SECTION I._A Biography of the Signers of the Declaration of Independence, and of Washington and Patrick Henry With an appendix, containing the Constitution of the United States, and other documents

Transcriber’s Note: Italic text is indicated by _underscores_, boldface

text by =equals signs=.

A BIOGRAPHY

OF THE

SIGNERS

OF THE

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE,

AND OF

WASHINGTON AND PATRICK HENRY.

WITH

AN APPENDIX,

CONTAINING THE

Constitution of the United States

AND OTHER DOCUMENTS.

_BY L. CARROLL JUDSON_,

A MEMBER OF THE PHILADELPHIA BAR.

“The proper study of mankind is man.”

PHILADELPHIA:

J. DOBSON, AND THOMAS, COWPERTHWAIT & CO.

1839.

Entered according to the Act of Congress, A. D. 1839, by TIMOTHY

CALDWELL, in the Clerk’s Office of the District Court for the Eastern

District of Pennsylvania.

E. G. DORSEY, PRINTER,

LIBRARY STREET.

CONTENTS.

PAGE.

Declaration of Independence, 9

Thomas Jefferson, 13

John Hancock, 25

Benjamin Franklin, 30

Roger Sherman, 38

Edward Rutledge, 45

Thomas M’Kean, 49

Philip Livingston, 55

George Wythe, 58

Abraham Clark, 61

Francis Lewis, 64

Richard Stockton, 66

Samuel Adams, 70

Dr. Benjamin Rush, 78

Oliver Wolcott, 83

George Read, 85

Thomas Heyward, 88

Robert Morris, 92

John Witherspoon, 97

Thomas Lynch, Jr. 102

Matthew Thornton, 105

William Floyd, 108

William Whipple, 112

Francis Hopkinson, Esq. 115

Josiah Bartlett, 117

Arthur Middleton, 122

James Wilson, 126

Charles Carroll, of Carrollton, 132

William Williams, 136

Samuel Huntington, 139

George Walton, 142

George Clymer, 146

Carter Braxton, 152

John Morton, 155

Richard Henry Lee, 158

Stephen Hopkins, 164

Robert Treat Paine, 170

George Taylor, 174

Francis Lightfoot Lee, 177

Thomas Stone, 181

Lewis Morris, 184

John Hart, 188

Button Gwinnett, 191

William Ellery, 195

Lyman Hall, 200

John Penn, 203

Elbridge Gerry, 208

William Paca, 215

George Ross, 219

Benjamin Harrison, 223

Cæsar Rodney, 230

Samuel Chase, 236

William Hooper, 248

Thomas Nelson, 253

James Smith, 260

Joseph Hewes, 267

John Adams, 273

George Washington, 292

Patrick Henry, 303

APPENDIX:

Washington’s Farewell Address to the People of the United States, 313

A Declaration by the Representatives of the United Colonies of

North America, setting forth the causes and necessity of

their taking up arms, 325

Articles of Confederation, 330

Constitution of the United States, 337

Amendments to the Constitution, 348

The Declaration of Independence as originally written by Thomas

Jefferson, 350

ADVERTISEMENT.

The proprietor of this book, now verging on four score years, presents

it to the public with an anxious hope that it will be instrumental in

doing much good. To place within the reach of all classes of persons

who desire it, the history of the venerable sages who wisely conceived,

nobly planned and boldly achieved the independence of these United

States, is believed to be a matter of great importance, especially to

the rising generation.

Of those who signed the Declaration penned by Jefferson—the Articles

of Confederation adopted by the Continental Congress, and the Federal

Constitution—not one survives to aid in directing the destinies of our

country. Like leaves in autumn they have descended to the earth—the

winter of death has shut them from this world for ever. But they have

left their bright examples, their shining lights, their luminous

beacons, to guide their successors in the path of duty and of safety.

Having had the pleasure of seeing all the signers of the declaration

before they made their last bow and retired from the stage of action,

and having had the satisfaction of a personal acquaintance with many of

them, the proprietor has long felt a strong desire to have the history

of the prominent traits of their lives and characters reduced to a

single portable and cheap volume, that should not be an onerous tax

upon the purse or the memory. Such a volume is now presented to the

American public, carefully and impartially prepared—plain in style,

simple in arrangement and republican in its features.

If all obey the precepts suggested, and imitate the examples delineated

upon the following pages, our republic will continue to rise sublimely,

until it reaches an eminence of power and grandeur before unknown among

the nations of the earth.

That this may be the happy lot of our country, and that our free

government may be preserved in its native purity, is the sincere and

ardent wish of the proprietor.

TIMOTHY CALDWELL.

_Philadelphia, February 22, 1839._

PREFACE.

The present is emphatically an era of books. The march of mind is

onward and upward, bold and expanding. The soaring intellect of man,

rising on the wings of investigation and experiment, is seizing upon

the elements in all their varied forms, threatening to unveil and

reduce to subjection the whole _arcana_ of nature. The flood gates of

science are opened, and its translucent stream, rushing through the

magic channel of the press, is illuminating the world with rays of

light, as multiform in their hues as a rainbow. Like that beautiful

phenomenon, some of them attract the delighted gaze of many for a brief

period, then vanish from view for want of reflectives, or dissolve in

thin air for want of stamina—an ominous hint to the present writer.

He, however, has not aimed at brilliancy or high refinement in

composition, nor has he attempted to create a literary GEM to induce

admiration. He has aimed at brevity in the impartial statement of plain

matters of fact, avoiding verbiage and extracting the essence of the

history of the sages of ’76. His work is not designed for the diffusive

crucible of the critic, or the empirical hauteur of the cynic. To make

a _useful_ book has been the ultimatum of his efforts. It has been his

constant purpose to incite a love for moral rectitude, a veneration for

unsophisticated religion and pure patriotism, and a lively interest

in the perpetuity of our union as a free people, by reflecting the

precepts and examples of the revolutionary patriots upon the mind

of the reader, from the truth-telling mirror of their history. To

preserve, in its pristine purity, the liberty they purchased with years

of toil, streams of blood and millions of treasure, is a duty imposed

upon us by the law of nature, and by the great Jehovah. To imprint this

deeply and strongly upon the heart of every reader, the author has

interspersed many practical remarks, and, in some instances, compared

the past with the present time.

If the amputating knife, the scalpel and the probe have occasionally

been used, a sincere desire to do good has prompted their application.

To remove the unsound parts of the body politic—should be a desideratum

with every freeman. By shrinking from this duty, we jeopardize our

elective franchise and court the domination of designing men, who smile

that they may betray, and flatter that they may destroy.

The author has laboured to be concise without being obscure, to inform

the understanding without burdening the memory. He has introduced

many apothegms, intending to improve the mind and mend the heart. The

causes that led to the revolution, its interesting progress, its happy

termination and the formation of our federal government, are all amply

delineated. The character of each of the individuals who signed the

declaration, and of the illustrious Washington and the bold Patrick

Henry, is fully portrayed. The most prominent acts of their lives are

also clearly exhibited. But few of the biographettes are encumbered

with documentary extracts, although they will be found sufficiently

full for all ordinary purposes.

To write the biography of fifty-eight individuals, all engaged in the

accomplishment of a single object, although that object may be shrouded

in refulgent glory—and preserve an interesting variety without being

prolix or verbose, is a task no one can realize without attempting it—a

task that the author does not claim the credit of having performed.

To compensate for any want of diversity, the reader will find all the

important facts contained in more expensive, ponderous and voluminous

works, placed in so small a compass, that they may be referred to with

greater facility than in them.

In the order of the names, it seems most appropriate to place the

author of the Declaration of Independence first. In some instances, a

character of high classic attainments has been placed by the side of

one whose literary advantages were extremely limited, that the reader,

when admiring the dazzling splendour of the former, may contemplate the

equal patriotism and substantial usefulness of the latter. The names

of Messrs. Gwinnett and Ellery, are placed by the side of each other

because of the contrast in their demise.

The Appendix is considered an important affixion, and renders the work

more full and complete. The Farewell Address of Washington is one of

the happiest productions ever penned by mortal man. It should be read

often, not only by the young, but by _all_—the rich and the poor—the

public officer and the private citizen. It should be rehearsed in every

school and declaimed in every lyceum.

The Constitution of the United States should also be better known; it

should be familiar to every farmer and mechanic, that it may be better

understood and more faithfully adhered to.

Finally, to carry the reader back to first principles, and point

plainly and clearly to the land marks of ’76, as fixed by the signers

of the declaration of our independence, and to rouse the patriot to

a just sense of our blood-bought privileges and the necessity of

preserving them pure and undefiled, has been the constant aim of the

author.

If his humble, but honest and earnest efforts shall prove instrumental

in adding one inch of time—one happy hour to our political existence,

or in strengthening one single link of the golden chain of the glorious

UNION of these United States, he will deem the months of severe labour

devoted to the preparation of this work—AS TIME WELL SPENT.

L. CARROLL JUDSON.

_Philadelphia, February 22, 1839._

Declaration of Independence,

BY THE THIRTEEN UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,

IN CONGRESS ASSEMBLED,

JULY 4, MDCCLXXVI.

“When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one

people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with

another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and

equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature’s God entitle

them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they

should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.

“We hold these truths to be self-evident:—that all men are created

equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable

rights; that amongst these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of

happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted

among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed;

that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these

ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to

institute new government, laying its foundation on such principles,

and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most

likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will

dictate that governments long established should not be changed for

light and transient causes; and accordingly, all experience hath shown,

that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable,

than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are

accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing

invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under

absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off

such government, and to provide new guards for their future security.

Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies, and such is now

the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of

government.

“The history of the present king of Great Britain is a history of

repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the

establishment of an absolute tyranny over these states. To prove this,

let facts be submitted to a candid world.

“He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary for

the public good.

“He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing

importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should

be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend

to them.

“He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large

districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of

representation in the legislature, a right inestimable to them, and

formidable to tyrants only.

“He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual,

uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public records,

for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his

measures.

“He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly for opposing, with

manly firmness, his invasions on the rights of the people.

“He has refused, for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause

others to be elected; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of

annihilation, have returned to the people at large, for their exercise;

the state remaining, in the meantime, exposed to all the dangers of

invasion from without and convulsions within.

“He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these states; for that

purpose obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners; refusing

to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the

conditions of new appropriations of lands.

“He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his

assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers.

“He has made judges dependent on his will alone for the tenure of their

offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.

“He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of

officers to harass our people, and eat out their substance.

“He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies, without the

consent of our legislatures.

“He has affected to render the military independent of, and superior

to, the civil power.

“He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to

our constitution and unacknowledged by our laws, giving his assent to

their acts of pretended legislation.

“For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:

“For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murders

which they should commit on the inhabitants of these states:

“For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world:

“For imposing taxes on us without our consent:

“For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury:

“For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offences.

“For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighbouring

province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging

its boundaries, so as to render it at once an example and fit

instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies:

“For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and

altering fundamentally the forms of our governments:

“For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested

with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.

“He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his

protection, and waging war against us.

“He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and

destroyed the lives of our people.

“He is, at this time, transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries

to complete the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun,

with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the

most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized

nation.

“He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the high

seas, to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of

their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands.

“He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured

to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian

savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction

of all ages, sexes, and conditions.

“In every stage of these oppressions, we have petitioned for redress,

in the most humble terms; our repeated petitions have been answered

only by repeated injury. A prince, whose character is thus marked by

every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free

people.

“Nor have we been wanting in attentions to our British brethren. We

have warned them, from time to time, of attempts by their legislature

to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them

of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have

appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured

them, by the ties of our common kindred, to disavow these usurpations,

which would inevitably interrupt our connexions and correspondence.

They, too, have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity.

We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our

separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind—enemies in

war—in peace, friends.

“We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of America,

in general Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the

world for the rectitude of our intentions, Do, in the name, and by

authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and

declare, that these United Colonies are, and of right, ought to be,

free and independent States:—that they are absolved from all allegiance

to the British crown, and that all political connexion between them

and the state of Great Britain, is and ought to be, totally dissolved;

and that, as free and independent States, they have full power to levy

war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do

all other acts and things which independent states may of right do.

And, for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the

protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other, our

lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honour.”

JOHN HANCOCK.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.

_Josiah Bartlett_,

_William Whipple_,

_Matthew Thornton_.

MASSACHUSETTS.

_Samuel Adams_,

_John Adams_,

_Robert Treat Paine_,

_Elbridge Gerry_.

RHODE ISLAND.

_Stephen Hopkins_,

_William Ellery_.

CONNECTICUT.

_Roger Sherman_,

_Samuel Huntingdon_,

_William Williams_,

_Oliver Wolcott_.

NEW YORK.

_William Floyd_,

_Philip Livingston_,

_Francis Lewis_,

_Lewis Morris_.

NEW JERSEY.

_Richard Stockton_,

_John Witherspoon_,

_Francis Hopkinson_,

_John Hart_,

_Abraham Clark_.

PENNSYLVANIA

_Robert Morris_,

_Benjamin Rush_,

_Benjamin Franklin_,

_John Morton_,

_George Clymer_,

_James Smith_,

_George Taylor_,

_James Wilson_,

_George Ross_.

DELAWARE.

_Cæsar Rodney_,

_George Read_,

_Thomas M’Kean_.

MARYLAND.

_Samuel Chase_,

_Thomas Stone_,

_Charles Carroll_, of Carrollton.

VIRGINIA.

_George Wythe_,

_Richard Henry Lee_,

_Thomas Jefferson_,

_Benjamin Harrison_,

_Thomas Nelson, Jr._

_Francis Lightfoot Lee_,

_Carter Braxton_.

NORTH CAROLINA.

_William Hooper_,

_Joseph Hewes_,

_John Penn_.

SOUTH CAROLINA.

