CHAPTER I.

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Makers of History

Cyrus the Great

BY

JACOB ABBOTT

WITH ENGRAVINGS

NEW YORK AND LONDON

HARPER & BROTHERS PUBLISHERS

1904

Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year one thousand

eight hundred and fifty, by

HARPER & BROTHERS,

in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Southern District

of New York.

Copyright, 1878, by JACOB ABBOTT.

[Illustration: MAP OF THE PERSIAN EMPIRE.]

PREFACE.

One special object which the author of this series has had in view,

in the plan and method which he has followed in the preparation of

the successive volumes, has been to adapt them to the purposes of

text-books in schools. The study of a _general compend_ of history,

such as is frequently used as a text-book, is highly useful, if

it comes in at the right stage of education, when the mind is

sufficiently matured, and has acquired sufficient preliminary

knowledge to understand and appreciate so condensed a generalization

as a summary of the whole history of a nation contained in an ordinary

volume must necessarily be. Without this degree of maturity of mind,

and this preparation, the study of such a work will be, as it too

frequently is, a mere mechanical committing to memory of names, and

dates, and phrases, which awaken no interest, communicate no ideas,

and impart no useful knowledge to the mind.

A class of ordinary pupils, who have not yet become much acquainted

with history, would, accordingly, be more benefited by having their

attention concentrated, at first, on detached and separate topics,

such as those which form the subjects, respectively, of these volumes.

By studying thus fully the history of individual monarchs, or the

narratives of single events, they can go more fully into detail; they

conceive of the transactions described as realities; their reflecting

and reasoning powers are occupied on what they read; they take notice

of the motives of conduct, of the gradual development of character,

the good or ill desert of actions, and of the connection of causes and

consequences, both in respect to the influence of wisdom and virtue on

the one hand, and, on the other, of folly and crime. In a word, their

_minds_ and _hearts_ are occupied instead of merely their memories.

They reason, they sympathize, they pity, they approve, and they

condemn. They enjoy the real and true pleasure which constitutes the

charm of historical study for minds that are mature; and they acquire

a taste for truth instead of fiction, which will tend to direct their

reading into proper channels in all future years.

The use of these works, therefore, as text-books in classes, has been

kept continually in mind in the preparation of them. The running index

on the tops of the pages is intended to serve instead of questions.

These captions can be used in their present form as _topics_, in

respect to which, when announced in the class, the pupils are to

repeat substantially what is said on the page; or, on the other hand,

questions in form, if that mode is preferred, can be readily framed

from them by the teacher. In all the volumes, a very regular system of

division is observed, which will greatly facilitate the assignment of

lessons.

CONTENTS.

Chapter Page

I. HERODOTUS AND XENOPHON 13

II. THE BIRTH OF CYRUS 37

III. THE VISIT TO MEDIA 68

IV. CROESUS 101

V. ACCESSION OF CYRUS TO THE THRONE 124

VI. THE ORACLES 144

VII. THE CONQUEST OF LYDIA 164

VIII. THE CONQUEST OF BABYLON 187

IX. THE RESTORATION OF THE JEWS 207

X. THE STORY OF PANTHEA 226

XI. CONVERSATIONS 253

XII. THE DEATH OF CYRUS 270

ENGRAVINGS.

Page

MAP OF THE PERSIAN EMPIRE _Frontispiece._

THE EXPOSURE OF THE INFANT 48

CYRUS'S HUNTING 90

THE SECRET CORRESPONDENCE 132

THE SIEGE OF SARDIS 179

RAISING JEREMIAH FROM THE DUNGEON 219

THE WAR-CHARIOT OF ABRADATES 242

CYRUS THE GREAT.

CHAPTER I.

HERODOTUS AND XENOPHON.

