_forȝete_, _mete_ (meat), _sete_ (past partic.), kept apart
from _grete_ (great), _bete_ (beaten), _strete_, _tete_, _lete_
(_lǣtan_), _swete_ (verb, = sweat), _threte_, _whete_, &c.
It may be noted that _beȝete_ (subst.) belongs to the class
_grete_, _bete_, &c.
There is every reason to suppose that the same distinction
would hold with other endings, in the case of which no
sufficient rhyme-test is forthcoming, as _breke_, _speke_
(inf.), _wreke_ (inf. and past partic.), which have no other
words with _ę̄_ with which they could be rhymed, _eke_, _seke_,
_meke_, &c., all having _ẹ̄_.
On the whole we may say that this distinction is very carefully
kept in Gower’s rhymes, and must certainly indicate a difference of
pronunciation.
The adverb _wel_, also written _wiel_, has a double sound, as in
Chaucer, either _ę̄_ or _ẹ̄_, rhyming with _del_ (_diel_), _stiel_,
_whiel_, &c., and also with _naturel_, _Daniel_, and the substantive
_wel_ for _wele_.
_eg_ forms _ei_, which is often interchangeable with _ai_, as _seie_,
_leie_, _weie_, _aȝein_.
O. E. =i=. There is nothing in Gower’s rhymes to lend support to the
theory that _i_ from O. E. _ĭ_ in open syllables (i.e. before a single
consonant followed by a vowel), as in the past participles _write_,
_drive_, _schrive_, and the infinitives _ȝive_, _wite_, is of doubtful
quantity. The past participle and plural preterite _write_ have _ĭ_
and rhyme with _wite_ (know), while the infinitive _wryte_ rhymes with
_wyte_ (blame), verb and substantive: the infinitives _live_, _ȝive_,
_forȝive_ and the participles _drive_, _ȝive_, _schrive_, &c. rhyme
among themselves and not with _schryve_ (inf.), _alyve_, _fyve_: the
short vowel words _wile_ (verb), _skile_, _bile_ are separate from
_wyle_ (subst.), _whyle_, _ile_, &c. This would not be worth mentioning
but for ten Brink’s argument (_Chaucers Sprache_, §§ 35, 325), based on
the very smallest positive evidence.
_hire_ (_hir_) is used regularly for the personal and possessive
pronoun of the third person sing. fem. (= her), and never _here_, as is
Chaucer’s usage in rhyme.
_cherche_ is Gower’s regular form from _cirice_, but _chirche_ is
common in the orthography of the _Praise of Peace_, e.g. 197, 210, 225,
&c., beside _cherche_, 232, 254.
O. E. =o=. _wolde_, _scholde_, _golde_, _molde_ rhyme with _tolde_,
_holde_, _colde_, &c., but in open syllables a distinction is observed
(as in the case of _e_) between new-lengthened _ǭ_ and _ǭ_ from
O. E. _ā_, so that _tofore_, _before_, _therfore_, _score_ and the
participles _bore_, _forbore_, _lore_, _schore_, _swore_ are kept
separate in rhyme from such words as _hore_, _more_, _lore_ (subst.),
_ore_, _rore_, _sore_, to which later group should be added _More_
(Moor), and the Romance verb _restore_[S]. This distinction seems to
be recognized by Chaucer, cp. _Troilus_, v. 22-26, but with a good
many exceptions, as _Legend of Good Women_, 452 f., 550 f., 1516 f.,
_Cant. Tales_, A 1541 f., 3237 f., &c., chiefly, but not exclusively,
in the case of _more_. Gower is very much stricter and allows very few
exceptions (_overmore_ : _tofore_, i. 3361 f., _nomore_ : _therfore_,
vii. 3279* f., _more_ : _therfore_, vii. 3869 f., _more_ : _fore_,
viii. 991 f.), which must be regarded as imperfect rhymes. Considering
the frequency with which words of these two classes occur in rhyme, it
is remarkable that the distinction should be so well kept.
We may note that _bowe_ (subst.) from _boga_ rhymes with words like
_knowe_, in which _ow_ is from _āw_.