_Edward Rutledge_,

_Thomas Heywood, Jr._

_Thomas Lynch, Jr._

_Arthur Middleton_.

GEORGIA.

_Button Gwinnett_,

_Lyman Hall_,

_George Walton_.

BIOGRAPHY.

THOMAS JEFFERSON.

When the Great Ruler of the universe resolved to set his people free

from Egyptian bondage, he raised up able and mighty men, to effect his

glorious purposes. These he endowed with wisdom to plan, and energy

to execute his noble designs. There is a most striking similarity

between the history of the Israelites, bursting the chains of slavery

riveted upon them by Pharaoh; and that of the American colonies, in

disenthralling themselves, by the aid of Heaven, from the oppressions

of the British king. Like Moses, Washington led his countrymen through

the wilderness of the revolution, and planted them, when the journey

was terminated, upon the promised land of freedom and independence.

Like Moses, he placed his trust in the God of Hosts, and like him, he

was aided and sustained by a band of sages and heroes, unrivalled in

the history of the world.

In the front of this band stood THOMAS JEFFERSON, who was born at

Shadwell, Albemarle county, Virginia, on the 24th of April, 1743. His

ancestors were highly respectable, and among the early emigrants to the

Old Dominion. They were true republicans, in affluent circumstances,

and exercised an influence that radiated to a considerable extent.

Thomas was the son of Peter Jefferson, a man much esteemed in public

and private life. The feelings imbibed from him by this son, were

conspicuous at an early age, and decidedly of a liberal character. From

his childhood, the mind of Thomas Jefferson assumed a high elevation,

and took a broad and expansive view of men and things. He was educated

at the college of William and Mary, at Williamsburg; and was always

found at the head of his class. For assiduity and untiring industry

in the exploration of the fields of science, he had no superior. He

analyzed every subject that came under his investigation, closely and

carefully; passing through the opening avenues of literature with an

astonishing celerity. His mind became enraptured with the history of

classic Greece and republican Rome, and, in early youth, his political

opinions appear to have been distinctly formed, and opposed to every

kind of government, tinctured with a shade of monarchy or aristocracy.

After having completed his collegiate course, he commenced the study

of law under chancellor Wythe, whose liberal views were well calculated

to strengthen and mature those already preponderating in the mind of

Jefferson. With regard to the oppressions of the mother country, and

the justice and necessity of resistance by the colonies, their kindred

bosoms were in unison. By a thorough investigation of the science of

law and government, Jefferson soon became prepared to enter upon the

great theatre of public action, and into the service of his injured

country. Planting himself upon the broad basis of Magna Charta,

encircling himself within the pale of the British constitution, he

demonstrated most clearly, that the ministry of the crown had long been

advancing, with rapid strides, beyond the bounds of their legitimate

authority, by exercising a tyrannical power over the American colonies,

not delegated to them by the monarchy they corruptly represented. So

conclusive and luminous were his expositions of chartered rights on

the one hand, and of accumulating wrongs on the other, that he soon

became the nucleus of a band of patriots, resolved on deeds of noble

daring—_on liberty or death_.

At the age of twenty-two, he was elected to the provincial legislature,

and commissioned a justice of the peace, which gave him an opportunity

of disseminating his liberal principles to a considerable extent. He

proclaimed himself the unyielding advocate of equal rights, and had

engraved upon his watch seal as his motto, “Resistance to tyrants is

obedience to God.”

By his eloquence and unanswerable reasoning, he soon kindled the flame

of opposition in old Virginia, which increased as tyranny advanced;

and, in 1769, assumed the shape of a resolution, offered and advocated

by Mr. Jefferson in the legislature, _not to import a single article

from Great Britain_. The boldness and firmness with which he maintained

his position, astonished the adherents of the crown, and gave a fresh

impetus to the glorious cause then in embryo. With ample pecuniary

means, with talents unsurpassed, his soul illumined with the fire of

patriotism, his indignation roused against the hirelings of the king,

his sympathies excited by the sufferings of his country, Mr. Jefferson

was well calculated to become one of the master spirits of the

revolution; one of the giant champions of universal freedom; a pillar

of fire in the cause of liberty, flashing terror and dismay into the

ranks of his enemies.

The plan of organizing committees of correspondence throughout the

colonies, was devised by him in the early part of 1773, and proved

eminently useful in producing unity of sentiment and concert of action

among the patriots. About that time, he wrote and published “A Summary

View of the Rights of British America,” which also set forth the wrongs

inflicted upon his countrymen, in bold and glowing colours. This he

addressed to the king in respectful, but plain and impressive language,

in the following eloquent strain. “Open your breast, Sire, to liberal

and expanded thought. It behooves you to think and act for your people.

The great principles of right and wrong are legible to every reader: to

peruse them, needs not the aid of many counsellors. The whole art of

government consists in the art of being honest,” etc.

So exasperated was Lord Duninore on perusing this article, that he

threatened to arrest its author for high treason. Written and published

during the session of the legislature of which Mr. Jefferson was an

influential member, and finding that resolutions had been passed by

the representatives, quite as treasonable in their character as the

publication in question, his lordship immediately dissolved the farther

action of that body.

The following year, the British ministry, in answer to petitions for

redress of grievances, sent to the assembly of the Old Dominion, a

series of propositions that _they_ termed conciliatory, but which,

in truth, added insult to injury. Their hypocrisy and fallacy were

unmasked and exposed by Mr. Jefferson, in a masterly strain of

eloquent and withering logic and sarcasm, that carried conviction to a

large majority of his colleagues. They were referred to a committee,

which reported an answer, drawn by the author of the declaration of

independence, similar, in its main features, to that much admired

document, which was immediately adopted. The ball of resistance was put

in motion, the electric fluid of patriotism commenced its insulating

powers in the north and in the south; and, extending from sire to son,

from heart to heart, the two streams met in the centre, and rising

in grandeur, formed the beautiful and luminous arch of FREEDOM, with

its chord extending from Maine to Georgia, its versed sine resting

upon the city of Penn. Under its zenith, at the city of Philadelphia,

the continental congress convened, in which Thomas Jefferson took his

seat on the 21st of June, 1775. Although one of the youngest members

of that venerated assemblage of sages and patriots, he was hailed as

one of its main pillars. Known as a man of superior intelligence,

of liberal sentiments, of strict integrity, of stern republicanism,

and of unbending patriotism, his influence was strongly felt and

judiciously exercised. From the beginning, he advocated a separation

from the mother country, and met, at the threshold, every argument

that was urged against it. He considered that allegiance to the crown

had been dissolved by oppression, and the original contract cancelled

by American blood. Submission was no longer a virtue; the measure

of wrongs was filled and overflowing; public sentiment demanded the

dissolution of the gordian knot; and a voice from heaven proclaimed,

“_let my people go_.”

The following year, the declaration of independence was proposed, and

Mr. Jefferson appointed chairman of the committee to draft a form. He

was requested, by his colleagues, to prepare the important document. He

performed the task with a boldness of design, and beauty of execution,

before unknown and yet unrivalled. The result of his labour is before

the world. Admiring nations have united in applauding the declaration

of our rights, penned by Jefferson, and sanctioned by the continental

congress on the 4th of July, 1776. As a master piece of composition,

as a clear and lucid exposition of the rights of man, the principles

of free government, the sufferings of an oppressed people, the abuses

of a corrupt ministry, and the effects of monarchy upon the destinies

of man, it stands unequalled. Pure in its origin, graphic in its

delineations, noble in its features, glorious in its career, benign in

its influence, and salutary in its results, it has become the chart of

patriots throughout the civilized world. It is the _ne plus ultra_[A]

of a gigantic mind, elevated to a lofty eminence by the finest touches

of Creative Power; displaying its boldest efforts, its brightest

conceptions, its holiest zeal, its purest desires, and its happiest

conclusions. It combines the attributes of justice, the flowers of

eloquence, the force of logic, and the soul of wisdom. It is the grand

palladium of equal RIGHTS, the polar star of rational LIBERTY, the

Magna Charta of universal FREEDOM, and has crowned the name of its

author with laurels of immortal fame.

[A] Nothing beyond—the utmost point.

In the autumn of 1776, Mr. Jefferson, in conjunction with Dr. Franklin

and Dr. Deane, was appointed a commissioner to the court of France, for

the purpose of forming a treaty of alliance. Ill health of himself and

family, and an urgent necessity for his services in his native state,

induced him to decline the proffered honour, and also to resign his

seat in congress.

He was immediately elected a member of the first legislature of

Virginia convened under its new constitution, and was looked upon as

one of the main bulwarks of her future safety. After taking his seat

in that body, his first business was, to demolish the superstructure

of the judicial code, that had been reared, either by, or under the

supervision of the British parliament. Although sustained and aided

by able and willing colleagues, the great work of revision fell most

heavily upon him. The first bill he introduced was aimed at the

slave trade, and prohibited the farther importation of negroes into

Virginia. This act alone is a triumphant confutation of the accusation

often reiterated against Mr. Jefferson, _that he was an advocate of

slavery_. To its _principles_ he was always opposed, and submitted

to it _practically_ only by entail. That he struck the first blow at

the unhallowed trade of importing human beings for the purpose of

consigning them to bondage, is a fact beyond dispute. That this was the

first grand step towards a correction of the most cruel features of

the _traffic_, will not be denied. To transfer those born in America,

from one state to another, bears no comparison to the heart-rending

barbarity of dragging the African from his native home.

He next introduced and effected the passage of bills destroying

entails, the rights of primogeniture, the church as established by the

English law; and also various others, calculated to assimilate the

entire system of jurisprudence in the state, to its new and republican

form of government; amounting, in all, to one hundred and twenty-six,

most of which were passed, and form the present much admired statutory

code of Virginia.

In 1779, he was called to the gubernatorial chair of the Old Dominion,

surrounded by dangers and perils on every side. The British troops,

headed by the proud Tarleton and the traitor Arnold, were spreading

death and destruction over the state, and contemplated the capture of

Jefferson, to cap the climax of their triumphant victories. Terror and

dismay were depicted on the faces of the more timid patriots, whilst

many of the bolder spirits were much alarmed at the approach of these

merciless foes. But the energy and vigilance of the governor were

found equal to every emergency. He rallied the bone and sinew of old

Virginia, who “with hearts of oak and nerves of steel,” checked the

enemy in their bold career of indiscriminate slaughter. He imparted

confidence and vigour to the desponding, and roused them to bold and

noble action. He dispersed the dark and gloomy clouds that hung over

his bleeding state, and inspired the friends of liberty with fresh

and cheering hopes of ultimate success. So highly were his services

appreciated during the eventful period of his administration, that the

members of the legislature entered upon their records an _unanimous_

vote of thanks to him, for the able and efficient manner he had

performed his public duties, expressing their high opinion of his

superior talents, strict rectitude, and stern integrity.

In 1783, Thomas Jefferson again took his seat in congress, and became

one of its brightest ornaments. The chaste and moving address from

that body to Washington, when he surrendered his commission, was from

the soul-stirring pen of Jefferson. He was chairman of the committee

appointed to form a plan of territorial government for the extensive

regions of the then “far west.” True to his favourite principle

of finally emancipating the sable African, he introduced a clause

prohibiting slavery after the year 1800, in any of the territories, or

states that should be formed from them.

In May, 1784, Mr. Jefferson was appointed a minister plenipotentiary,

to aid Messrs. Adams and Franklin, in the important duties of

negotiating treaties of commerce with several European nations. He

embarked in July following for France, and arrived there on the 6th

of August. During his stay he visited several of the foreign courts,

but spent the largest portion of his time in Paris. He commanded the

highest respect and esteem wherever he went. He was made a welcome

guest in the halls of literature, legislation, and jurisprudence.

He was received with marked distinction by courtiers and kings, and

effected much towards the promotion of the commercial interests of the

infant Republic he so ably represented.

He was at Paris when the French revolution commenced, and was

often consulted by the leading members of the national convention,

relative to the best course to be pursued, in order to establish

their government upon the firm basis of republicanism. So far as was

consistent with his situation, he gave his opinion freely in favour of

rational liberty.

On the 23d of November, 1789, he returned to his native land, and was

received with great enthusiasm and affection by his fellow citizens.

Soon after his arrival, he was induced to resign his commission as

minister to France, and accept the responsible situation of Secretary

of State under President Washington. The appointment showed the

sagacity of the chief magistrate, and proved a lasting blessing to our

country. Familiar with every principle of government; comprehending,

at one bold view, the requisites necessary to perfect and perpetuate

the new confederation, he was enabled to propose amendments to the

constitution that were subsequently adopted, with some suggested by

others; and to do much to beautify and reduce to harmonious system,

the new order of things. Well versed in the usages of diplomacy,

international law, and the policy of European courts, he was prepared

to plant the permanent landmarks of foreign intercourse that have

guided our nation to the present time in safety, and raised her

to a degree of greatness before unknown, in so short a period. A

reciprocity of commerce and honourable peace with foreigners, and a

rigid neutrality with belligerents, carefully avoiding ambiguous or

entangling alliances, were some of his leading principles. To submit

to nothing that was clearly _wrong_, and to ask for nothing but what

was unquestionably _right_, was a doctrine of Jefferson, forcibly

inculcated in his able correspondence with the French ministers, during

the brief period of their republic. The motto is still nailed to the

flag staff of the star spangled banner, and is handed down from sire to

son in its native purity.

To the domestic concerns of his country he devoted a laborious and

laudable attention. He insisted upon the adoption of a uniform system

of currency and of weights and measures, and suggested many other

improvements, predicated upon plain and enlightened premises, and

all designed to advance the best interests of the American system.

