant à coeur deslors il prenoit congé
d'elle, & que de ce pas il s'en alloit mettre ordre à s'equipper pour
son voyage. Or le P. Coton, qui estoit en peine pour le Pere Biard, &
pour la grande semonce, qu'il auoit faict au nom du Roy, ayant sceu
le congé prins du sieur de Potrincourt, l'alla trouuer, & luy offrit
compagnie d'aucuns de son Ordre. Il receut response que mieux seroit
d'attendre l'an suiuant; qu'aussi tost estãt arriué à Port Royal
il renuoyeroit son fils en France; & qu'auec iceluy toutes choses
estant mieux disposées, ceux-là viendroy[~e]t, qu'il plairoit au Roy
d'enuoyer. Sur ce il partit de Paris, & consuma tout [126] l'Hyuer à se
preparer.
Towards the end of the year 1609, sieur de Potrincourt came to
Paris, where his Majesty, having learned that, contrary to his
belief, the said sieur had not stirred from France, (for the King
supposed that he had crossed the sea immediately [125] after having
obtained confirmation of the Port Royal grant), was angry with him.
Whereupon the said sieur, very much aggrieved, answered that, since
his Majesty had this affair so much at heart, he would take leave
of him at once, to go directly and look after the equipment for his
voyage. Now Father Coton, who was troubled about Father Biard, and
about the great invitation he had given him in the King's name,
having heard of the farewell of sieur de Potrincourt, went to see
him and offered him the company of some of his Order. He received
the answer that it would be better to wait until the following
year; that as soon as he arrived at Port Royal he would send his
son back to France, and that with him, all things being better
arranged, such persons should come as it might please the King to
send. Thereupon he left Paris, and consumed the entire [126] Winter
in making preparations.
L'an suiuant 1610. il s'embarqua sur la fin de Feurier, & n'arriua
que bien tard à Port Royal, sçauoir est sur le commencement de Iuin,
où ayant assemblé le plus de Sauuages qu'il peut, il en fit baptiser
enuiron 24. ou 25. le iour de la sainct Iean, par vn Prestre appellé
Messire Iossé Flesche, surnommé le Patriarche. Peu apres, il renuoya
en France le sieur de Biencourt son fils, aagé d'enuiron 19. ans, pour
apporter ces nouuelles du baptesme des Sauuages; & rapporter bien tost
secours: car on estoit assez mal pourueu, pour passer l'Hyuer contre la
faim.
The following year, 1610, he embarked towards the end of February,
but arrived very late at Port Royal, to wit, about the beginning of
June: here, having assembled as many Savages as he could, he had
about 24 or 25 of them baptized on saint John's day, by a Priest
named Messire Jossé Flesche,[28] surnamed "the Patriarch." A little
while afterwards, he sent back to France sieur de Biencourt, his
son, about nineteen years old, to take this news of the baptism of
the Savages, and to speedily bring back relief: for they were very
poorly provided against hunger for the coming Winter.
Le moyen de pouuoir trouuer secours estoit vne association, qu'il auoit
contractée auec le S^{r}. Thomas Robin, dit de Coloignes, fils de
famille, & en puissance de pere; par laquelle association il conuenoit
[127] entre eux, que ledict de Coloignes fourniroit l'habitation de
Port Royal durant cinq ans, de toutes choses necessaires, & sonseroit
abondamment pour pouuoir trocquer auec les Sauuages; & que moyennant
ce, il auroit les emoluments, qu'il seroit icy trop ennuyeux de
raconter.
He was able to find assistance through an association which he had
formed with S^{r}. Thomas Robin, called de Coloignes,[29] belonging
to a good family, and under the authority of his father; through
this association it was [127] agreed that the said de Coloignes
should provide the settlement of Port Royal for five years, with
all necessary things, and that he should furnish abundant means
for traffic with the Savages; and in return for this he would have
emoluments which it would be too tedious here to enumerate.