O. E. =u=. In some words _o_ and _u_ interchange, as _begonne
begunne_, _conne cunne_, _coppe cuppe_, _dronkeschipe drunkeschipe_,
_further forther_, _ronne (over)runne_, _sonne sunne_, _thurgh
thorgh(soght)_, _tonge tunge_, _tonne tunne_, &c., but we have
without variation, _bole_, _hunger_, _note_ (nut), _some_, _under_,
_wonder_, &c. The regular rhyme _under_ : _wonder_ is enough to show
that the sound was the same.
_love_, _above_ rhyme together and not with any other word. (For the
rhyme at v. 7047 f., see under =ō=.)
_sone_ (from _sunu_), _wone_ (custom), _astone_, rhyme only with one
another: in the rhyme _wones_ : _ones_, which occurs iv. 2217 f., viii.
611 f., we have to do of course with a different word.
_dore_ (_door_) rhymes with _spore_ and _dore_ (subjunctive of _dar_),
_bole_ with _wole_ (verb).
O. E. =y=. This is usually represented by _e_ (except before _h_,
_gh_), e.g. _abegge_, _berie_, _berthe_, _besy_, _bregge_, _dede_
(did), _evel_, _felle_ (also _fille_), _felthe_, _ferst_, _fest_,
_hell_ (also _hill_, _hull_), _ken_ (also _kin_), _kende_ (usually
_kinde_), _kesse_ (also _kisse_), _knette_, _krepel_, _lere_, _lest_
(listen), _lest_ (= pleases, also _list_), _mende_ (also _minde_),
_merie_, _merthe_, _pet_ (also _pitt_, _put_), _scherte_, _schetten_,
_senne_ (also _sinne_), _stere_ (stir), _thenke_ (from _þyncan_),
_werche_ (also _worche_), _werse_ (also _worse_): to these must be
added _hedde_, _hed_, pret. and past partic. of _hyde_, in which
original _ȳ_ was shortened (also _hidde_, _hid_). On the other hand,
we have _gilt_ (also _gult_), _gultif_, _lifte_ (sky), _stinten_ (not
_stenten_), _thinne_ (not _thenne_), _thurste_, _wierdes_. Gower does
not use the forms _birthe_, _bisy_, _dide_ (did), _mirie_, _mirthe_,
_stire_.
The results obtained for certain words from rhymes by Fahrenberg[T]
are rather misleading. For example, he suggests the conclusion that
_fille_ (subst.) and _fulfille_ are used with _i_ only, but of the
nineteen instances which he quotes, all but two are in rhyme with
_wille_, a natural combination (at least for _fulfille_), and one which
has determined the form in most cases. Apart from this, both _felle_
(subst.) and _fulfelle_ are found (_felle_ in rhyme, iii. 2609).
Again, _senne_ is much more common than would appear from the rhymes.
Fahrenberg can quote only one instance in rhyme, as against twenty-nine
of _sinne_, but this is certainly due to the greater frequency of the
words (such as _beginne_, _winne_, &c.), which give rhymes to _sinne_.
The word occurs seven times in the Prologue, once it is in rhyme,
_Sinne_ : _inne_, and of the other six instances five are of _senne_
and one only of _sinne_. On the other hand, _hell_ (from _hyll_) alone
appears in rhyme, but _hill_ or _hull_ are commoner forms in use.
The mistakes tell both ways, but on the whole the conclusion that _i_
is much commoner than _e_ in these words is seriously incorrect.
For the use in rhyme of the words of this class with open tone
syllable, as _stere_, _lere_ (from _lyre_), see under =e=.
(2) O. E. LONG VOWELS AND DIPHTHONGS.
O. E. =ā=. The _ǭ_ of _hom_ rhymes, as in Chaucer, with the _ọ̄_ of
the preterites _com_, _nom_, and also _fom_ with _nom_, v. 4007. These
must be regarded as imperfect rhymes, due to the want of strictly
correct rhyme-words. Gower has regularly _most_ (O. E. _māst_) and
but once in rhyme _mest_ (O. E. _mǣst_), _lest_ : _althermest_, i.
3101 f.: also regularly _oght_, _noght_, and _oghte_ (verb), but
_tawht_ : _awht_, i. 2770, and _aghte_ : _betaghte_, viii. 747.