He pointed to the importance of securing and protecting fisheries,

and of encouraging enterprise in all the branches of industry. He

demonstrated the advantages of every species of commerce, and the

necessity of preventing others from monopolizing such sources as

legitimately belonged to the United States. He showed, in a masterly

exposition of existing facts, the increasing policy of European

courts, in restricting the intercourse of America, and their evident

designs of engrossing trade. He submitted to congress an able and

elaborate report, showing great foresight, close observation, and deep

investigation, relative to the privileges and restrictions of the

commercial intercourse of this with other countries. It received great

attention, was a subject of long and animated discussion in congress,

and became the foundation of a series of resolutions introduced by Mr.

Madison, embracing the doctrines it contained, and forming the great

line of demarcation between the _old_ school federal and republican

parties.

Having served his country long and faithfully, and having contributed

largely in placing her on the high road of prosperity and freedom, Mr.

Jefferson retired from public life on the 31st of December, 1793, and,

for a season, enjoyed the more substantial comforts of the domestic

circle at Monticello. He took especial care to impart comfort to all

around him, and treated his slaves in the kindest manner, thus reducing

to practice the mode of treatment towards them he had so often alluded

to in theory. The education of his children, the cultivation and

improvement of his estate, and the resumption of scientific research,

gave to him an exhilarating consolation he had long desired, and which

is never found in the arena of public business and political bustle.

His manner of life at the period alluded to, is happily described by

the Duke de Liancourt, a distinguished French gentleman who visited

him at Monticello, and who wrote a narrative of his tour in the United

States.

“His conversation is of the most agreeable kind, and he possesses a

stock of information, not inferior to any other man. In Europe, he

would hold a distinguished rank among men of letters, and as such he

has already appeared there. At present he is employed with activity

and perseverance in the management of his farms and buildings, and he

orders, directs, and pursues, in the minutest detail, every branch of

business relating to them. I found him in the midst of harvest, from

which the scorching heat of the sun does not prevent his attendance.

His negroes are nourished, clothed, and treated as well as white

servants could be. Every article is made on his farm; his negroes being

cabinet makers, carpenters, and masons. The children he employs in a

nail manufactory, and the young and old negresses spin for the clothing

of the rest. He animates them all by rewards and distinctions. In fine,

his superior mind directs the management of his domestic concerns, with

the same ability, activity, and regularity, which he evinced in the

conduct of public affairs, and which he is calculated to display in

every situation of life.”

During his recess from the toils of public life, Mr. Jefferson was

unanimously elected president of the American Philosophical Society,

a circumstance that was highly gratifying to him. It afforded him

much pleasure to occupy the chair that had been long and ably filled

by his revered friends, the illustrious Franklin and the philosophic

Rittenhouse. He proved himself, in every way, worthy of the honour

conferred. After a repose of three years, Mr. Jefferson was again

called upon by his fellow citizens to mount the theatre of public

action. President Washington had proclaimed his determination to retire

to the peaceful shades of Mount Vernon, and leave the presidential

chair to a new incumbent. The people had become divided politically,

and each party determined to nominate a candidate for the high

and responsible station about to become vacant. Mr. Jefferson was

selected by the democrats, and Mr. Adams by the federalists. The

election resulted in the choice of Mr. Adams for President, and of Mr.

Jefferson for Vice President. As the presiding officer of the Senate,

he discharged his duty with dignity and impartiality. Familiar with

parliamentary rules, he was uniformly prepared to decide such questions

as came before him, promptly, and generally to the satisfaction of the

members.

At the next presidential election, he was again a candidate in

opposition to Mr. Adams. The mountain waves of party spirit rolled over

the United States like a mighty torrent. Each party presented a bold

front regardless of danger, pressed on by a rear rushing to conflict.

The political campaign terminated in favour of the democrats, who

returned an equal number of votes for Mr. Jefferson as President, and

Aaron Burr as Vice President. This singular circumstance imposed the

election of the chief magistrate upon the House of Representatives.

To defeat the election of the great leader of the popular party, some

of his opponents voted for Mr. Burr. A most spirited contest ensued,

and thirty-five ineffectual ballotings were made. The ambition of the

latter gentleman for promotion, at last so much subsided, as to induce

him to withdraw from a farther contest with the man of the people’s

choice; and, on the thirty-sixth ballot, Mr. Jefferson was duly elected

President, and Mr. Burr Vice President; the former by a majority of

eight votes.

The following extract from his inaugural address will show with what

sentiments he entered upon the performance of his arduous duties.

“Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state or persuasion,

religious or political; peace, commerce, and honest friendship with

all nations; entangling alliances with none; the support of the state

governments in all their rights, as the most competent administrations

for our domestic concerns, and the surest bulwarks against

anti-republican tendencies; the preservation of the general government

in its whole constitutional vigour, as the sheet anchor of our peace at

home and safety abroad; a zealous care of the right of election by the

people, a mild and safe corrective of abuses which are lopped by the

sword of revolution where peaceable remedies are unprovided; absolute

acquiescence in the decisions of the majority, the vital principles

of republics, from which there is no appeal but to force, the vital

principle and immediate parent of despotism; a well disciplined militia

our best reliance in peace, and for the first moments of war till

regulars may relieve them; the supremacy of the civil over the military

authority; economy in the public expense, that labour may be lightly

burthened; the honest payment of our debts and sacred preservation of

the public faith; encouragement of agriculture and of commerce as its

handmaid; the diffusion of information and arraignment of all abuses

at the bar of public reason; freedom of religion, freedom of the

press, and freedom of the person under the protection of the habeas

corpus; and trial by juries impartially selected. These principles

form the bright constellation which has gone before us, and guided our

steps through an age of revolution and reformation. The wisdom of our

sages and blood of our heroes have been devoted to their attainment.

They should be the creed of our political faith, the text of civic

instruction, the touchstone by which to try the service of those we

trust, and should we wander from them in moments of error or of alarm,

let us hasten to retrace our steps and to regain the road which alone

leads to peace, liberty, and safety.”

Here is a statesman’s chart, drawn by one of the ablest navigators that

ever stood at the helm of government. His soundings were frequent;

his observations were made with mathematical exactness; he combined

experience with science, and traced his lines with boldness and

precision. To follow its directions is to ensure safety.

Based upon these principles, practically carried out, the

administration of Jefferson became popular, peaceful, and prosperous.

He knew the reasonable desires of the people, and exerted his

noblest energies to provide for them. He knew that the art of

governing harmoniously, consisted in an enlightened honesty, and

acted accordingly. He anticipated the future wants of the rising and

expanding republic over which he presided, and proposed, in his annual

and special messages to congress, wise and politic measures to meet

them. So satisfactory was his course to his fellow citizens, that

he was re-elected to a second term, by a majority of one hundred and

forty-eight.

His inaugural address, on that occasion, enforced the same principles

contained in his first, and manifested a deep and growing interest in

the welfare and prosperity of his country. As his belief in a Supreme

Power has been questioned by some, the following extract, containing

the same sentiment found in all his writings where this subject is

alluded to, may correct those who are labouring under an error on this

important point. Hear him, after invoking the aid of congress in the

affairs of the nation: “I shall need, too, the favour of that Being in

whose hands we are, who led our forefathers, as Israel of old, from

their native land, and planted them in a country flowing with all the

necessaries of life; who has covered our infancy with his providence,

and our riper years with his wisdom and power.”

If all who profess the religion of the cross, discarded sectarianism

and honoured unsophisticated _practical_ piety as much as did Thomas

Jefferson, the prospect of christianizing the world would soon burst

upon us with refulgent brightness. The partition walls of various

creeds, drawn from the same pure fountain, and coloured by fancy

and construction, would be dissolved by heaven-born charity, and

the superstructure of the Redeemer’s kingdom would rise from their

mouldering ruins in majesty sublime.

Soon after Mr. Jefferson entered upon the duties of his second term,

a portentous storm darkened the horizon of his country, charged with

the forked lightning of discord. In consequence of being disappointed

in obtaining the presidential chair amidst the confusion he created

when Mr. Jefferson was first elected, and superseded by Mr. Clinton

as vice president at the expiration of four years, Aaron Burr mounted

upon the whirlwind of his wild ambition, and attempted the formation

of a new republic in the Spanish provinces on the Mississippi;

apparently aiming at an ultimate division, if not dissolution of the

United States. Although he was acquitted, after being tried for high

treason, owing to his deep cunning in not committing the _overt_ acts

necessary to convict, yet the dark stigma of a traitor is marked upon

the splendour of his brilliant talents, in traces so deep, that time,

nor angels’ tears, can never remove it. Like a comet, propelled by its

own centrifugal force from its constitutional orbit, he fell to rise no

more, and our country was preserved from his Catiline grasp.

About the same time, France and Great Britain were at war, both of

which, and more especially the latter, had repeatedly insulted the

American flag under various but unwarranted pretences. Redress was

promptly demanded, and measures pursued to obtain it. Anxious to

preserve the peace of his country, but determined to vindicate her

rights and maintain her dignity, Mr. Jefferson, whilst he prosecuted

a vigorous negociation for the arrangement of a friendly intercourse

and the adjustment of existing differences, prepared for the final

alternative of war. He knew well the importance to England of the

importing and exporting trade, and as a means of bringing her to

honourable terms, recommended to congress the embargo law, which was

passed on the 22nd of December, 1807. This measure was violently

assailed by the opponents of the administration. It, however,

had a salutary effect upon the British government, and caused a

relinquishment of the most odious features of the assumptions of power

that had been set up, followed by more conciliatory propositions on

the part of England, for a final settlement of all difficulties and

wrongs. Thus situated were the foreign relations of the United States

when the second term of Mr. Jefferson expired, at which time he bid a

final farewell to public life, and left the destinies of his beloved

country in other hands. He had been an efficient and faithful labourer

in the vineyard of American liberty for nearly forty years; he left it

richly covered with foliage and fruit; in the full bloom of its vigour

and health; enclosed by the palisades of honesty and truth; and adorned

with the crowning glory of patriotism and philanthropy.

On the 3d of March, 1809, Thomas Jefferson surrendered the

responsibilities of chief magistrate, ceased to be the active

statesman, withdrew from the political arena, and again became a

private citizen, surrounded by the halo of his country’s gratitude,

consoled by the approbation of a pure conscience, and cheered by the

plaudits of admiring millions.

From that time forward, he declined all public honours, and remained

in peaceful retirement till the day of his death, seldom leaving his

favourite Monticello. But he did not enter upon a life of inglorious

ease. The same innate activity that had marked his brilliant career

from his youth, the same nobleness of mind and energy of character

that had raised him to the loftiest pinnacle fame could rear, still

prompted him to action. He immediately reduced his time to a harmonious

arrangement, and his whole business to the most perfect system. He

uniformly rose before the sun, and held a supervision over all the

concerns of his plantation. The various publications from his pen,

during the period of his retirement, show that he laboured arduously in

the fields of science and philosophy. For the promotion of literature

and general intelligence he opened an extensive correspondence with men

of letters, in this country and in Europe. He considered the diffusion

of knowledge, among the great mass of the human family, the greatest

safeguard against tyranny and oppression, the purest source of earthly

bliss, and the surest passport to freedom and happiness.

Acting from this impulse, he submitted the plan of a University to

the legislature of Virginia, to be erected at Charlottesville, a town

situated at the foot of the mountain that reared its romantic scenery

in front of his mansion. It was to be built with funds raised by

donations from individuals and from the state, himself to be a liberal

contributor. The plan of the buildings, the course of instruction, the

mode of discipline, the duties and accountabilities of the officers

and instructors, were all devised and drawn by Mr. Jefferson, and were

so much admired and approved by the members of that legislative body,

that they passed an act authorizing its adoption, and appointed its

author Rector, to carry the design into effect. Upon the completion

of that object he then devoted all necessary time, and _more_ money

than strict prudence called for. It became the doating object of his

old age, and his strongest efforts were exerted in its accomplishment.

These were crowned with success, and he had the happiness to live and

see the University completed and filled with students. The course

of instruction was designed to prepare the scholars for the general

routine of business, both public and private, without being strictly

classical. The library was selected by him with great judgment and

care, and was confined to what may be termed _useful_ books, treating

upon subjects necessary to be understood by every citizen, to

prepare him to discharge properly the duties he owes to himself, his

family, his country, and his God. A catalogue, written by the hand

of Jefferson, is still there, and carefully preserved. He exercised

a parental care over this institution as long as his physical powers

would permit; and was often seen viewing it with an exquisite pleasure

and an honest pride. Much of his time was devoted to visiters, to whom

his hospitality was liberally and kindly extended. Thousands of his

own countrymen paid their grateful respects to him, and Europeans of

distinction thought their tour in the United States incomplete, until

they took by the hand the PATRIOT, the SAGE, the PHILOSOPHER, and the

PHILANTHROPIST of Monticello. To delight, to instruct, and to please,

he was peculiarly calculated. He was familiar with every subject;

his mind united the vigour of youth with the experience of age; the

strength of a giant with the innocence of a babe. The broad expanse of

the universe, the stupendous works of nature, the Pierian fields of

science, the deep recesses of philosophy, and the labyrinthian avenues

of the intellect of man, seemed spread before him like a map of the

world. He was an encyclopedia of the age he adorned, a lexicon of the

times he enlightened, and one of the brightest diadems in the crown of

his country’s glory.