Lesdicts de Coloignes, & Biencourt arriuerent à Paris le moys d'Aoust
suiuãt, & par eux on sceut en Court ces Baptesmes, & nouuelles
conuersiõs que nous auons dit. Tous en furent bien-aises; mais le mal
fut, que ceste feste ne se trouua pas estre celle des estreines.
De Coloignes and Biencourt arrived at Paris the following August,
and through them the Court learned of these Baptisms, and new
conversions which we have mentioned. All were very much pleased
about it, but unfortunately this holiday was not the one of gifts.
Or Madame la Marquise de Guercheuille, comme entre ses autres rares &
singulieres vertus, elle est ardamment zelée à la gloire de Dieu, &
conuersion des ames: voyant vne si belle occasion, [128] demanda au
Pere Coton si à celle foys aucuns de leur compagnie ne s'en iroyent
point à la nouuelle France. Le Pere Coton respondit, qu'il s'estonnoit
fort du sieur de Potrincourt, qui luy auoit promis, que renuoyant
son fils il appelleroit ceux de son ordre, qui auoyent esté destinés
par le Roy; & ce nonobstant il ne faisoit aucune mention d'eux, ny
par ses lettres, ny par ses commissions. Madame la Marquise voulut
sçauoir comm'alloit tout cet affaire, & s'en enquit du sieur Robin:
qui respondit, que toute la charge de l'embarquement luy auoit esté
baillée, mais qu'il n'auoit point de commission particuliere pour les
Iesuites; neantmoins qu'il sçauoit assez, que le sieur de Potrincourt
se sentiroit fort honoré de les auoir aupres de soy, que pour leur
entretenement luy [129] mesme s'en chargeroit, comme il faisoit aussi
du reste de toute la despense: vous n'en serés point chargé respõdit
madame la Marquise, parce que le Roy les defraye. Et auec tel propos
enuoya ledit de Coloignes au P. Christofle Baltasar Prouincial.
Lequel sur ces promesses manda au P. Pierre Biard, (qui lors estoit
à Poictiers,) de venir à Paris, & luy fut donné pour compagnon le P.
Enemond Massé, Lyonnois. Eux deux ainsi destinés à ce voyage de Canada,
s'abboucher[~e]t auec les sieurs Robin & Biencourt, & partie faicte le
rendez-vous fut assigné à Dieppe au 24. d'Octobre de la mesme année
1610. Car en ce temps là disoyent-ils, tout sera prest, si le vent, &
la marée le sont.
Now Madame la Marquise de Guercheville, among her other rare and
extraordinary virtues, is ardently zealous for the glory of God
and the conversion of souls: seeing such an excellent opportunity,
[128] she asked Father Coton if some of his order were not going
to new France this time. Father Coton replied that he was very
much surprised at sieur de Potrincourt, who had promised him that,
when his son returned, he would summon those of his order who had
been chosen by the King; but, in spite of this, he made no mention
of them either in his letters, or in his commissions. Madame la
Marquise, wishing to know all about the matter, made inquiries of
sieur Robin: he answered that all the responsibility of embarkation
had been delegated to him, but he had no especial commission for
the Jesuits; that nevertheless he knew very well that sieur de
Potrincourt would feel very highly honored to have them with him;
and, as to their maintenance, he [129] himself would take charge of
that, as he was doing in regard to all the rest of the expenses.
"You will not be burdened with them," answered madame la Marquise,
"because the King defrays their expenses." And with these words
she sent de Coloignes to Father Christofle Baltasar, Provincial.
He, upon hearing these promises, summoned Father Pierre Biard (who
was then at Poictiers) to come to Paris, and to him was given,
as a companion, Father Enemond Massé, of Lyons. These two, thus
destined for the voyage to Canada, conferred with sieurs Robin and
Biencourt, and having perfected arrangements, the meeting-place was
appointed at Dieppe on the 24th of October of the same year, 1610.