B.C. 550-401

The Persian monarchy.--Singular principle of human nature.--Grandeur

of the Persian monarchy.--Its origin.--The republics of

Greece.--Written characters Greek and Persian.--Preservation

of the Greek language.--Herodotus and Xenophon.--Birth of

Herodotus.--Education of the Greeks.--How public affairs were

discussed.--Literary entertainments.--Herodotus's early love of

knowledge.--Intercourse of nations.--Military expeditions.--Plan

of Herodotus's tour.--Herodotus visits Egypt.--Libya and the

Straits of Gibraltar.--Route of Herodotus in Asia.--His return

to Greece.--Doubts as to the extent of Herodotus's tour.--His

history "adorned."--Herodotus's credibility questioned.--Sources of

bias.--Samos.--Patmos.--The Olympiads.--Herodotus at Olympia.--History

received with applause.--Herodotus at Athens.--His literary

fame.--Birth of Xenophon.--Cyrus the Younger.--Ambition of Cyrus.--He

attempts to assassinate his brother.--Rebellion of Cyrus.--The Greek

auxiliaries.--Artaxerxes assembles his army.--The battle.--Cyrus

slain.--Murder of the Greek generals.--Critical situation

of the Greeks.--Xenophon's proposal.--Retreat of the Ten

Thousand.--Xenophon's retirement.--Xenophon's writings.--Credibility

of Herodotus and Xenophon.--Importance of the story.--Object of this

work.

Cyrus was the founder of the ancient Persian empire--a monarchy,

perhaps, the most wealthy and magnificent which the world has ever

seen. Of that strange and incomprehensible principle of human nature,

under the influence of which vast masses of men, notwithstanding the

universal instinct of aversion to control, combine, under certain

circumstances, by millions and millions, to maintain, for many

successive centuries, the representatives of some one great family

in a condition of exalted, and absolute, and utterly irresponsible

ascendency over themselves, while they toil for them, watch over them,

submit to endless and most humiliating privations in their behalf, and

commit, if commanded to do so, the most inexcusable and atrocious

crimes to sustain the demigods they have thus made in their lofty

estate, we have, in the case of this Persian monarchy, one of the most

extraordinary exhibitions.

The Persian monarchy appears, in fact, even as we look back upon it

from this remote distance both of space and of time, as a very vast

wave of human power and grandeur. It swelled up among the populations

of Asia, between the Persian Gulf and the Caspian Sea, about five

hundred years before Christ, and rolled on in undiminished magnitude

and glory for many centuries. It bore upon its crest the royal line

of Astyages and his successors. Cyrus was, however, the first of the

princes whom it held up conspicuously to the admiration of the world

and he rode so gracefully and gallantly on the lofty crest that

mankind have given him the credit of raising and sustaining the

magnificent billow on which he was borne. How far we are to consider

him as founding the monarchy, or the monarchy as raising and

illustrating him, will appear more fully in the course of this

narrative.

Cotemporaneous with this Persian monarchy in the East, there

flourished in the West the small but very efficient and vigorous

republics of Greece. The Greeks had a written character for their

language which could be easily and rapidly executed, while the

ordinary language of the Persians was scarcely written at all. There

was, it is true, in this latter nation, a certain learned character,

which was used by the priests for their mystic records, and also for

certain sacred books which constituted the only national archives. It

was, however, only slowly and with difficulty that this character

could be penned, and, when penned, it was unintelligible to the great

mass of the population. For this reason, among others, the Greeks

wrote narratives of the great events which occurred in their day,

which narratives they so embellished and adorned by the picturesque

lights and shades in which their genius enabled them to present the

scenes and characters described as to make them universally admired,

while the surrounding nations produced nothing but formal governmental

records, not worth to the community at large the toil and labor

necessary to decipher them and make them intelligible. Thus the Greek

writers became the historians, not only of their own republics, but

also of all the nations around them; and with such admirable genius

and power did they fulfill this function, that, while the records of

all other nations cotemporary with them have been almost entirely

neglected and forgotten, the language of the Greeks has been preserved

among mankind, with infinite labor and toil, by successive generations

of scholars, in every civilized nation, for two thousand years, solely

in order that men may continue to read these tales.