With calm dignity and peaceful quietude, Mr. Jefferson glided down

the stream of time towards the ocean of eternity, until he reached

the eighty-fourth year of his age. Forty-four years had rolled over

his head, since his amiable companion, the daughter of Mr. Wayles, an

eminent lawyer of Virginia, had slumbered beneath the clods of the

valley. One of two interesting daughters, the only children he ever

had, was also resting in the silent grave. The charms of earth began

to fade before him, and he felt sensibly that he was fast approaching

the confines of another and a better world. The physical powers and

mechanical structure of his frame were fast decaying; the canker worm

of disease was doing its final work; and the angel of death stood over

him with a keen blade, awaiting Jehovah’s signal to cut the thread

of life, and set the prisoner free. Early in the spring of 1826, his

bodily infirmities increased, and from the 26th of June to the time

of his decease, he was confined to his bed. He then remarked to his

physician, “my machine is worn out and can go no longer.” His friends

who attended him, flattered themselves that he would again recover, but

_he_ was convinced that his voyage of life was about to close, and that

he would soon cast his anchor in the haven of rest. To those around

him he said, “do not imagine that I feel the smallest solicitude as

to the result. I do not indeed _wish_ to die, but I do not _fear_ to

die.” To his last moments, he manifested a peculiar anxiety for the

future prosperity of the university which he had founded, regarding it

as the youngest child of his old age. Assured that it would receive

the fostering care of the state, he could say, now Lord, dismiss

me. On the 2nd day of July, his body became extremely weak, but his

mental powers remained as clear as a crystal fountain. He called his

family and friends around him, and, with a cheerful countenance and

calm dignity gave directions for his funeral obsequies. He requested

that he might be interred at Monticello, without pomp or show, and

that the inscription upon his tomb should only refer to him as “The

author of the Declaration of Independence, of the Statutes of Virginia

securing religious freedom, and as the father of the University.” He

then conversed separately with each of his family: to his surviving

daughter, Mrs. Randolph, he presented a small morocco case, which he

requested her not to open until after his death, and when opened, was

found to contain a beautiful and affectionate poetic tribute to her

virtues.

The next day, being told it was the 3d of July, he expressed a desire

that he might be permitted to inhale the atmosphere of the 50th

anniversary of our national freedom. His prayer was granted, the

glorious 4th of July, 1826, dawned upon him, he took an affectionate

leave of those around him, and then raising his eyes upward,

articulated distinctly, “I resign myself to God, and my child to my

country,” and expired as calmly as an infant sleeps in its mother’s

arms, without a murmur or a sigh. Thus lived and thus died THOMAS

JEFFERSON, universally esteemed in life, and deeply mourned in death by

a nation of freemen; deeply lamented by every patriot in the civilized

world.

In person, he was slender and erect, six feet two inches in height;

light and intelligent eyes; noble and open countenance; fair

complexion; yellowish-red hair, and commanding in his whole appearance.

In all the relations of public and private life, he was a model of

human talent and rigid integrity, rarely equalled and never surpassed.

His whole career was calm and dignified. Under all circumstances his

coolness, deliberation, and equanimity of mind, placed him on a lofty

eminence, and enabled him to preserve a perfect equilibrium, amidst all

the changing vicissitudes and multiform ills that flesh is heir to. He

kept his passions under complete control, and cultivated richly the

refined qualities of his nature. His philanthropy was as broad as the

human family; his sympathies were co-extensive with the afflictions of

Adam’s race. He was born to be useful; he nobly fulfilled the design of

his creation.

JOHN HANCOCK.

Biography is a subject of such thrilling interest, that the memory

of most men, in every age and nation, who have rendered themselves

eminent, either in the cause of virtue or vice, glory or infamy,

has been handed down on the pages of history. Among the unlettered

nations of the earth, we find the exploits of their heroes and sages

recorded with hieroglyphics, in wild simplicity; or find their names

interwoven in the wild and more romantic tales of mysterious tradition.

When graced with truth and impartiality, the subject is not only

interesting, but calculated to enrich our minds, by producing a desire

to emulate the examples of the great and good, and by pointing out to

us the paths of error, that lead us to disgrace and ruin. The interest

felt in the history of an individual, depends much upon the manner

the biographer performs his important and responsible duty, but more

upon the sphere of action and the magnitude of the cause in which the

individual has been engaged. The _cause_ in which JOHN HANCOCK, the

subject of this brief sketch, was engaged, is one deeply interesting to

every philanthropist, and more especially to every American. It was the

cause of humanity and equal rights, opposed to cruelty and oppression;

the cause of American Independence, opposed to British tyranny. The

_part_ he acted, was alike creditable to his head and heart; his fame

is enrolled on the bright list of the illustrious patriots of the

revolution.

He was a native of Massachusetts, born near Quincy, in 1737. His

father, of the same name, was a clergyman, eminent for his piety,

and highly esteemed by the parishioners under his charge. He died

during the infancy of his son, and left him under the guardianship

of his paternal uncle, who treated him with all the tenderness of a

father, and continued him at school until he graduated at Harvard

College in 1754. His uncle was a merchant of immense wealth, and, on

the completion of his studies, placed him in his counting-house, that

he might add to his science a knowledge of business, of men, and of

things. In 1760, he visited England, saw the mortal remains of George

II. laid in the silent tomb, and the crown placed upon the head of his

successor. He continued in the business of his uncle until the age of

twenty-seven, when his patron and benefactor died, leaving him his vast

estate, supposed to be the largest of any one in the province.

He was, for many years, one of the select men of Boston; and, in 1766,

was elected a member of the General Assembly of Massachusetts. He there

exhibited talents of a superior order, which attracted the attention,

excited the admiration, and gained the esteem of his colleagues. They

also excited the jealousy and irony of his enemies, who soon put him in

the crucible of slander and persecution; but, after a long trial, he

came out like gold seven times tried; he was weighed in the scale of

justice, and not found wanting.

As a proof of the high estimation in which he was held when in the

assembly, he was placed on the most important committees of that body,

and was uniformly chairman. He was also elected speaker, but the

governor, who was jealous of his liberal principles, put a veto upon

his appointment.

His intelligence had led him to investigate the laws of nature, of God,

and of man; he arrived at the conclusion, that men are endowed by their

Creator with certain inherent privileges, that they are born equal, and

they of right are and should be free. He drank deep from the fountain

of liberal principles, and was among the first to repel the blind and

cruel policy of the mother country, and rouse his fellow men to a sense

of impending danger.

Although deeply interested in commercial business, and more exposed

to the wrath of kingly power than any individual in the province, he

boldly placed himself at the head of associations for prohibiting the

importation of goods from Great Britain. The other provinces caught the

fire from these examples; and, to these associations may be traced the

preliminaries of the tragic scene, that resulted in the emancipation of

the enslaved colonies of the pilgrim fathers.

As an evidence that John Hancock was a leading patriot at that time,

the first seizure that was made by the revenue officers, under pretence

of some trivial violation of the laws, was that of one of his vessels.

The excitement produced by this transaction was so great, that a large

number collected to rescue the property. It was moved under the guns

of an armed ship, ready charged, to repel any attack. But the popular

fury rose like a thunder gust from the western horizon; they rushed to

the onset; brought away the vessel, razed to the ground some of the

houses occupied by the custom-house officers, and burnt, in triumph,

the boat of the collector. This fire was, for a time, smothered by the

mantle of authority, but it was never extinguished; it was the fire of

Liberty. It only required to be fanned by the impolitic oppression that

eventually blew it into curling flames.

To prevent the recurrence of a similar scene, several regiments of

British troops, with all their loathsome vices fresh upon them, were

quartered amongst the inhabitants. This was like pouring pitch on a

fire to extinguish it. The stubborn and independent spirits of Boston

were not to be _awed_ into subjection. The consequences were tragical.

On the evening of the 5th of March, 1770, a party of these soldiers

fired upon, and killed a number of the citizens, who had collected

to manifest their indignation against those they _hated_ more than

they _feared_. Had an earthquake shook the town to its very centre,

the agitation could not have been greater. Had it been melting before

devouring flames, the commotion could not have increased.

The tolling of bells; the groans of the wounded and dying; the shrieks

of widows, mothers, and orphans; the flight of soldiers; the rush of

the inhabitants; the cry of vengeance, urged on by popular fury; all

combined to render it a scene of confusion and horror, upon which

imagination dwells and sickens; beneath which, description quails and

trembles; at the sight of which, humanity bleeds at every pore. It is

a commentary, strong and eloquent, upon the impropriety of quartering

soldiers amongst citizens, of maintaining civil law by military force,

and of intruding upon the _sanctum sanctorum_[B] of private and

domestic peace.

[B] Holy or sacred place.

On the following day, a meeting of the inhabitants was held; a

committee was appointed, at the head of which were Hancock and Samuel

Adams, instructed to request the governor to remove the troops from the

town. He at first refused, but finding, under existing circumstances,

that discretion was the better part of valour, he ordered their

removal. This, with promises that the offenders should be brought to

condign punishment, prevented further hostilities at that time.

The awful and imposing solemnities of interring those who were killed,

was then attended to. Their bodies were deposited in the same tomb;

tears of sorrow, sympathy, and a just indignation, were mingled with

the clods as they descended upon the butchered victims; and the event

was, for many years, annually commemorated with deep and mournful

solemnity. A _te deum_ and _requiem_ were chanted to their memory, and

the torch of liberty was replenished at their tomb.

At one of these celebrations, in the midst of the revolution, John

Hancock delivered the address. A few brief extracts will give the

reader some idea of the feelings and sentiments that pervaded his

bosom, and of his powers as an orator and a statesman.

“Security to the persons and property of the governed, is so evidently

the design and end of civil government, that to attempt a logical

demonstration of it, would be like burning a taper at noon day, to

assist the sun in enlightening the world. It cannot be either virtuous

or honourable to attempt to support institutions of which this is not

the great and principal basis.”

“Some boast of being friends to government: I also am a friend to

government, to a righteous government, founded upon the principles

of reason and justice; but I glory in avowing my eternal enmity to

tyranny.”

He then proceeded to portray, in vivid colours, the wrongs inflicted by

the mother country, and urged his fellow citizens to vindicate their

injured rights.

In speaking of the Boston massacre, his language shows the emotions of

his heaving bosom, the feelings of his indignant soul.

“I come reluctantly to the transactions of that dismal night, when, in

such quick succession, we felt the extremes of grief, astonishment,

and rage; when Heaven, in anger, suffered hell to take the reins; when

Satan, with his chosen band, opened the sluices of New England’s blood,

and sacrilegiously polluted her land with the bodies of her guiltless

sons.

“Let this sad tale never be told without a tear; let not the heaving

bosom cease to burn with a manly indignation at the relation of it

through the long tracts of future time; let every parent tell the story

to his listening children, till the tears of pity glisten in their

eyes, or boiling passion shakes their tender frames.

“Dark and designing knaves, murderous parricides! how dare you tread

upon the earth which has drunk the blood of slaughtered innocence shed

by your hands? How dare you breathe that air, which wafted to the ear

of heaven the groans of those who fell a sacrifice to your accursed

ambition? But if the labouring earth doth not expand her jaws; if the

air you breathe is not commissioned to be the minister of death; yet,

hear it and tremble! the eye of heaven penetrates the darkest chambers

of the soul, and you, though screened from human observation, must be

arraigned, must lift your hands, red with the blood of those whose

death you have procured, at the tremendous bar of God.”

His boldness greatly exasperated the adherents of the crown, and every

artifice was put in requisition to injure his growing popularity.

Amongst them, was his nomination by the governor, who had uniformly

been his enemy, to the council, hoping, by this stratagem, that

he would, by his acceptance, turn the populace against him. By a

prompt refusal he defeated the intrigues of his enemies, and riveted

himself more strongly on the affections of those who favoured liberal

principles, rendering himself more obnoxious to the king’s officers. He

was at this time captain of the governor’s guard, and was immediately

removed. As a testimony of respect to him, his company; composed of the

first citizens of Boston, dissolved themselves at once.

The tocsin of the revolution was now sounded from the heights of

Lexington; American blood had again been shed by British soldiers;

the people heard the dread clarion of revolution; thousands rushed to

the rescue; the hireling troops fled; in their flight, they found the

messengers of death stationed on their whole route; retribution met

them at every corner; the trees and fences were illumined by streams

of fire from the rusty muskets of the native yeomanry; and many of

Briton’s proud sons slumbered in the arms of death on that memorable,

that eventful day.

The governor, on the reception of this news, issued his proclamation

in the name of his most Christian Majesty, George the III., declaring

the province in a state of rebellion, but graciously offering pardon to

all returning penitents, excepting John Hancock and Samuel Adams, who

had also rendered himself obnoxious by his patriotic and independent

course. A secret attempt was made to arrest them, but was foiled.

These two philanthropists were preserved to aid in the glorious cause

they had boldly and nobly espoused, and to become shining lights in

the blue arch of liberty, and bright examples of patriotism to future

generations. Their proscription by the governor only served to endear

them still more to their friends and their bleeding country. In 1774,

John Hancock was unanimously elected President of the Provincial

Congress of Massachusetts; and, in 1775, he was called to preside over

the Continental Congress. He accepted this appointment with diffidence,

there being many of its number much his senior, and of eminent talents.

He, however, succeeded in discharging the arduous duties assigned

him, with fidelity and great ability, and to the satisfaction of his

colleagues and his country.

His was the only name affixed to the Declaration of Independence when

it was first published and presented to the fearless patriots for

their approval; and it stands first in bold relievo, on a thousand

facsimiles, scattered through the world. It stands at the head of a

list of sages, whose names are enrolled in unfading glory, and will be

handed down to the remotest ages of time, unsullied and untarnished.

Impaired in his health and worn down by fatigue, Mr. Hancock resigned

his station in Congress in October, 1777, having presided over that

august body for two years and a half, with a credit to himself,

gratifying to his friends, and advantageous to the cause of human

rights.

Soon after he returned home, he was elected to a convention of his

native state to form a constitution for its government. His experience

and talents were of great service in producing a truly republican

instrument. In 1780, he was elected the first governor under the new

constitution, and continued to fill the gubernatorial chair for five

years, when he resigned. After two years he was again elected, and

continued to fill this station, with dignity and usefulness, during the

remainder of his life. During his administration over the destinies of

his dear native state, there were many difficulties to overcome, many

evils to suppress. The devastations of the war had paralyzed every kind

of business; reduced thousands from affluence to poverty; polluted

the morals of society; and left a heavy debt to be liquidated. Many

conflicting interests were to be reconciled; many restless spirits

were to be subdued; and many visionary theories were to be exploded.