"For by that time," they said, "everything will be ready, if the
wind and the tide are favorable."
Ainsi les Iesuites furent bientost en conche. Car la Royne leur fit
deliurer cinq cents escus promis [130] par le feu Roy, & adiousta
vne fort honnorable recommandatiõ de bouche. Madame la Marquise de
Vernueil les meubla richem[~e]t d'vtensiles & habits sacrés pour dire
Messe; Madame de Sourdis les fournit liberalement de linge, & Madame de
Guercheuille leur aumosna vn bien honneste viatique. Ainsi garnis ils
se rendirent à Dieppe au temps assigné.
So the Jesuits were soon in a state of preparation. For the
Queen had sent to them the five hundred écus promised [130] by
the late King, and had added a very favorable recommendation by
word of mouth. Madame la Marquise de Vernueil furnished them amply
with sacred vessels and robes for saying Mass; Madame de Sourdis
furnished them liberally with linen, and Madame de Guercheville
granted them a very fair viaticum.[30] Thus provided for, they
reached Dieppe at the time appointed.
CHAPITRE XIII. [i.e., xii.]
LES CONTRADICTIONS, & DIFFICULTÉS, QUI S'ESLEUERENT À DIEPPE: ET
COMMENT ELLES FURENT ROMPUËS.
LA persecutée, & triomphãte Dame, que S. Iean vit en son Apocalypse,
sçauoir est, l'Eglise de Dieu, ou encores mystiquement toute ame
esleuë, _Cruciatur_ [131] _vt pariat_; endure beaucoup de conuulsions,
& tranchées, à pouuoir enfanter. Aussi la conception, & le proiect de
toute bonne oeuure a besoin de grace. Car en fin sans ceste semence,
& germe celeste nos coeurs ne peuuent rien concepuoir, ny former
d'organique, fecond & viuant. Mais quand ce vient à esclorre le bon
oeuure, ie veux dire quand le terme de ce pieux enfantement de vertu
approche, lors il semble que tout conspire à la suffocation de ceste
diuine creature, lors faut-il sentir des douleurs, & trãses, que Satan
suscite, & craindre plustost d'vn auortem[~e]t infructueux, qu'auoir
esperance d'vn heureux accouchement. Les Iesuites ont experimenté
cecy par tout, & nommém[~e]t aux effets salutaires, qu'ils ont desiré
produire à la conuersion de la nouuelle France. Nous [132] auons dit
cy deuant, que l'assignatiõ leur auoit esté baillée à Dieppe au 24.
d'Octobre, qu'en ce temps-là le nauire deuoit estre cõme l'oiseau sur
la branche n'attendant rien plus, que de voler. Mais bien loin de
conte: Ils trouuerent à Dieppe, que le nauire n'estoit pas seulement
radoubé. De plus, à leur arriuee grãd bruit parmy la Reforme. Car le
sieur Robin, qui (comme nous auons dit) soustenoit, toute la charge de
l'embarquement, auoit donné cõmission à deux marchands de la Pretenduë,
appellés du Chesne, & du Iardin, de vacquer au radoub & cargaison du
nauire soubs promesse de satis-faire à leurs vacations, & parties, &
ensemble de les associer à quelque part du profit, qui reuiendroit de
la traicte de pelleterie, & de la pesche des molues. Or les Marchands
n'auoyent [133] guieres auancé de la besongne iusques à lors, ie ne
sçay pourquoy: & dés lors mesme ils commencerent encores à reculer.
Car ils s'opiniastrerent, iurants par leur plus haut iuron, que si
les Iesuites deuoyent entrer dans ce nauire, ils n'auoyent que faire
d'y rien mettre. Qu'ils ne refusoyent point tous autres Prestres, ou
Ecclesiastiques, voire qu'ils s'offroi[~e]t à les nourrir; mais que
pour des Iesuites: insociable antipathie.