Two Greek historians have given us a narrative of the events connected

with the life of Cyrus--Herodotus and Xenophon. These writers disagree

very materially in the statements which they make, and modern readers

are divided in opinion on the question which to believe. In order to

present this question fairly to the minds of our readers, we must

commence this volume with some account of these two authorities, whose

guidance, conflicting as it is, furnishes all the light which we have

to follow.

Herodotus was a philosopher and scholar. Xenophon was a great general.

The one spent his life in solitary study, or in visiting various

countries in the pursuit of knowledge; the other distinguished himself

in the command of armies, and in distant military expeditions, which

he conducted with great energy and skill. They were both, by birth,

men of wealth and high station, so that they occupied, from the

beginning, conspicuous positions in society; and as they were both

energetic and enterprising in character, they were led, each, to a

very romantic and adventurous career, the one in his travels, the

other in his campaigns, so that their personal history and their

exploits attracted great attention even while they lived.

Herodotus was born in the year 484 before Christ, which was about

fifty years after the death of the Cyrus whose history forms the

subject of this volume. He was born in the Grecian state of Caria,

in Asia Minor, and in the city of Halicarnassus. Caria, as may be

seen from the map at the commencement of this volume, was in the

southwestern part of Asia Minor, near the shores of the AEgean Sea.

Herodotus became a student at a very early age. It was the custom

in Greece, at that time, to give to young men of his rank a good

intellectual education. In other nations, the training of the young

men, in wealthy and powerful families, was confined almost exclusively

to the use of arms, to horsemanship, to athletic feats, and other such

accomplishments as would give them a manly and graceful personal

bearing, and enable them to excel in the various friendly contests of

the public games, as well as prepare them to maintain their ground

against their enemies in personal combats on the field of battle. The

Greeks, without neglecting these things, taught their young men

also to read and to write, explained to them the structure and the

philosophy of language, and trained them to the study of the poets,

the orators, and the historians which their country had produced. Thus

a general taste for intellectual pursuits and pleasures was diffused

throughout the community. Public affairs were discussed, before large

audiences assembled for the purpose, by orators who felt a great pride

and pleasure in the exercise of the power which they had acquired of

persuading, convincing, or exciting the mighty masses that listened to

them; and at the great public celebrations which were customary in

those days, in addition to the wrestlings, the races, the games, and

the military spectacles, there were certain literary entertainments

provided, which constituted an essential part of the public pleasures.

Tragedies were acted, poems recited, odes and lyrics sung, and

narratives of martial enterprises and exploits, and geographical and

historical descriptions of neighboring nations, were read to vast

throngs of listeners, who, having been accustomed from infancy to

witness such performances, and to hear them applauded, had learned to

appreciate and enjoy them. Of course, these literary exhibitions would

make impressions, more or less strong, on different minds, as the

mental temperaments and characters of individuals varied. They seem to

have exerted a very powerful influence on the mind of Herodotus in his

early years. He was inspired, when very young, with a great zeal and

ardor for the attainment of knowledge; and as he advanced toward

maturity, he began to be ambitious of making new discoveries, with a

view of communicating to his countrymen, in these great public

assemblies, what he should thus acquire. Accordingly, as soon as he

arrived at a suitable age, he resolved to set out upon a tour into

foreign countries, and to bring back a report of what he should see

and hear.

The intercourse of nations was, in those days, mainly carried on over

the waters of the Mediterranean Sea; and in times of peace, almost the

only mode of communication was by the ships and the caravans of the

merchants who traded from country to country, both by sea and on the

land. In fact, the knowledge which one country possessed of the

geography and the manners and customs of another, was almost wholly

confined to the reports which these merchants circulated. When

military expeditions invaded a territory, the commanders, or the

writers who accompanied them, often wrote descriptions of the scenes

which they witnessed in their campaigns, and described briefly the

countries through which they passed. These cases were, however,

comparatively rare; and yet, when they occurred, they furnished

accounts better authenticated, and more to be relied upon, and

expressed, moreover, in a more systematic and regular form, than the

reports of the merchants, though the information which was derived

from both these sources combined was very insufficient, and tended

to excite more curiosity than it gratified. Herodotus, therefore,

conceived that, in thoroughly exploring the countries on the shores

of the Mediterranean and in the interior of Asia, examining

their geographical position, inquiring into their history, their

institutions, their manners, customs, and laws, and writing the

results for the entertainment and instruction of his countrymen, he

had an ample field before him for the exercise of all his powers.