Insubordination, arrayed in a faction of 12,000 men, threatening to

annihilate the government, was the most prominent evil to be removed.

Abuses and riots were of frequent occurrence; the civil authorities

were disregarded; and it was found necessary to call out the militia to

preserve order. By the prudent management of Governor Hancock, these

difficulties were adjusted, the clamour of the people hushed, their

complaints silenced, order restored, and but few lives sacrificed at

the shrine of treason.

For a time, the governor, by his firm and determined course, incurred

the displeasure and enmity of many prominent men; but when reason

resumed her station, and prosperity began to alleviate the burdens that

had been so strongly felt, their ire was appeased, the sour feelings

of party spirit lost their rancour, and admiration and esteem for his

sterling virtues and talents, and the long and arduous services he

had rendered his country and his state, disarmed his enemies of their

resentment, and produced uniform love and esteem.

He used his best exertions in favour of the adoption of the federal

constitution, and, to cap the climax of his well earned fame, he left a

sick bed on the last week of the session of the Assembly of his state,

and, by his vote and influence, induced them to accept and sanction

that important instrument of confederation, that has thus far held us

in the bonds of union, strength, and power.

Governor Hancock now had the satisfaction of seeing prosperity

spread its benign influence over the whole infant republic, and her

institutions, laws, trade, manufactures, commerce, and agriculture,

based on the firm pillars of freedom and eternal justice. His long

nursed vision was reduced to a happy reality; he felt that he could

die in peace; and, on the 8th of October, 1793, his soul took its

flight suddenly and unexpectedly, to join the kindred spirits that had

gone before, to enter upon the untried scenes of the eternal world.

He continued to serve his country to the last, and, if a particle

of malice against him lingered in the dark bosom of any man, it was

buried with him in the tomb. Governor Hancock was amiable in his

private character; highly honourable in his feelings; gentlemanly in

his deportment; fashionable in his style of living; fond of innocent

amusements, but free from corrupting vices; liberal and charitable;

a friend to the poor, the oppressed, and the distressed; diligent in

business; open and frank in his disposition; a faithful companion; a

public spirited citizen, and a consistent man.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

The name of BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, conspicuous upon the pages of European

and American biography, ever commands peculiar respect and veneration.

It is surrounded with a rich variety, as rare as it is instructive and

interesting.

Franklin was born at Boston, on the 17th of January, 1706, exactly

ninety years before my humble self. His father was among the puritans

who fled before persecution, and sought repose in the wilds of

Massachusetts. His parents were poor, but honest and esteemed. Poverty

is ever inconvenient, but has not always been a disgrace. Honesty and

industry were formerly the brightest stars on the escutcheon of fame.

Franklin manifested a taste for improvement at an early age, and

exhibited talents of a superior order. His pious parents encouraged

his education as far as their limited means would permit, and were

anxious to see him prepared for the pulpit; but necessity compelled his

father to take him from school at the age of ten years, and place him

in his shop, to aid him in the prosecution of the chandler business.

But this did not paralyze his native genius. Original in every trait

of his character, eccentric in his manner, and the child of nature and

experiment, he commenced the study of practical philosophy, amidst

candle wicks, tallow, and soap. He went through the experiments of

ascertaining the precise quantity of sleep and food requisite to supply

the wants of nature, and the kind most conducive to health. At this

early age, he adopted rules of temperance, frugality, and economy,

worthy of imitation, and adorned with all the system of mature age.

He also accustomed himself to meet and bear disappointments with

philosophic fortitude. He continued to improve his mind by reading, for

which he had an insatiable thirst. Nothing passed by him unnoticed,

and his expanding genius drew philosophy from nature, from things,

and from men. He reasoned, analyzed, moralized, and improved, from

every thing he saw. Hence the vast expansion of his gigantic genius,

comprehending at one bold view, through after life, the philosophy of

mind, of nature, of science, of art, of government, of society, and all

the relations of creation, from the dust under his feet, through the

myriads of animalculæ in a drop of water, up to the bright seraphs of

the skies. A mind like his could not long be confined in a chandler’s

shop. Open and honest in his disposition, he communicated his wish of

moving in some other sphere, to his father. After an examination of the

various trades, and working a short time with a cutler, he was bound

to his brother, to learn the art of a printer. He soon became master

of his profession, and left a shining example for all apprentices, by

adding to his industry in business the improvement of his mind during

every leisure hour—a happy prelude to his glorious and useful career

through future life.

So intensely bent on the acquisition of knowledge was Franklin, that

he often preferred his book to his meal, and studied whole nights, in

defiance of the commands and entreaties of Morpheus. As he was paid a

weekly sum for his board, he adopted a course of simple vegetable diet,

by which he saved money to purchase books. He manifested a correct

taste and a sound judgment in the selection of authors and subjects.

Among them, he studied with admiration and attention the Memorabilia

of Xenophon, and became one of the closest imitators of Socrates, in

his mode of reasoning and habits of life, to be found on record. Before

he became versed in the rules of propriety, he often gave offence by

the bold and obstinate manner in which he advanced and maintained his

opinions.

He now commenced his literary career; and, as is most usually the case

with young authors, he offered his first sacrifice to Calliope, in a

strain of rhyming ideas. His poetry was applauded, but his father, who

was a man of sound judgment, cured him of his poetic mania, by turning

his verses into ridicule; at the same time encouraging him to improve

his talents by writing prose. Suspicious of his own ability, fearing

the shafts of criticism, he managed to have several of his productions

published in the paper edited by his brother, in so clandestine a

manner, that no one could know the author. When he found they met with

general admiration, his vanity, as he says, did not let the world long

remain ignorant of the writer.

Being flattered by praise and attention from others, he began to feel

his importance, which resulted in an open rupture between him and

his brother, to whom he was an apprentice. For some time, he endured

a course of harsh treatment, but at length resolved to free himself

from the chains of bondage. He soon found an opportunity of embarking

for New York, where he arrived in safety. Not being able to obtain

business there, he bent his course towards the city of Philadelphia, on

foot, and alone. On his arrival there, he had but one solitary dollar

left; was a stranger, and only seventeen years of age; and, without

business, must soon be dependent on the cold charities of the world for

his bed and board. On entering Market street, his eccentric appearance

excited the gaze of the multitude, as much as his towering talents

subsequently did the gaze of the world. He had a roll of bread under

each arm, and, approaching the Delaware, he sat down and feasted upon

his bread and the pure water from the river. His pockets were projected

to an enormous size with the various articles of his wardrobe, and, on

the whole, his corpulent appearance was not in bad keeping with old

Boniface.

Although there were but two printing offices in Philadelphia, he

succeeded in obtaining employment in one, as compositor. He now reduced

all his theories of economy to successful practice, maintaining himself

at a trifling expense, pursuing a correct and industrious career, which

gained for him the esteem of all his acquaintances. Among others, his

talents attracted the attention of Sir William Keith, then Governor of

the province, who invited him to his house and treated him with great

kindness.

The governor was a man whose liberality in _promises_, often went

beyond the means of his _purse_. Anxious to see his young friend placed

in more auspicious circumstances by his benefaction, he proposed to

set him up in business, and sent him to London, with letters of high

commendation, to obtain the necessary materials for his new enterprise.

On his arrival there, he was much chagrined to find that no pecuniary

arrangements were made by his new benefactor, and he found himself in a

strange land without money to enable him to return. But this was only

another lesson of experience, in whose school he delighted to study;

and, instead of sitting down under the weight of disappointment and

dejection, he soon obtained employment, and, by his skill and industry,

gained the confidence and esteem of all his new acquaintances. After

residing there for eighteen months he took passage for Philadelphia on

the 22nd of July, 1726. On his way home he concocted a set of rules to

govern his actions through future life, of the following substance:

I resolve to be frugal; to speak truth at all times; never to raise

expectations not to be realized; to be sincere; to be industrious; to

be stable; to speak ill of no man; to cover, rather than expose the

faults of others; and to do all the good I can to my fellow men.

Upon this foundation of native granite he built a superstructure, as

beautiful and enduring as the proudest memorials of Greece and Rome.

He arrived at Philadelphia on the 11th of October, and engaged with

the merchant, who owned the goods brought in by the ship in which he

came, as a clerk. The same industry and success attended him in the

counting-house that cheered him at the press, showing clearly that his

talents were of a rare and rich variety. His future prospects in this

new department brightened before him, but were suddenly prostrated

by the death of his employer, which threw him back into his former

trade. For a few months he worked for his old master, but finding a

partner who had more money than skill, they commenced business on

their own account. His industry and exertions were now put in full

requisition: he manned his own wheelbarrow in collecting materials for

business, and put nature on short allowance, until he should acquire

enough to be free from debt. His industry, punctuality, and correct

deportment, gained him many valuable and influential friends, through

whose patronage he was enabled to extend his business, and shake off

his partner, who had become worse than worthless, by embarrassing

and retarding the business of the firm. Up to this era in his life,

Franklin had been emphatically fortune’s foot-ball. His life had been

a complete checker-board of changing vicissitudes, blasted hopes,

and keen disappointments. But, amidst all the stormy trials that had

tossed his youthful bark to and fro, surrounded by the foaming torrents

of vice, he never became tarnished by corruption, or degraded by the

commission of a base or mean action. The moral principles deeply

planted in his bosom by parental instruction during his childhood, were

as lasting as his life; a happy illustration of the good effects of

faithfulness in parents towards their children.

Having now become liberated from his partner in business, he began

to feel the necessity and propriety of choosing another, to fill up

the vacuum in his side, and share with him the joys and sorrows that

awaited him on this mundane sphere of action. Accordingly, in 1730, he

entered into a partnership for life with a widow lady, whose maiden

name was Read, and for whom he had contracted an attachment previous

to her first marriage. In him she found a kind husband, and in her he

found a much more agreeable partner than his former one.

Philanthropy predominated in the heart of Franklin; to better

the condition of his fellow men, was pleasure to his soul. The

rules governing the “Junto,” formed by him, and now merged in the

Philosophical Society, show a superior knowledge of human nature, and

of the duty men owe to the creature and the Creator. They breathe

universal charity, kindness, benevolence, and good will to all mankind.

Among them is one for the suppression of intemperance, a prophetic

prelude to the exertions of the present day in this cause.

Franklin had profited by the experience of the past, and was now

enabled to steer clear of the numerous rocks and quicksands of error,

on which so many are ruined and lost. Although he rode in many a storm,

prosperity beamed upon him from this time onward, through a long life

of usefulness. His new partner smiled upon him, his friends esteemed

him, and in the pleasures of the present, past pains were forgotten.

In 1732, he commenced the publication of “Poor Richard’s Almanac,”

which he continued until 1737, circulating 10,000 copies annually.

Although under an humble title, it was a work of great merit, being

replete with maxims and rules calculated for every day use in the

various relations of life. It gained great celebrity in Europe, and was

translated into various languages.

About this time he commenced the publication of a newspaper, which

was conducted with great ability, free from all scurrility, and a

messenger of truth. Would to God the same could be said of _all_ the

public prints of the present day.

He continued to pursue his studies, until he added to general science

a knowledge of the French, Italian, Spanish, and Latin languages. By

the “Junto” a small library was commenced, which formed the first

stepping stone to the present city collection. He wrote and published

a highly interesting pamphlet on the necessity of a paper currency,

and added much to his literary fame by the production of various

essays, written in his truly original style. He filled, successively

and successfully, the situation of state printer, clerk of the General

Assembly, and post-master of Philadelphia. He used unwearied exertions

to increase municipal improvement in the city, by the organization

of fire companies, lighting and improving the streets, regulating

the watch, and reducing every thing to that system, order, and

harmony, so congenial to his mind. He was the patron and father of the

Philosophical Society, the Pennsylvania University and Hospital; and

contributed, in every way he could, to advance the glory and prosperity

of his adopted home, and the happiness and peace of his fellow

citizens. All the important enterprises, both in the city and province,

during these days of his towering fame, were either originated by him,

or were more rapidly advanced by his wisdom and counsel; and scarcely

any project was undertaken without his approving sanction.

In 1741, he commenced the publication of a “General Magazine,” which

contained much useful matter, but was less acceptable than his previous

writings, being in part devoted to the litigated points of divinity.

The mechanic arts were also much improved by him. He brought to their

aid philosophy and chemistry, and combined them with science, economy,

and nature. He improved the chimneys, constructed a stove, and proposed

many useful and economical corrections in domestic concerns, from the

garret to the cellar, from the plough to the mill. Science acknowledged

his master spirit, the arts hailed him as their patron, the lightning

bowed in subjection to his magic rod, and nature claimed him as her

favourite son.

In 1744, he was elected a member of the provincial assembly, where he

was continued for ten successive years. Although not a popular speaker,

his clear head and sound judgment, as a legislator and a statesman,

gave him an influence over that body before unknown.

During the years he was serving his country in the assembly, he also

served in the fields of experimental philosophy, and explained many

of the mysterious phenomena of nature, that spread his fame to the

remotest bounds of the civilized world. His discoveries in electricity

alone, were sufficient to have immortalized his name. He was the first

man on record who imparted magnetism to steel—melted metals, killed

animals, and fired gunpowder by means of electricity; and the first who

conceived and reduced to practice, the method of conducting lightning

from the clouds to the points of steel rods, and, by them, harmless

to the ground. All the elements and fluids, the air, sea, and land,

underwent the close investigation of his vast, his philosophic mind.

In 1758, he was sent to Carlisle to conclude a treaty with the

Indians; and in the following year, to Albany, to meet a congress of

commissioners, to arrange means of defence against the threatened

hostilities of the French and savages. He there submitted a plan that

met with the unanimous approbation of the commissioners, but was so

republican in its features, as to be rejected by those who had at heart

the interests of their king more than the happiness of the colonists.