O. E. =ǣ=. This, when representing West-Germanic _ā_, Gothic _ē_,
appeared as _ē_ in the Old Anglian and Kentish dialects, and might
naturally be expected to be sometimes close _e_ in the language of
Chaucer and Gower. It is well known that Chaucer uses many of the words
which have this vowel in a variable manner.
The same is true to some extent also in words where the original _ǣ_
corresponds to Germanic _ai_, and in which we find Old Kentish _ē_. Of
these _leden_, _clene_, _menen_, _leeren_ appear in Chaucer sometimes
with _ẹ̄_ (and _evere_, _nevere_ always). For these and some other
cases see ten Brink, _Chaucers Sprache_, § 25.
When we compare Chaucer’s usage with that which we find in our author,
we find what our former experience has prepared us to expect, viz. a
greater strictness and regularity of usage in Gower. The examples of
fluctuation between the two sounds are comparatively few.
Taking first the words in which _ē_ is from _ǣ_ corresponding
to West-Germanic _ā_, we find the following with _ę̄_:
_bede_ (pret. pl.), from _bǣdon_, (_dede_ : _bede_, i. 2047 f.).
_breth_ (: _deth_, i. 119, 2127, &c.).
_fere_, ‘fear,’ (: _ere_, i. 462, ii. 46).
_her_, ‘hair,’ (_heres_ : _teres_, i. 2999).
_lete_, from _lǣtan_, (: _grete_, i. 3365, &c.).
_lewed_ (: _thewed_, i. 274, _beschrewed_, iii. 479).
_sete_, pret. pl., (_sete_ : _grete_, iv. 1309), but _siete_
(not in rhyme), v. 3339.
_strete_ (: _grete_, i. 938, _bete_, i. 1156).
_there_ (: _ere_, i. 499, 558, &c.), but also _there_ : _swere_
(neck), iv. 859, and _hiere_ (adv.) : _there_, _Praise of
Peace_, 178.
_were_, from _wǣron_, (: _ere_, Prol. 235, i. 2808, &c.), but
also _ẹ̄_ in a few instances, as _hiere_ (verb) : _were_, i.
2741 f., _hiere_ (adv.): _were_, v. 747 f.
_where_ (e.g. _elleswhere_ : _eere_, Prol. 9), but _here_
(adv.): _elleswhere_, v. 361 f.
The substantive and verb _red_, _rede_ rhyme about equally with
_ẹ̄_ and _ę̄_, the latter cases being almost all with _ded_,
_dede_ (dead, sing. and pl.), as i. 1446, iv. 1940, 1960, &c. On
the other hand, _rede_ : _hiede_, i. 447 f., _rede_ : _spede_, i.
1293 f., ii. 103 f., &c., _red_ : _sped_, iii. 1991 f.
The following words of this class have as a rule _ẹ̄_:
_cheke_ (_chieke_) (: _mieke_, v. 2471, _eke_, v. 3019).
_dede_, ‘deed,’ (: _fede_, Prol. 465, _mede_, i. 1553, &c.,
_spede_, i. 2653, &c., _ȝede_, ii. 855, _forbiede_, iii. 1122),
but _dede_ (dead) : _dede_, i. 1037 f.
_drede_ (: _nede_, i. 1987, 2240[U], : _spede_, iv.
629, : _hiede_, iv. 1448, &c.), but _dede_ (dead) : _drede_,
ii. 3405 f., _drede_ : _rede_ (from _rēad_), iv. 185 f.
_leche_ (: _seche_, ii. 3220, _beseche_, iii. 413).
_meete_, ‘dream,’ (: _meete_, from _mētan_, iii. 51).
_mete_ (_unmete_), adj. (: _mete_, from _mētan_, ii. 458, iii.
1100).
_slep_, _slepe_, subst. and verb, (_kepe_ : _slepe_, Prol. 309
f., 475 f., _slep_ : _kep_, i. 155, &c.), but _slep_ : _hep_
(_hēap_), iv. 3007 f.
_speche_ (_spieche_) (: _seche_, Prol. 174, _beseche_, i. 1986).
_spieke_ (_speke_), from _sprǣcon_, pret. pl. (: _beseke_, ii.
959, _sieke_, ii. 1456).
_thred_ (: _sped_, i. 1419).