He went first to Egypt. Egypt had been until that time, closely shut

up from the rest of mankind by the jealousy and watchfulness of the

government. But now, on account of some recent political changes,

which will be hereafter more particularly alluded to, the way was

opened for travelers from other countries to come in. Herodotus was

the first to avail himself of this opportunity. He spent some time in

the country, and made himself minutely acquainted with its history,

its antiquities, its political and social condition at the time of his

visit, and with all the other points in respect to which he supposed

that his countrymen would wish to be informed. He took copious notes

of all that he saw. From Egypt he went westward into Libya, and thence

he traveled slowly along the whole southern shore of the Mediterranean

Sea as far as to the Straits of Gibraltar, noting, with great care,

every thing which presented itself to his own personal observation,

and availing himself of every possible source of information in

respect to all other points of importance for the object which he had

in view.

The Straits of Gibraltar were the ends of the earth toward the

westward in those ancient days, and our traveler accordingly, after

reaching them, returned again to the eastward. He visited Tyre, and

the cities of Phoenicia, on the eastern coast of the Mediterranean

Sea, and thence went still farther eastward to Assyria and Babylon.

It was here that he obtained the materials for what he has written in

respect to the Medes and Persians, and to the history of Cyrus. After

spending some time in these countries, he went on by land still

further to the eastward, into the heart of Asia. The country of

Scythia was considered as at "the end of the earth" in this direction.

Herodotus penetrated for some distance into the almost trackless wilds

of this remote land, until he found that he had gone as far from the

great center of light and power on the shores of the AEgean Sea as he

could expect the curiosity of his countrymen to follow him. He passed

thence round toward the north, and came down through the countries

north of the Danube into Greece, by way of the Epirus and Macedon. To

make such a journey as this was, in fact, in those days, almost to

explore the whole known world.

It ought, however, here to be stated, that many modern scholars, who

have examined, with great care, the accounts which Herodotus has

given of what he saw and heard in his wanderings, doubt very seriously

whether his journeys were really as extended as he pretends. As his

object was to read what he was intending to write at great public

assemblies in Greece, he was, of course, under every possible

inducement to make his narrative as interesting as possible, and not

to detract at all from whatever there might be extraordinary either in

the extent of his wanderings or in the wonderfulness of the objects

and scenes which he saw, or in the romantic nature of the adventures

which he met with in his protracted tour. Cicero, in lauding him as a

writer, says that he was the first who evinced the power to _adorn_ a

historical narrative. Between adorning and _embellishing_, the line is

not to be very distinctly marked; and Herodotus has often been accused

of having drawn more from his fancy than from any other source, in

respect to a large portion of what he relates and describes. Some do

not believe that he ever even entered half the countries which he

professes to have thoroughly explored, while others find, in the

minuteness of his specifications, something like conclusive proof that

he related only what he actually saw. In a word, the question of his

credibility has been discussed by successive generations of scholars

ever since his day, and strong parties have been formed who have gone

to extremes in the opinions they have taken; so that, while some

confer upon him the title of the father of _history_, others say

it would be more in accordance with his merits to call him the

father of _lies_. In controversies like this, and, in fact, in all

controversies, it is more agreeable to the mass of mankind to take

sides strongly with one party or the other, and either to believe or

disbelieve one or the other fully and cordially. There is a class of

minds, however, more calm and better balanced than the rest, who can

deny themselves this pleasure, and who see that often, in the most

bitter and decided controversies, the truth lies between. By this

class of minds it has been generally supposed that the narratives of

Herodotus are substantially true, though in many cases highly colored

and embellished, or, as Cicero called it, adorned, as, in fact, they

inevitably must have been under the circumstances in which they were

written.