On the decease of the deputy post-master general of America, Franklin

succeeded him, and raised the department from a state of embarrassment

and expense, to a fruitful source of revenue to the crown.

About this time difficulties arose between the proprietors and

government in the province of Pennsylvania, which were finally

referred to the mother country for adjustment, and Franklin was sent

to England in June, 1757, as advocate for the province. With his

usual industry and address, he performed the duties of his mission,

the difficulties were adjusted, and in 1762, he returned, received a

vote of thanks from the assembly, and a compensation of five hundred

pounds. He was now variously employed in regulating the post-office

department, making treaties with the Indians, and devising means of

defence on the frontiers: every department of government feeling his

beneficial influence. New difficulties arose between the assembly and

the proprietors, and, in 1764, Franklin again sailed for England,

with instructions to obtain the entire abolishment of proprietary

authority. On his arrival there, he was called upon to perform more

important and perilous duties. The plan for taxing the colonies had

been long agitated, and was now matured by the British ministry.

This project Franklin had opposed from the beginning, and he was now

arraigned to answer numerous accusations brought against him by the

enemies of liberty. On the 3d of February, 1766, he appeared before

the House of Commons to undergo a public examination. He was found

equal to the task; his enemies were astounded at his logic, boldness,

dignity, and skill; and his friends were filled with admiration at the

able manner he confuted every accusation, and defended the rights and

interests of his native country. Amidst the attacks of artifice and

insolence of power, he stood unmoved, and firm as a marble statue. He

remained in England eleven years as the agent of the colonies, opposing

the encroachments of the crown upon the rights of Americans; and,

during the whole time, all the combined efforts of malice, flattery,

and intrigue, were unable to ensnare or intimidate him. He became

acquainted with the etiquette, corruptions, and devices of diplomacy;

but never bent his knee to Baal, or kissed the hand of a crowned head.

Matters had now arrived at a crisis that induced his departure for

his long neglected home. His personal safety in England, and the need

of his public services in his own country, admonished him to return.

He accordingly embarked, and arrived at Philadelphia in the beginning

of May, 1775. He was received with marked attention and esteem, and

immediately elected to the continental congress, adding new lustre and

dignity to that august body, and enrolling his name among the signers

of the Declaration of Independence. Notwithstanding he had used every

exertion to reconcile difficulties with Great Britain, and believed

his country was yet too weak to achieve its independence, his course

was now onward, resolved, with his patriotic colleagues, on liberty or

death.

The talents of Franklin were now had in constant requisition, both by

his own state and in the general congress. He was always selected to

meet the agents of the crown, who were at various times commissioned

to offer terms of inglorious peace. They always found in him the firm

uncompromising advocate of liberty; the shrewd and wary politician; the

bold and zealous defender of the rights of his bleeding country. The

disasters of the American army during the campaign of 1778, induced

congress to apply to France for assistance. All eyes were turned

on Franklin to perform this important mission. In October, 1776,

he embarked upon this delicate embassy, and, after a most vigilant

intercession, succeeded in concluding a treaty of alliance with that

nation, on the 6th of February, 1778, to the great joy of himself

and his suffering countrymen. When the news of this alliance reached

England, the ministry were much alarmed, and despatched messengers

to Paris to endeavour to induce Franklin to enter into a compromise.

All was in vain. To Mr. Hutton and others, who came to him with the

olive branch of peace, he replied: “I never think of your ministry

and their abettors, but with the image strongly painted in my view of

their hands red and dropping with the blood of my countrymen, friends

and relations. No peace can be signed by those hands, unless you drop

all pretensions to govern us, meet us on equal terms, and avoid all

occasions of future discord.”

He met all their intrigues at the threshold, and they became convinced

that the hardy yeomanry of America were not to be dragooned, flattered,

or driven from the bold position they had assumed. During the numerous

interviews he had with these emissaries, (I can call them by no milder

term,) Franklin was cautioned by Mr. Heartley to beware of his personal

safety, which had been repeatedly threatened. He thanked his friend

and assured him he felt no alarm, that he had nearly finished a long

life, and that the short remainder was of no great value. He ironically

remarked: “Perhaps the best use such an old fellow can be put to, is to

make a martyr of him.”

If it required much skill and perseverance to _negociate_ an alliance

with France, it required more to _preserve_ it. A republican form

of government is ever repugnant to kingly power. That the French in

America would imbibe liberal principles, was a matter of course.

That the thrones of Europe would be endangered on their return, was

truly predicted. By this course of ingenious reasoning, the British

ministers exerted a powerful influence against the continuation of

the alliance. But the eagle eye of Franklin penetrated, anticipated,

and frustrated all their dark schemes of intrigue; and, in the event,

they were compelled to comply with his terms of peace, acknowledge the

independence of the colonies, and retire, defeated, disgraced, and

humbled. In the arduous duties of settling definitive preliminaries of

peace, Franklin was aided by Messrs. Adams, Jay, and Laurens. These

duties were closed, and a definitive treaty concluded with Great

Britain and the United States at Paris on the 3d of September, 1783.

Although anxious to be discharged from further public service, it was

not until 1785, that Franklin was permitted to return to his beloved

country, where he could breathe the pure air of republican freedom,

no longer polluted by kingly power. During this time he had concluded

treaties between the United States and the kings of Sweden and Prussia.

On his departure from Europe every mark of respect was paid to him by

kings, by courts, by the literati, and by all classes of society that

the most towering ambition could desire. He was clothed with the mantle

of love and unfading glory. His reputation was perched sublimely on the

loftiest pinnacle fame could rear. He had been a pillow of fire to the

American cause, and a pillar of smoke to the enemies of human rights.

At the age of eighty years, borne down by fatigue and disease, he

returned to Philadelphia. He was hailed with enthusiastic joy, esteem,

and respect by all the friends of liberty, from the humblest citizen up

to the illustrious Washington.

Notwithstanding his advanced age, and his great anxiety to retire from

the public gaze, he was soon appointed Governor of Pennsylvania—and

subsequently, in 1787, elected a delegate to the convention that

framed the federal constitution. Many of the bright traits of that

matchless instrument received their finishing stroke from his master

hand. Early in 1790, his infirmities of body confined him to his room,

but his immortal mind remained unimpaired. When approaching rapidly

the confines of eternity, he still looked with anxious solicitude upon

the interests of the young republic. He still continued to benefit

mankind by his writings and counsels. Some of the strongest and most

vivid productions from his pen were written during his confinement. His

diseases continued to increase, and on the 17th of April, 1790, calm

and resigned, cool and collected, peaceful and happy, he resigned his

spirit into the hands of his Creator—quitted this vale of tears, and

slumbered, quietly and sweetly, in the arms of death—in the full faith

of rising to a glorious immortality in realms of bliss beyond the skies.

By his will he prohibited all pomp and parade at his funeral. He was

anxious that the plain republican manner of his long and useful life,

should be strictly observed in the mournful obsequies of his interment.

He was buried on the 21st of April, in the north-west corner of Christ

Church yard, where a plain marble slab, even with the surface of the

earth, points to where he lies. With his, moulders the dust of his

wife, with whom he had lived in harmony and peace. No other inscription

is upon the tomb except his and her name.

His death was deeply lamented throughout the civilized world. Congress

ordered mourning to be observed throughout the United States one month.

The event was solemnized, and many eulogies pronounced in France. The

National Assembly decreed that each of its members should wear a badge

of mourning on the occasion for three days. The sensations produced

there by his death, were as imposing and interesting, and celebrated

with as much devotion as those recently witnessed in our own country on

the death of La Fayette.

In reviewing the life of this great benefactor of mankind, we find

a richer variety to admire than in that of any individual upon the

historic page. In whatever station he moved he was a luminary of the

first magnitude. He entered upon the stage of action at a time when the

world needed just such a man; and continued upon it just long enough

to finish all he had begun. He was found just equal to every work he

undertook, and always stopped at the golden point of the finishing

stroke—a modest hint for me to close. You who profess to admire his

virtues, talents, and usefulness, prove your sincerity by imitating his

examples.

ROGER SHERMAN.

The man who has been rocked in the cradle of letters from his

childhood; who has become familiar with general science, the classics,

and philosophy; who has had a father to aid, and friends to caress him;

whose path has been smoothed by uninterrupted prosperity—and does not

ascend the ladder of fame, is either untrue to himself, or destitute of

native talent. With all the advantages of an education lavished upon

him, he sinks into obscurity, and the fond anticipations and future

hopes of a doting parent, set in gloom.

When, on the other hand, we see a man, whose opportunities for

acquiring an education during childhood and youth carried him not far

beyond the confines of the spelling book; a man, who had no father or

guardian to warn him against the quicksands of error or point him to

the temple of science; his intellect enveloped in the rude attire of

nature’s quarry at the age of twenty; when we see such a man bursting

the chains that bind his mental powers—divesting himself of the dark

mantle of ignorance—unveiling his native talents, and shining in all

the beauty of intelligence and greatness—we are filled with admiration

and delight.

Such a man was ROGER SHERMAN, the great-grandson of Captain John

Sherman, who came from England to Watertown, Massachusetts, in 1635.

Roger was born in Newton, Massachusetts, on the 19th of April, 1721.

His father, William Sherman, was a respectable farmer, with means

too limited to educate his son, and, at an early age, bound him to a

shoemaker. Like Franklin, at the age of nineteen, he wandered from his

master to seek his fortune, and like him, he had a genius that no shop

could confine, no obstacle intimidate, or difficulty paralyze. The

course of his mind was onward, upward; like a new and blazing star,

illuminating the horizon as it rose. Nature designed him to be great

and good; he obeyed her dictates.

He went to New Milford, in Connecticut, where he followed shoe-making

three years, living within the strictest rules of economy, contributing

from his earnings to the support of a widowed mother, with a family

of small children. The education of his young brothers and sisters,

also received his attention. Every leisure moment he devoted to books,

often having one open before him when using his lap stone. With each

succeeding day, his mind expanded, unfolding beauties rich and rare.

Every obstacle to the pursuit of knowledge, melted before his untiring

industry; he ascended the hill of science with a firm and steady pace.

In June, 1743, he removed his mother and her family to New Milford,

and entered into the mercantile business with an elder brother—still

pursuing his studies as opportunities permitted. He soon stored his

capacious memory with a fund of rich and useful information, that

ultimately placed him on the pinnacle of public esteem and usefulness.

About that time, he made a public profession of religion, which he

adorned through subsequent life. In 1745, he was appointed surveyor

of Litchfield county, having made himself familiar with mathematics.

Like his contemporary and friend, Benjamin Franklin, he made the

calculations of an almanac several years, for a publisher in New York.

At the age of twenty-eight, he married Miss Elizabeth Hartwell, of

Staughton, Massachusetts, who died in 1780, leaving seven children. He

subsequently married Miss Rebecca Prescott, who lived to have eight

children, all of whom, with those by his first wife, he carefully

trained in the ways of wisdom and virtue. He also supported his mother,

and a maiden sister whose health was poor, until death relieved them,

at an advanced age, from the toils of life.

In the prosecution of his literary pursuits, he turned his attention to

the study of law, in which he made astonishing proficiency. In 1754, he

was admitted to the bar, better prepared to act well his part and do

justice to his clients, than many who are ushered into notice under the

high floating banners of a collegiate diploma.

The following year he was appointed a justice of the peace and elected

a member of the colonial assembly; an honour that was conferred upon

him during the remainder of his residence at that place. He was highly

esteemed by his fellow citizens. His reputation as a lawyer and

statesman stood high, and his private worth enabled him to exercise a

salutary influence upon those around him. For industry, sound logic,

prudence, and discretion, he stood unrivalled in the colony. Strong

common sense, the true helm of human action, marked his whole career;

rendering him substantially and extensively useful to his fellow men

and his country. He was a philanthropist of the highest order, a

patriot of the purest water.

In 1759, he was appointed a judge of the county court of Litchfield,

and discharged his official duties with great faithfulness and

impartiality, correcting vice and promoting virtue.

Two years after, he removed to New Haven, where he was appointed

justice of the peace, elected to the assembly, and, in 1765, was placed

upon the judicial bench of the county court. He received the degree of

master of arts from Yale College, of which he was treasurer for many

years, fulfilling the trust with scrupulous honesty and fidelity.

In 1766, he was elected a member of the executive council, which was

hailed as an auspicious event by the friends of liberal principles. The

mother country had manifested a disposition to impose unjust taxation

upon the Americans. It required discernment, experience, nerve and

decision, to comprehend and oppose the corrupt plans of an avaricious

ministry. The colonies had borne the main burden of the French war,

in which they had sacrificed large sums of money and fountains of

their richest blood. After years of incessant toil, the foe had been

conquered, an honourable peace for England obtained, the frontier

settlements in a measure relieved from danger, and the soldier again

became the citizen.

Whilst their rejoicings on that occasion were yet on the wings of echo,

oppression from the crown threatened to blast their fond anticipations

of happiness and repose, and bind them in chains, more to be dreaded

than the tomahawk and scalping knife.

This colony had furnished more money and men, and lost more of her

bravest sons in the French war than any other with the same population.

Mr. Sherman had been an active member of the assembly during the period

of its prosecution, and remembered well the sacrifices that had been

made to gratify the king. He understood perfectly the rights of his own

country and those of the crown. He was eminently prepared to discover

approaching danger and sound the alarm. He was well calculated to probe

the intrigues and venality of designing men, although the Atlantic

rolled between him and them.