_ȝer_, _ȝere_, (_ȝere_ : _stiere_, ii. 2379, _ȝer_ : _hier_,
iii. 129, _ȝeeres_ : _pleiefieres_, iv. 481), with no instances
apparently of _ę̄_.
If we take now the words in which _ē_ is from _ǣ_ corresponding
to Germanic _ai_, we obtain the following results.
With _ę̄_:
_er_ (: _ner_, ii. 2285).
_geth_ (: _deth_, ii. 1804, 2616, &c.).
_lene_, ‘lend,’ (: _bene_, v. 4407).
_leve_, ‘remain,’ (: _bereve_, Prol. 412).
_se_ (_see_), ‘sea,’ (: _stree_, iii. 86, iv. 1715, _sle_, iv.
1664), but _be_ : _se_, iv. 1625 f., _me_ : _see_, viii. 1723 f.
_ȝe_ (_ȝee_), ‘yea,’ (: _slee_, iii. 262, 2068, _stree_, iii.
668).
(_stre_, _slee_, have no _ẹ̄_ rhymes, so we have no reason to
suppose, as in the case of Chaucer, that final _ē_ has a close
sound.)
With _ẹ̄_:
_areche_, from _ārǣcan_, (: _beseche_, ii. 666).
_clene_ (: _sene_, ii. 3461).
_del_ (_diel_), _somdiel_, &c. (: _whiel_, Prol. 137, _stiel_,
Prol. 612, 828).
_evere_, _nevere_, (: _levere_, Prol. 38, ii. 5, ii. 2417, &c.).
_-hede_ (_-hiede_) as a suffix: _hiede_ : _godhiede_, Prol.
497 f., cp. i. 1211 f., 1719 f., v. 595 f., viii. 95 f.,
_mede_ : _wommanhiede_, iii. 1607 f., _wommanhiede_ : _fiede_,
vi. 695 f., _maidenhede_ : _spede_, vii. 5145 f., viii. 1419 f.,
and so on, but once _ę̄_, _Maidenhede_ : _rede_ (from _rēad_), v.
5987.
_hete_, subst. and verb, ‘heat,’ (: _swete_, ‘sweet,’ ii. 2740,
vi. 249), but _hete_ : _tobete_, iii. 121 f., _hete_ : _bete_,
viii. 1195 f.
_lede_ (: _hiede_, v. 156, : _fede_, vii. 2336*), but _dede_
(dead) : _lede_, ii. 2779 f.
_lere_ (_liere_), from _lǣran_, (: _hiere_, verb, i. 454, iii.
2204, v. 2029, _diere_, viii. 1462, _hiere_ (adv.), viii. 1497,
_unliered_ : _stiered_, Prol. 233 f.).
_mene_ (_meene_), verb, (: _sene_, ii. 2830, iv. 1645, _wene_,
i. 1937, &c., _grene_, i. 777, &c., _tene_, iii. 771, _queene_,
iv. 786).
_sprede_ (_spriede_) (: _fede_, i. 2824, _spede_, ii. 504,
_spredeth_ : _nedeth_, v. 7679 f., _feedeth_, vi. 895 f.), but
_sprede_ : _hede_ (head), vii. 845 f.
_teche_ (: _beseche_, i. 590, 2260, iii. 132).
The above are the results arrived at by examination of the rhymes
with vowels of undoubted quality; i.e. _ę̄_ from O. E. _ēa_, and _ẹ̄_
from O. E. _ē_, _ēo_, _īe_. In addition to this, an investigation has
been made of the rhyming of these words among themselves and with
words of Romance origin, in the process of which some additional words
with _ē_ from _ǣ_, as _dele_, _hele_, _swete_, ‘sweat,’ _wete_, are
brought in. This cannot here be given in full, but it may be said that
in almost all points it confirms the results arrived at above. A few
words, however, to which an open vowel is assigned above, rhyme with
other words from _ǣ_ which almost certainly have _ẹ̄_, and therefore
must be set as having unstable pronunciation. Thus, in spite of the
rhyme _lene_ (lend) : _bene_ mentioned above, we have _lene_ : _mene_
(both verb and subst.) and _lene_ : _clene_, and though _fere_
rhymes more than once with _ere_, we have _lered_ : _afered_ and
_unlered_ : _afered_, which suggest that the close sound was possible.