We can not follow minutely the circumstances of the subsequent life

of Herodotus. He became involved in some political disturbances and

difficulties in his native state after his return, in consequence of

which he retired, partly a fugitive and partly an exile, to the island

of Samos, which is at a little distance from Caria, and not far from

the shore. Here he lived for some time in seclusion, occupied in

writing out his history. He divided it into nine books, to which,

respectively, the names of the nine Muses were afterward given, to

designate them. The island of Samos, where this great literary work

was performed, is very near to Patmos, where, a few hundred years

later, the Evangelist John, in a similar retirement, and in the use

of the same language and character, wrote the Book of Revelation.

When a few of the first books of his history were completed, Herodotus

went with the manuscript to Olympia, at the great celebration of the

81st Olympiad. The Olympiads were periods recurring at intervals of

about four years. By means of them the Greeks reckoned their time.

The Olympiads were celebrated as they occurred, with games, shows,

spectacles, and parades, which were conducted on so magnificent a

scale that vast crowds were accustomed to assemble from every part of

Greece to witness and join in them. They were held at Olympia, a city

on the western side of Greece. Nothing now remains to mark the spot

but some acres of confused and unintelligible ruins.

The personal fame of Herodotus and of his travels had preceded him,

and when he arrived at Olympia he found the curiosity and eagerness

of the people to listen to his narratives extreme. He read copious

extracts from his accounts, so far as he had written them, to the vast

assemblies which convened to hear him, and they were received with

unbounded applause; and inasmuch as these assemblies comprised nearly

all the statesmen, the generals, the philosophers, and the scholars of

Greece, applause expressed by them became at once universal renown.

Herodotus was greatly gratified at the interest which his countrymen

took in his narratives, and he determined thenceforth to devote his

time assiduously to the continuation and completion of his work.

It was twelve years, however, before his plan was finally

accomplished. He then repaired to Athens, at the time of a grand

festive celebration which was held in that city, and there he appeared

in public again, and read extended portions of the additional books

that he had written. The admiration and applause which his work now

elicited was even greater than before. In deciding upon the passages

to be read, Herodotus selected such as would be most likely to excite

the interest of his Grecian hearers, and many of them were glowing

accounts of Grecian exploits in former wars which had been waged in

the countries which he had visited. To expect that, under such

circumstances, Herodotus should have made his history wholly

impartial, would be to suppose the historian not human.

The Athenians were greatly pleased with the narratives which Herodotus

thus read to them of their own and of their ancestors' exploits. They

considered him a national benefactor for having made such a record of

their deeds, and, in addition to the unbounded applause which they

bestowed upon him, they made him a public grant of a large sum of

money. During the remainder of his life Herodotus continued to enjoy

the high degree of literary renown which his writings had acquired for

him--a renown which has since been extended and increased, rather than

diminished, by the lapse of time.

As for Xenophon, the other great historian of Cyrus, it has already

been said that he was a military commander, and his life was

accordingly spent in a very different manner from that of his great

competitor for historic fame. He was born at Athens, about thirty

years after the birth of Herodotus, so that he was but a child while

Herodotus was in the midst of his career. When he was about twenty-two

years of age, he joined a celebrated military expedition which was

formed in Greece, for the purpose of proceeding to Asia Minor to enter

into the service of the governor of that country. The name of this

governor was Cyrus; and to distinguish him from Cyrus the Great, whose

history is to form the subject of this volume, and who lived about one

hundred and fifty years before him, he is commonly called Cyrus the

Younger.