Mr. Grenville, who was at the head of the British ministry, determined

to reduce his long-nursed theory of taxing the American colonies,

to immediate practice. The alarm was immediately spread. Appeals

for redress, petitions, and remonstrances, numerously signed, were

forwarded to parliament; but all in vain. Reason and justice were

dethroned and mercy banished from her seat. The car of oppression moved

onward; the stamp act was passed; the indignation of the colonists was

roused. After much exertion and excitement, _this_ law was repealed,

to the great joy of the Americans; but they soon found that the storm

was only lulled to gather new strength, and pour down its wrath upon

their devoted heads with tenfold fury. The year following a duty was

laid upon tea, glass, paper, and paints. High toned chords were then

touched, and their reverberation reached the heart of every freeman.

The tea was hurled into the ocean and the law set at open defiance.

This spirited opposition induced a repeal of these duties, except on

the first named article. This exception was death to the colonial

power of England; to America, freedom. Popular fury increased;

kindred spirits united to repel the injury, determined to defend

their liberty, regardless of consequences. Amidst these commotions,

Mr. Sherman remained undaunted at his post, watching, with a calm and

prophetic mind, the moving elements. Although elevated to the bench

of the superior court, he remained in the executive council, a firm

and consistent advocate of his country’s rights; a lucid delineator

of Britain’s wrongs. He viewed the gathering clouds as they rolled in

fury; he saw the lightning of revenge streaming fearfully, without

the tremor of a muscle, coolly awaiting the event, relying on Heaven,

trusting in God.

High handed and tyrannical measures were now adopted by Parliament.

Laws were passed, violating the chartered rights of the colonists,

subversive of reason, humanity, and justice. A volcanic storm gathered;

the British lion prowled in anger: the Albion Goliah buckled on his

armour; the shining steel dazzled in the sun; the sword of vengeance

was drawn; colonial blood was spilt; popular fury was roused;

allegiance was dissolved; America was free.

At this momentous, this thrilling crisis, a band of sages and

patriots assembled at Philadelphia, to devise means for the safety

of their bleeding country. In the front rank stood Roger Sherman,

in all the dignity of his native greatness. He was a member of the

first continental Congress, and remained firm and unwavering at his

post, during the trying scenes of the revolution, the formation of

the new government, and the adoption of the federal constitution.

With a gigantic mind, improved and enlarged by a rich fund of useful

knowledge, inured to all the toils and intricacies of legislation,

the history of his country and of nations spread upon his memory, the

ingratitude and insults of a foreign monarch preying upon his soul, he

was prepared to render his country services, equalled by few, exceeded

by none.

His capacity was equal to every emergency: he shrunk from no duty;

discharged every responsibility assumed; moving, with the mathematical

precision of a planet, within the orbit of sound discretion. He

was familiar with men and things, acquainted with the _minutiæ_

of human nature, traced causes and results to their true source,

and viewed, with a philosophic eye, the secret springs of human

action; the _arcana_ of economies was open before him; he solved

problems, demonstrated principles, placing them in the full blaze of

illustration, as irresistible as the pages of Euclid. Such was the

self-taught Roger Sherman.

The session of 1775 was one of great labour, anxiety, and

embarrassment. None but “hearts of oak, and nerves of steel,” could

have sustained the tremendous shock, the fearful onset. An army was

to be raised and organized, military stores provided, fortifications

erected, rules of government adopted, plans of operation matured,

internal enemies encountered, and legions of Britain’s bravest veterans

to be repelled. To meet these emergencies, the members of Congress

had hearts full of courage, but a treasury empty and bare. A forlorn

hope was before them—a revenging foe on their shores. But they had

resolved on liberty or death. Nor did they “split on the rock of

resolves, where thousands live and die the same.” They met the fury of

the king, encountering his vials of wrath with a firmness, wisdom, and

patriotism, before unknown; placing them above all Greek, all Roman

fame. Their course was onward towards the goal of FREEDOM. No threats

of vengeance dismayed them—the shafts of terror fell harmless at their

feet.

In 1776, with the colonies bleeding at every pore; a picture of sad

reverses before them; a conquering enemy sweeping over their land like

a destructive torrent; the streams purpled with the blood of their

brethren; the cries of widows and orphans ringing in their ears; the

sky illuminated by the streaming blaze of their towns; this band of

patriots conceived the bold and towering plan of independence—a plan

that stamped their heads, their hearts, their names, with immortal fame.

Early in the summer, Messrs. Sherman, Adams, Franklin, Livingston

and Jefferson, were appointed a committee to draft a declaration of

rights. After much deliberation, it was prepared, reported, and, on

the memorable 4th of July, 1776, received the hearty sanction of the

Continental Congress, amidst the transporting joys of freemen, who

hailed it as the bright, the morning star; to them, a prelude of future

bliss; to tyrants, a burning meteor, threatening to devour them.

Illustrious in all their actions, the signers of the declaration were

eminently so, when, assuming their native dignity, they rose, in all

the majesty of greatness, bursting their servile chains; cutting

asunder the cords of oppressive allegiance; sublimely passing the

grand Rubicon; and, in view of an approving Heaven and an admiring

world, declared their country free and independent. The era was one

of resplendent glory, sacred to the cause of human rights, enduring

as the tablet of time, brilliant as the meridian sun. The sages whose

signatures grace the chart of our liberty placed themselves on the

loftiest spire fame could rear. By their own consciences, by their

countrymen, by Heaven, and in view of gazing millions, they stood

approved, applauded, and admired.

No member of the Continental Congress had studied more closely and

comprehended more clearly finance and political economy than Judge

Sherman. His mind was moulded in system, his plans were judicious,

and his habits frugal. He was a practical man and conversant with

every department of government. He was an efficient member of the

board of war, ordnance, and the treasury. In short, he was placed on

the most important committees during the long and bloody struggle of

the revolution. His plans for replenishing the treasury, regulating

expenditures, and disbursing moneys, were based on rules of economy and

frugality, corresponding with the emergency of the times. Fraudulent

contractors shrunk before his penetrating scrutiny; speculations upon

government were often paralyzed by his torpedo touch; and he guarded,

with an eagle eye and a father’s care, the interests of the young

republic.

In the estimation of Washington, the members of Congress, and of

the nation, the talents of Roger Sherman, for sterling integrity

and substantial usefulness, were second to none among the bright

constellations that illuminated the memorable era of ’76. In those

days the ladder of fame was firmly based on honest merit and modest

worth. It required no stump speeches or bar-room harangues to gain

popular favour. The tree was judged by its fruit; _principles_ and not

_men_, were the political land marks. It was also a time of labour.

Inglorious ease was not known in the legislative halls; long written

speeches were not read to the speaker and walls of the house: the

business of the nation was the order of the day; that business was done

faithfully, promptly, and effectually. Posts of honour were then posts

of duty; profit was out of the question. The motives and actions of the

revolutionary sages and heroes were not based on the seven principles

of five loaves and two fishes, but on love of country, social order,

and human rights.

By the citizens of his own state the virtues and talents of Mr. Sherman

were held in high estimation. In addition to his congressional honours,

they continued him a member of council during the war. In 1784, when

New Haven received a city charter, he was elected mayor, filling the

office with dignity and usefulness to the close of his life, when not

absent on more important public duties.

At the termination of the war, he, in conjunction with Judge Law, was

appointed to revise the judicial code of Connecticut, which duty was

performed with great ability, and to the satisfaction of all concerned.

He was a member of the general convention that framed the federal

constitution. From a manuscript found amongst his papers, it appears

that this instrument of union received many of its original features

from Mr. Sherman. To his conceptive mind and practical wisdom, we are

much indebted for the towering greatness and unparalleled prosperity we

so eminently enjoy, and which will endure so long as we are faithful

to ourselves. With all the local and conflicting interests of the

colonies spread open to his view, he was enabled to exercise a salutary

influence in reconciling difficulties between the members, that, for a

time, threatened to hurl back the elements of government into original

chaos, and prostrate the fair fabric of liberty.

By examining the profound discussions, the variety of opinions, the

multifarious interests, the intense anxiety, the agony of soul, and

sacrifices of private views that characterized the formation of the

federal constitution, we discover wisdom, discretion and patriotism of

the purest, loftiest kind, shining in all the grandeur of bold relievo.

Based upon the declaration of rights, it forms a superstructure

towering in sublimity above all others, radiating its heart-cheering

influence over sixteen millions of freemen, revered at home, respected

abroad, and without a rival in the annals of legislation.

Judge Sherman did much to remove the objections made against this

important document by the people of his own and adjoining states. He

showed them clearly, and convinced them fully, that to effect and

perpetuate the union, private feeling and interest must yield to public

policy and public good; and that each state should strive to produce an

equilibrium in the government of the whole. The wisdom of the sages who

framed, and by their continued exertion and salutary influence effected

the adoption of the Constitution of the United States, deserves our

admiration quite as much as when they guided our nation through the

storms of the revolution. It is often easier to acquire a particular

object than to properly enjoy and preserve it.

Judge Sherman was elected a member of the first congress under the

new government, and resigned his judicial station that he might take

a seat in that body. His influence had great weight in the national

legislature. His exertions to promote the interests of his country were

unremitting. Traces of his magnanimity and prophetic policy are upon

the journals, and in many of the early laws of our country.

Upon many subjects members differed, and, in some instances, much

warmth and acrimony were exhibited. On such occasions, Mr. Sherman was

peculiarly happy in his exertions to produce reconciliation. He was

emphatically a peace maker.

At the expiration of his representative term, he was elected to the

United States Senate, of which he was a member when he closed his

useful career, and bade a long adieu, a final farewell, to earth and

its toils. He died on the 23d of July, 1793, in the full enjoyment

of that religion he had honoured and practised in all the changing

scenes of his eventful pilgrimage. He had lived the life of a good man,

his closing scene was calm, happy, and serene. He could triumph over

death and the grave, reaching forward to receive the enduring prize

of immortal glory. He could approach the dread tribunal of the great

Jehovah, smiling and smiled upon; and enter into pure and unalloyed

bliss, lasting as the rolling ages of eternity.

Thus closed the valuable and useful life of Roger Sherman. He had been

a faithful public servant nearly forty years. He had participated

in all the trying scenes of the revolution; he had seen his country

burst into being, a nation of freemen. He had aided in effecting

a consolidation of the government; he had seen the dawnings of

prosperity. In all the important measures of the state of his adoption,

and of the American nation, he had taken an active and important part,

from the commencement of the French war to the time of his death.

As a Christian, he was esteemed by all denominations, for his

consistent piety and liberal charity. With him, sectarianism was not

religion; for him it had no charms. His philanthropy was as broad as

creation; it reached from earth to Heaven. He made himself acquainted

with the abstrusest branches of theology, and was an esteemed

correspondent of several celebrated divines.

In the history of Roger Sherman, we behold one of nature’s fairest

sheets of purest white, covered with all the sublime delineations

that dignify a man, and assimilate him to his Creator. His life was

crowned with unfading laurels, plucked from the rich soil of genuine

worth and substantial merit. No ephemeral flowers decked his venerable

brow. A chaplet of amaranthine roses surmounts his well-earned fame.

The mementos of his examples are a rich boon to posterity, and, whilst

religion and social order survive, the virtues of this great and good

man will shine in all the majesty of light. His private character was

as pure as his public career was illustrious. He buried none of his

talents; he fulfilled the design of his creation.

By his example it is plainly demonstrated, that man is the architect

of his own fortune. By industry and perseverance, with the aid of

books, now accessible to all, young apprentices and mechanics may

surmount the Alpine summit of science, and take their stations, with

superior advantages, by the side of those who have become enervated

within the walls of a college. No one in our land of intelligence is

excusable for growing up under the dark shades of ignorance. The sun

of science has risen, and all who will, may bask in its genial rays.

The field of knowledge and path to glory are open to all. The means

of acquiring information are far superior to those enjoyed by Sherman

and Franklin. Let their bright and shining examples be imitated by

Columbia’s sons, and our happy republic will live for centuries. Let

ignorance, corruption, and fanaticism predominate, and the fair fabric

of our freedom, reared by the valour, and cemented by the blood of the

revolutionary patriots, will tremble, totter, and fall. Chaos will

mount the car of discord, sound the dread clarion of death, and LIBERTY

will expire amidst the smoking ruins of her own citadel. Remember that

“knowledge is power,” wealth “the sinews of power,” and that honesty,

virtue, and integrity are the regulators of them both. Remember that

intrigue, fanaticism, and faction may prostrate, at one bold stroke,

the fairest, noblest work of years.

EDWARD RUTLEDGE.

The thrilling subject of American Independence is ever welcome to

the patriot and philanthropist. The annual celebration of the event

is calculated to perpetuate a kindred feeling and a kindred love of

liberty. The time _may_ arrive when the _day_ may not be celebrated,

but to the end of time the _event_, and the names of those who achieved

it, will be handed down on the historic page with pride and veneration.

The names of the Signers of the Declaration, like those of the twelve

Apostles, are surrounded by a wreath of glory unfading and untarnished.

Among them we find that of EDWARD RUTLEDGE, who was born in Charleston,

S. C., in November, 1749. His father, Dr. John Rutledge, was a native

of Ireland, who married Sarah Hert, a lady of high accomplishments,

piety and good sense. Edward lost his father at an early age, and,

like those of many great and good men, his mind was moulded by his

mother. After passing through the usual routine of an education, he

commenced the study of law with an elder brother, who stood high at

the Charleston bar. Whilst he stored his mind with Coke and Bacon, he

paid great attention to elocution. In 1769 he went to England, became

a student at the temple, made himself familiar with the practice of

courts, with the rules of parliament, with the policy, designs and

feelings of the British ministry, and cultivated an acquaintance with

the celebrated orators and statesmen Chatham, Mansfield and others. In

1773, he returned, richly laden with stock for future use. He commenced

a successful practice, uniting an expressive countenance, a good voice,

a rich imagination, elegance of action, an honourable mind, and a good

heart, with strong native talent, improved by superior advantages and

untiring industry.