On the whole we may set down the following as the result of our
examination.
With open vowel: of the _ǣ_ (_ē_) class, _bede_, pret. pl., _breth_,
_her_ (pl. _heres_), _lete_, _lewed_, _strete_: of the _ā_ = _ai_
class, _er_, _geth_, _leve_ (remain), _ȝee_ (yea).
With close vowel: of the former class, _leche_, _meete_ (dream),
_mete_ (fit), _slepe_, _speche_, _speke_, pret. pl., _thred_, _wete_,
_wreche_, _ȝer_, and with one exception only in each case _dede_,
_slep_: of the latter class, _areche_, _clene_, _del_, _evere_, _lere_,
_mene_, _nevere_, _teche_, and with one exception in each case, _-hede_
(_-hiede_), _lede_, _sprede_.
With unstable vowel: from _ǣ_ (_ē_), _drede_, _eve_, _fere_ (fear),
_red_ (subst.), _rede_, _there_, _were_, _where_: from _ǣ_ = _ai_,
_hete_, _lene_, _see_ (sea).
The conclusions to which we are led are, first that in Gower’s usage
there is less instability of vowel-sound in these words than in
Chaucer, the number of words with unstable vowel being smaller and the
variations even in their case more exceptional; secondly that Gower’s
language has a strongly pronounced leaning towards _ẹ̄_; and finally
that this tendency is quite as much visible in the words of the _ǣ_ =
_ai_ class as in the others.
O. E. =ēa=. The substantive _believe_ has _ẹ̄_ by influence of the verb.
There is no use apparently of _nę̄de_ from _nēad_ or of _ȝę̄r_ from
_gēar_, and _ek_, _eke_, seems invariably to have _ẹ̄_.
From _ēage_, _flēah_, _hēah_, _nēah_ we have _yhe_, _flyh_, _hih_,
_nyh_.
There seems no reason to suppose that _stre_, _sle_ had _ẹ̄_, as
has been concluded for Chaucer’s language because of such rhymes as
_sle_ : _he_, _stre_ : _she_, _stree_ : _we_, see ten Brink, _Chaucers
Sprache_, §23.
It has already been shown that _see_ (sea), which we have supposed to
have unstable vowel quality, very seldom rhymes with words having _ẹ̄_,
notwithstanding the frequent opportunity for such rhymes, and _ȝee_,
‘yea,’ never. It may be questioned whether the rule laid down by ten
Brink for Chaucer is a sound one, and whether Chaucer’s practice does
not really depend simply upon the larger supply of rhymes in _ẹ̄_, such
as _he_, _she_, _me_, _thee_, _be_, _se_ (verb), _tre_, _three_, &c. It
is at least possible that the difference here between Gower and Chaucer
arises from the fact that the latter was less strict in his rhymes, and
certainly the later developments of _sle_, _see_, _stre_, _ȝee_ supply
no confirmation of the idea that they had _ẹ̄_ regularly in Chaucer’s
language.
O. E. =ēo=. By the side of _sek_ (_siek_) there is occasionally _sik_.
The form _fil_, _fille_ for _fell_, _felle_, pret. sing. and pl. from
_falle_, are not used by Gower. He rhymes _fell_ (_fēoll_) : _hell_
(_hyll_) and _felle_, pret. pl.: _felle_ (_fyllan_).
The personal pronoun _ȝow_ (_ȝou_) from _ēow_ rhymes with _thou_,
_now_, &c.
O. E. =ī=. Fahrenberg’s instances of _ī_ : _ē_, i. 177 f. and iii. 413
f., are both founded on mistakes.
O. E. =ū=. The personal pronoun from O. E. _ūs_ is always written
_ous_, but rhymes in some instances with _-us_ in Latin names, e.g.
_Tricolonius_ : _ous_, _Tereüs_ : _ous_.
_būtan_ is shortened to _bot_, not _but_. It occurs also as a
dissyllable in the form _bote_.