This expedition was headed by a Grecian general named Clearchus. The

soldiers and the subordinate officers of the expedition did not know

for what special service it was designed, as Cyrus had a treasonable

and guilty object in view, and he kept it accordingly concealed, even

from the agents who were to aid him in the execution of it. His plan

was to make war upon and dethrone his brother Artaxerxes, then king of

Persia, and consequently his sovereign. Cyrus was a very young man,

but he was a man of a very energetic and accomplished character, and

of unbounded ambition. When his father died, it was arranged that

Artaxerxes, the older son, should succeed him. Cyrus was extremely

unwilling to submit to this supremacy of his brother. His mother was

an artful and unprincipled woman, and Cyrus, being the youngest of

her children, was her favorite. She encouraged him in his ambitious

designs; and so desperate was Cyrus himself in his determination to

accomplish them, that it is said he attempted to assassinate his

brother on the day of his coronation. His attempt was discovered, and

it failed. His brother, however, instead of punishing him for the

treason, had the generosity to pardon him, and sent him to his

government in Asia Minor. Cyrus immediately turned all his thoughts to

the plan of raising an army and making war upon his brother, in order

to gain forcible possession of his throne. That he might have a

plausible pretext for making the necessary military preparations, he

pretended to have a quarrel with one of his neighbors, and wrote,

hypocritically, many letters to the king, affecting solicitude for

his safety, and asking aid. The king was thus deceived, and made no

preparations to resist the force which Cyrus was assembling, not

having the remotest suspicion that its destiny was Babylon.

The auxiliary army which came from Greece to enter into Cyrus's

service under these circumstances, consisted of about thirteen

thousand men. He had, it was said, a hundred thousand men besides; but

so celebrated were the Greeks in those days for their courage, their

discipline, their powers of endurance, and their indomitable tenacity

and energy, that Cyrus very properly considered this corps as the

flower of his army. Xenophon was one of the younger Grecian generals.

The army crossed the Hellespont, and entered Asia Minor, and, passing

across the country, reached at last the famous pass of Cilicia, in

the southwestern part of the country--a narrow defile between the

mountains and the sea, which opens the only passage in that quarter

toward the Persian regions beyond. Here the suspicions which the

Greeks had been for some time inclined to feel, that they were going

to make war upon the Persian monarch himself, were confirmed, and they

refused to proceed. Their unwillingness, however, did not arise from

any compunctions of conscience about the guilt of treason, or the

wickedness of helping an ungrateful and unprincipled wretch, whose

forfeited life had once been given to him by his brother, in making

war upon and destroying his benefactor. Soldiers have never, in any

age of the world, any thing to do with compunctions of conscience in

respect to the work which their commanders give them to perform.

The Greeks were perfectly willing to serve in this or in any other

undertaking; but, since it was rebellion and treason that was asked of

them, they considered it as specially hazardous, and so they concluded

that they were entitled to extra pay. Cyrus made no objection to this

demand; an arrangement was made accordingly, and the army went on.

Artaxerxes assembled suddenly the whole force of his empire on the

plains of Babylon--an immense army, consisting, it is said, of over a

million of men. Such vast forces occupy, necessarily, a wide extent of

country, even when drawn up in battle array. So great, in fact, was

the extent occupied in this case, that the Greeks, who conquered all

that part of the king's forces which was directly opposed to them,

supposed, when night came, at the close of the day of battle, that

Cyrus had been every where victorious; and they were only undeceived

when, the next day, messengers came from the Persian camp to inform

them that Cyrus's whole force, excepting themselves, was defeated and

dispersed, and that Cyrus himself was slain, and to summon them to

surrender at once and unconditionally to the conquerors.