O. E. =ȳ=. The only example of _ȳ_ as _ē_ is _fer_ from _fȳr_, which
occurs in rhyme with _ȝer_, iii. 694, (elsewhere _fyr_). Chaucer has
_fere_, dat., rhyming with _here_, adv., _Troilus_, iii. 978, and also
_afere_ in rhyme with _stere_, ‘stir,’ _Troilus_, i. 229.
The cases of _hedde_, _hed_, pret. and past participle (from _hȳdan_),
are examples of shortened _ȳ_ passing naturally to _e_, and so also
_fest_ from _fȳst_, _felthe_ from _fȳlþe_, _threste_ from _þrȳsta_.
From _ȳg_ in _drȳge_ we have _dreie_, but also _drye_.
O. E. =ō=. Gower, like Chaucer, rhymes the word _do_ (_misdo_, _undo_,
&c.), and occasionally _to_ in _therto_, with words that have _ǭ_
derived from _ā_, not only _so_, _also_, _two_, _wo_, but also _tho_,
adv. (i. 2609, iii. 683, v. 5331, &c.), _go_, _ago_ (ii. 2483, 3513,
iv. 1161, 3465, v. 5173, &c.), _overmo_ (i. 2385), _no_ (v. 4776),
_fo_ (iv. 3407). These words also rhyme with proper names, such as
_Juno_, _Lichao_, Babio. The other forms of _do_, as _doth_, _don_,
rhyme nearly always with _ọ̄_, but once we have _doth_ : _goth_, v.
3967 f., and once _don_ : _anon_, v. 3627 f. The rhyme _soth_ : _goth_
also occurs, v. 1579 f. This latter class of rhyme, as _don_ : _anon_,
_don_ : _gon_, _sothe_ : _bothe_, _soth_ : _wroth_, occurs frequently
in Chaucer’s earlier work, as the _Book of the Duchess_, but much less
so in the later.
These rhymes, like those of _hom_ with _com_, &c., noticed above under
_ā_, are to be explained as due to scarcity of exactly corresponding
rhyme words. The only exact rhyme for _do_ and _to_ is in fact _schoo_,
which is found in Prol. 356, but obviously could not be of frequent
occurrence. The explanation given by ten Brink, _Chaucers Sprache_, §
31, and repeated mechanically by others, is that certain words which
have _ǭ_ from _ā_, as _wo_, _two_, _so_ (_swā_), may equally have _ọ̄_
upon occasion owing to the influence of _w_. This is shown to be wrong
both by the fact that the rhymes in question are, as we have seen, by
no means confined to these words, and by the absence of other evidence
in the case of _wo_ and _so_ that they ever had a tendency to _ọ̄_. The
fact that the rhyme _do_ : _so_ is by far the commonest instance is due
simply to the more frequent occasion for using the words.
In the rhyme _glove_ : _love_, v. 7047 f., we have to deal with _ọ̄_,
and there can be no question here of _love_ from _lufian_. Both sense
and rhyme point to a verb _love_ corresponding to the substantive _lof_
or _love_, mod. _luff_, and signifying the action of bringing a ship’s
head up nearer to the wind. The other rhymes used with _glove_ are
_behove_, Prol. 357, _prove_, iii. 2153.
We may note that _wowe_ from _wōgian_ rhymes with _bowe_ (_būgan_), which
does not fit in with ten Brink’s very questionable theory about the
development of _ou_ (_ow_), _Chaucers Sprache_, § 46, Anm.
(3) ROMANCE VOWELS. A few notes only will be added here to what has
already been said in the Introduction to Gower’s French Works.
Words with _-oun_ (_-on_) ending, as _condicioun_ (_-on_), _opinioun_
(_-on_), &c., rhyme only among themselves or with _toun_, _doun_,
&c. There are no rhymes like Chaucer’s _proporcion_ : _upon_, and it
is to be noted especially that the rhyming of proper names in _-on_,
as _Salamon_, _Acteon_, &c., with this class of words, which is very
common in Chaucer, does not occur in Gower’s English, though we
occasionally find it in his French. At the same time the possibility of
such rhymes cannot be denied, for we have _toun_ : _Ylioun_, v. 7235
f., and _Lamedon_ : _Jasoun_, v. 7197 f.
Adjectives in _-ous_ do not rhyme with _-us_, as in Chaucer
_Aurelius_ : _amorous_, _Theseüs_ : _desirous_.