The Greeks refused to surrender. They formed themselves immediately

into a compact and solid body, fortified themselves as well as they

could in their position, and prepared for a desperate defense. There

were about ten thousand of them left, and the Persians seem to have

considered them too formidable to be attacked. The Persians entered

into negotiations with them, offering them certain terms on which they

would be allowed to return peaceably into Greece. These negotiations

were protracted from day to day for two or three weeks, the Persians

treacherously using toward them a friendly tone, and evincing a

disposition to treat them in a liberal and generous manner. This threw

the Greeks off their guard, and finally the Persians contrived to get

Clearchus and the leading Greek generals into their power at a feast,

and then they seized and murdered them, or, as they would perhaps term

it, _executed_ them as rebels and traitors. When this was reported in

the Grecian camp, the whole army was thrown at first into the utmost

consternation. They found themselves two thousand miles from home, in

the heart of a hostile country, with an enemy nearly a hundred times

their own number close upon them, while they themselves were without

provisions, without horses, without money; and there were deep rivers,

and rugged mountains, and every other possible physical obstacle to be

surmounted, before they could reach their own frontiers. If they

surrendered to their enemies, a hopeless and most miserable slavery

was their inevitable doom.

Under these circumstances, Xenophon, according to his own story,

called together the surviving officers in the camp, urged them not to

despair, and recommended that immediate measures should be taken for

commencing a march toward Greece. He proposed that they should elect

commanders to take the places of those who had been killed, and that,

under their new organization, they should immediately set out on

their return. These plans were adopted. He himself was chosen as

the commanding general, and under his guidance the whole force was

conducted safely through the countless difficulties and dangers which

beset their way, though they had to defend themselves, at every step

of their progress, from an enemy so vastly more numerous than they,

and which was hanging on their flanks and on their rear, and making

the most incessant efforts to surround and capture them. This retreat

occupied two hundred and fifteen days. It has always been considered

as one of the greatest military achievements that has ever been

performed. It is called in history the Retreat of the Ten Thousand.

Xenophon acquired by it a double immortality. He led the army, and

thus attained to a military renown which will never fade; and he

afterward wrote a narrative of the exploit, which has given him an

equally extended and permanent literary fame.

Some time after this, Xenophon returned again to Asia as a military

commander, and distinguished himself in other campaigns. He acquired a

large fortune, too, in these wars, and at length retired to a villa,

which he built and adorned magnificently, in the neighborhood of

Olympia, where Herodotus had acquired so extended a fame by reading

his histories. It was probably, in some degree, through the influence

of the success which had attended the labors of Herodotus in this

field, that Xenophon was induced to enter it. He devoted the later

years of his life to writing various historical memoirs, the two most

important of which that have come down to modern times are, first,

the narrative of his own expedition, under Cyrus the Younger, and,

secondly, a sort of romance or tale founded on the history of Cyrus

the Great. This last is called the Cyropaedia; and it is from this

work, and from the history written by Herodotus, that nearly all our

knowledge of the great Persian monarch is derived.

The question how far the stories which Herodotus and Xenophon have

told us in relating the history of the great Persian king are true, is

of less importance than one would at first imagine; for the case is

one of those numerous instances in which the narrative itself, which

genius has written, has had far greater influence on mankind than the

events themselves exerted which the narrative professes to record. It

is now far more important for us to know what the story is which

has for eighteen hundred years been read and listened to by every

generation of men, than what the actual events were in which the tale

thus told had its origin. This consideration applies very extensively

to history, and especially to ancient history. The events themselves

have long since ceased to be of any great interest or importance to

readers of the present day; but the _accounts_, whether they are

fictitious or real, partial or impartial, honestly true or embellished

and colored, since they have been so widely circulated in every age

and in every nation, and have impressed themselves so universally and

so permanently in the mind and memory of the whole human race, and

have penetrated into and colored the literature of every civilized

people, it becomes now necessary that every well-informed man should

understand. In a word, the real Cyrus is now a far less important

personage to mankind than the Cyrus of Herodotus and Xenophon, and it

is, accordingly, their story which the author proposes to relate in

this volume. The reader will understand, therefore, that the end and

aim of the work is not to guarantee an exact and certain account of

Cyrus as he actually lived and acted, but only to give a true and

faithful summary of the story which for the last two thousand years

has been in circulation respecting him among mankind.

Cyrus the Great Makers of History · 第 1 / 12 章