The terminations _-arie_, _-orie_ are not used at all, but instead of
them the French forms _-aire_, _-oire_, as _adversaire_, _contraire_,
_necessaire_, _gloire_, _histoire_, _memoire_, _purgatoire_,
_victoire_. Latin proper names in _o_ rhyme with _ǭ_, as _Cithero_ (:
_also_), _Leo_ (: _also_), _Phito_ (: _tho_), _Juno_ (: _so_, _tho_),
&c., but also in several cases with _do_. There seems no sufficient
reason to suppose, as ten Brink does, that they regularly had _ọ̄_.
(4) CONSONANTS. The termination _-liche_ (_-lich_) in adjectives and
adverbs, which Fahrenberg judging by the rhymes sets down as very
uncommon compared with _-ly_, is by far the more usual of the two.
It is true that _-ly_ occurs more frequently in rhyme, but that is
due chiefly to the greater abundance of rhyme words corresponding to
it, e.g. _forthi_, _by_, _cri_, _merci_, _enemy_: we have, however,
_redely_ : _properly_, Prol. 947 f. The general rule of usage is this:
_-ly_ usually in rhyme (but _besiliche_ : _swiche_, iv. 1235 f.), and
before a consonant in cases where the metre requires a single syllable,
as i. 2069, ‘Al prively behinde his bak’ (but _frendlich_, viii. 2173),
_-liche_ or _-lich_ before a vowel, as i. 373, ‘That ronne besiliche
aboute,’ cp. ii. 1695, v. 1247, and _-liche_ of course where two
syllables are required, as i. 1035, ‘Was thanne al openliche schewed,’
so ii. 918, iv. 57, and compare also iii. 2065 f.,
‘Unkindely for thou hast wroght,
Unkindeliche it schal be boght.’
But in Prol. 719 we have _only_ before a vowel,
‘Noght al only of thorient,’
though _onliche_ occurs in a similar position, i. 1948, and _onlich_,
iii. 42. Again, 911,
‘And sodeinly, er sche it wiste,’
but Prol. 503,
‘Al sodeinliche, er it be wist,’
cp. iv. 921, compared with i. 1336.
The treatment of the O. E. spirant _h_ (= χ) deserves some attention.
This occurring before _t_ is recognized as having in M. E. a palatal
or a guttural sound, according to the nature of the preceding vowel,
but the texts of our period usually give it as _gh_ in both cases.
Gower, however, makes a distinction, writing almost regularly _alihte_,
_briht_, _dihte_, _fihte_, _flihte_, _kniht_, _liht_, _miht_, _mihte_,
_niht_, _riht_, _sihte_, _wiht_, _heihte_, _sleihte_, &c., but _aghte_,
_caghte_, _straghte_, _boghte_, _broghte_, _noght_, _oght_, _oghte_,
_soghte_. Occasionally however in the first class we find _g_, as
rarely _bryghte_, _lighte_, more frequently _heighte_, _sleighte_, and
pretty regularly _eighte_; and there are several words in the second
which have variants with _h_, but in these cases _w_(_u_) is inserted,
as _cawhte_, _strawhte_, _dowhter_ (_douhter_), _owhte_ : otherwise _u_
is generally absent, as we have already seen. The form referred to is
commoner with the vowel _a_ than with _o_.
It is hardly necessary to repeat here that _plit_ is a word of Romance
origin, and rhymes properly with _delit_, _appetit_, not with _liht_,
_niht_, &c., being separate in etymology from O. E. _pliht_.
From the fact that there is no rhyming of _-iht_ with _-it_ either in
Gower or Chaucer, we may certainly gather that the sounds were somewhat
different; but the fact that Gower does not usually write _gh_ after
_i_ indicates, no doubt, that in this case the sound of the spirant was
less marked than when preceded by broader vowels.
Where O. E. _h_ is a final aspirate, _g_ is not usually written, as
_sih_, _hih_, _nih_, _bowh_, _lowh_, _plowh_, _slowh_, _ynowh_, except
in the case of _thogh_, but very occasionally we find such forms
as _drogh_, _plogh_. In the words which have _w_(_u_) _h_ is often
dropped, as in _bowes_, _low_, _slow_ (preterites), _ynow_.