He soon acquired a merited eminence as a bold, discreet and able

advocate. He was peculiarly happy in his exertions excited by the spur

of the moment, a talent always useful to a lawyer, and eminently useful

to a statesman during a revolutionary struggle. His lamp was always

trimmed and burning, and with true Irish zeal and eloquence, he was

always ready to enter the arena where duty called him. He had a warm

heart for the weak and oppressed.

It was self-evident that talents like his were well calculated to

promote the cause of emancipation, and Mr. Rutledge was among the first

selected members to the continental congress in 1774. This alone was

sufficient to place him on the list of imperishable fame; for none but

men of superior merit, known fortitude, and of pure patriotism, were

selected to represent their country’s rights and repel a monarch’s

wrongs. Such a man was Edward Rutledge. With the ardour of an Emmet,

he united great prudence and discretion. By his open frankness of

expression he incurred the displeasure of the crown adherents, but

imparted the holy flame of patriotism to the friends of liberty in a

pre-eminent degree.

With all his ardour and zeal he was a friend to order and opposed to

mobocracy. He acted from enlightened and liberal principles, aiming to

build every superstructure on the firm basis of reason and justice.

To this nobleness of design, conceived and adhered to by all of the

signers of the declaration, may be attributed the lofty dignity that

pervaded that august body. Revolution is a tornado where prudence

seldom enters to neutralize its baneful effects; but when such men

as those who constituted the first American congress in Philadelphia

combine, men who could command the whirlwind of passion, and conduct

the lightning of revenge by the silken cords of reason, and the steel

rods of unbending patriotism to a desired and useful destination,

revolution is stripped of its bane and is crowned with unfading

glory. Such were the signers of the declaration—such was the American

revolution. We find Mr. Rutledge associated with several important

committees of the continental congress, and among them he was appointed

with John Adams and Benjamin Franklin to meet Lord Howe, when he

came clothed with authority to offer humiliating terms of peace. No

three men could have been selected whose combined talents were better

calculated to inspire awe and respect. They were received and treated

with marked attention by his lordship, who became convinced, that under

the direction of such spirits as these, the rebels would conquer or

die. They detested his offers of pardon, for who had they injured? They

disclaimed all right of the crown to their allegiance; it had been

sacrificed at the shrine of an ambitious ministry. Freedom was their

motto—Liberty their watchword, and their terms _Independence or death_.

They had resolved “to do or die.”

As a sound, judicious and able statesman, Mr. Rutledge stood high; his

brow was also decked by laurels in the field. He had long commanded

a company in the ancient battalion of artillery. When the British

landed at Port Royal in 1779, he led his company to the attack with

the skill and courage of a veteran. At no battle during the revolution

was more personal bravery displayed than at this, nor was the enemy,

at any time, more chagrined at a total defeat by raw militia. It was

a mystery to them to find in the same man, the statesman, the soldier

and the hero. He was at a subsequent period elected colonel. During

the investment of Charleston by the enemy in 1780, he was again in the

field, but was unfortunately taken prisoner, sent to St. Augustine,

and not exchanged for nearly a year. Before his return the dark clouds

began to recede, and the horizon of liberty was slowly illuminated by

the rays of hope.

He returned to his native state and aided in restoring the civil

government that had been paralyzed by the cruel conquering arm

of the crown. He was a member of the enraged assembly who met at

Jacksonborough in 1782, and with his recent injuries and those of his

friends bleeding fresh before him, he sanctioned the bill of pains and

penalties, that, under other circumstances, would not have received

his approval, and which, during the time it remained in force, he used

every exertion to meliorate.

Among those who had been tortured by persecution was his venerable

mother, who had been taken from her peaceful home in the country and

confined in Charleston, then occupied by the British; a high compliment

to her talents and patriotism, placing her on the list of fame with the

matrons of Greece and Rome.

During the whole of the doubtful and protracted struggle of the

revolution, Mr. Rutledge remained its steady and zealous advocate, and

gave his best exertions in its behalf. After its termination, he again

returned to the bosom of his friends and the labours of his profession.

His private worth took deep root in the affections of the community,

and he had the confidence and esteem of a large circle of acquaintances.

In organizing the new government of his native state, he acted a useful

and consistent part. Many difficulties were to be overcome, many

clashing local interests to be reconciled, and many measures and laws

adopted, to restore an equilibrium in private and public concerns. A

great commotion existed between debtors and creditors; specie was out

of the question; the paper currency was nearly annihilated, and many

who felt that they had shaken off the British yoke, were about to fall

into the hands of relentless creditors, who, when prompted by avarice,

are as destitute of mercy as the pirate is of compassion. Instances are

on record in our own country, (I blush as I write,) where some of those

very veterans who bled for our boasted freedom, have been incarcerated

in a prison by the cold inquisitorial creditor, for sums so trifling

that shame would hide its face to name them.

In this dilemma, Mr. Rutledge was among those who proposed and passed

a law, making property a lawful tender for debts; a law purely

republican, but so obnoxious to avarice, that most men, who are

aristocrats just in proportion to the amount of wealth they acquire

above the wants of life, oppose it.

He also favoured the instalment law, and used his best exertions

to meliorate the condition of the poor as well as the rich, by the

enactment of laws based upon humanity and justice. He took an active

part in most of the legislation of the state, and when the federal

constitution was presented for consideration, he was, taking it as a

whole, its warm and zealous advocate. Purely republican in principle,

he was always opposed to slavery, deeming it a national curse. He was

untiring in his labour—emphatically a working man. Dr. Ramsay remarks

of him, “For the good obtained and the evil prevented, his memory will

be long respected by his countrymen.”

As I have before remarked, he was a friend to order and law, and when

any measure was consummated by legislative action, or by any public

functionary duly authorized to act, he delighted in seeing it fulfilled

to the letter. Although he was in feeling with the French when

difficulties arose between them and England, he reprobated strongly the

conduct of M. Genet and the French Directory. He was not a party man,

but was always actuated by a sense of duty, and a pure desire for the

prosperity of his country. His was the stern, unflinching moderation,

calculated to awe a mob, paralyze a faction, and preserve, pure and

undefiled, that lofty patriotism which commands esteem and respect.

In 1798 he was elected governor of his native state. Soon after,

disease fastened its relentless hands upon him, and handed him over

to the king of terrors in the mid career of his term. During the

legislative session of 1800, his illness increased so rapidly that he

felt an assurance that his dissolution was rapidly approaching, and was

desirous of returning to Charleston, that he might yield up his breath

where he first inhaled the atmosphere. The constitution required the

presence of the governor during the sitting of the legislature, and so

scrupulous was he to fulfil its letter, that he determined to remain

unless both branches passed a resolution sanctioning his absence. The

subject was submitted, but on some debate arising from the partisan

feeling then prevalent, the application was immediately withdrawn, and

he remained until the legislature adjourned. He was barely able to

reach his home, when he laid down upon the bed of death and yielded to

the only tyrant that could conquer his patriotic spirit, on the 23d

of January, 1800. The same fortitude that had characterized his whole

life, was strongly exhibited during his last illness, and did not

forsake him in his dying hours. His loss was severely felt and deeply

lamented by his mourning fellow-citizens. In the death of this good

man, his native state lost one of its brightest ornaments, one of its

noblest sons.

Governor Rutledge stood high as an orator. He appears to have

understood well the machinery of human nature, and knew well when to

address the _judgment_ and when the _passions_ of his audience. In

exciting the sympathy of a jury, he had no equal at the Charleston

bar. He also knew how, where, and when to be logical; and, what is

all-important in every man, either in the public or private walks

of life, he knew _how_, _when_, and _where_ to speak, and _what_ to

say. His private worth and public services were highly honourable to

himself, consoling to his friends and beneficial to his country. His

usefulness only ended with his life; his fame is untarnished with

error; his examples are worthy of imitation, and his life without a

blank.

By his first wife, Harriet, daughter of Henry Middleton, one of his

colleagues in congress, he had a son and daughter, the latter of whom

remained in Charleston, the former, Major Henry M. Rutledge, became

one of the pioneers of Tennessee. God grant that he may imitate the

virtues of his venerable father, and fill the blank our country

experienced in the death of the wise, the judicious, the benevolent,

the philanthropic, the patriotic, and the high minded EDWARD RUTLEDGE.

THOMAS M’KEAN.

But few men have contributed more to fill the measure of the glory and

prosperity of their country, than the subject of this brief sketch.

He was a native of Chester county, Pennsylvania, and born on the 19th

day of March, 1734. He was the son of William M’Kean, who immigrated

from Ireland when quite young. He placed Thomas, at an early age,

under the tuition of the Rev. Francis Allison, then principal of one

of the most celebrated Seminaries of the Province, and a gentleman

of profound science and erudition. The talents of Thomas soon budded

and blossomed like the early rose of spring. His mind was moulded for

close application to study; his proficiency was truly gratifying to his

teachers and friends, and gave high promise of unusual attainments.

He became a thorough linguist, a practical mathematician, and a moral

philosopher. He was a faithful student, and left the seminary, a

finished scholar and an accomplished gentleman, esteemed and respected

by his numerous acquaintances.

He then commenced the study of law under David Kinney, Esquire, at

New Castle, Delaware. He explored the vast field of this science with

astonishing and unusual success, and was admitted to the bar under the

most favourable auspices. He commenced practice at the same place, and

soon acquired a lucrative business and a proud reputation. He extended

his operations into the province of his nativity, and was admitted

in the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, in 1757. His strict attention

to business and his superior legal acquirements, obtained for him an

extensive and just celebrity. Although he had become the eloquent

advocate and able lawyer, he was still a close and industrious student.

He continued to add to his large stock of knowledge, with the same

avidity and to greater advantage, than when he commenced his scientific

career. He did not fall into the error that has prevented some lawyers

of strong native talent from rising above mediocrity: _that when their

practice begins their studies end_. This is a rock on which many have

been shipwrecked in all the learned professions. The laws of nature

demand a constant supply of food in the intellectual as well as in

the physical world. The corroding rust of forgetfulness will mar the

most brilliant acquirements, of literature, unless kept bright by use;

and much study is requisite to keep pace with the march of mind and

the ever varying changes in the field of science, constantly under the

cultivation of the soaring intellect of man. It maybe said, that the

grand basis of the law is as unchanging as the rock of adamant. To this

I answer: its superstructure is an increasing labyrinth, and, unless

the progress of the work is kept constantly in view, those who enter,

strangers to its meanderings, will find themselves in a perplexing

situation.

In 1762, Mr. M’Kean was elected a member of the Delaware assembly

from New Castle county, and was continued in that station for eleven

successive years, when he removed to the city of Philadelphia. So much

attached to him were the people of that county, that they continued

to elect him for six succeeding years after his removal, although he

necessarily declined the honour of serving. He was claimed by Delaware

and Pennsylvania as a favourite son of each, under the old regimen, and

did, in fact, serve both after changing his residence, by being elected

to the continental congress from the state of Delaware, being then

Chief Justice of Pennsylvania, the former state claiming him, probably,

because he still retained his mansion, furnished by himself, in New

Castle, where his business frequently called him.

In 1779, he attempted to take final leave of his constituents in

Delaware, and on that occasion, as a large meeting was convened for

the purpose, made a most animating, patriotic and thrilling speech;

portraying, in glowing colours, the bright prospects that were dawning

upon the infant republic, and the certainty of being able to maintain

the independence of the United States. After he retired, a committee

waited upon him, with the novel request, that he would name seven

gentlemen, suitable to be elected to the assembly. He desired them to

report his thanks for the confidence they expressed in his judgment,

and assured them there were not only _seven_ but _seventy_ then in the

meeting, fully qualified to represent the people, and begged to be

excused from _naming_ any gentlemen, lest he should give offence. A

second time the committee called and insisted on the selection by him,

with the full assurance that he would give no offence. He then named

seven candidates, and had the gratification to learn that they were all

elected. An unlimited confidence in his abilities and integrity, was

strongly felt by his constituents, he continued to represent them in

congress during the eventful period of the war.

In 1765, he was a member of the Congress of New York, sent from

Delaware. He was one of the committee that drafted the memorable

address to the House of Commons of Great Britain. His patriotism, love

of liberty, and unbending firmness of purpose; were fully demonstrated

in that instrument, as well as in the acts of his subsequent life. He

was a republican to the core, and despised the chains of political

slavery, the baubles of monarchy, and the trappings of a crown. He was

for LIBERTY or death, and scorned to be a slave.

On his return, the same year, he was appointed judge of the court

of common pleas, quarter sessions, and orphans’ court, of New Castle

county. The stamp act was then in full _life_, but not in full _force_:

Judge M’Kean directed the officers of the courts over which he presided

not to use stamped paper, as had been ordered by the hirelings of the

British ministers. He set their authority at utter defiance, and was

the first Judge, in any of the colonies, who took this bold stand. That

circumstance alone, trifling as it may now seem to some readers, was

big with events, and was an important entering wedge to the revolution,

and stamped his name, in bold relievo, on the tablet of enduring fame.

He had talent to design and energy to execute. From that time forward,

in all the leading measures of the struggle for liberty, he was among

the leading patriots.

He was a prominent member of the congress of 1774, that convened at

Philadelphia. From that time to the peace of 1783, he was a member of

the continental congress, and the only one who served during the whole

time. He was a strong advocate for the declaration of independence,

and most willingly affixed his signature to that sacred instrument.

When it came up for final action, so anxious was he that it should

pass _unanimously_, that he sent an express after Cæsar Rodney, one of

his colleagues, the other, Mr. Read, having manifested a disposition

to vote against it. Mr. Rodney arrived on the 4th of July, just in

time to give his vote in favour of the important measure, and thus

secured its unanimous adoption. Notwithstanding the arduous duties

that devolved on Mr. M’Kean, as member of congress, member of several

committees, and chief justice of Pennsylvania, all of which he

discharged satisfactorily—so ardent was his patriotism, so devoted

was he to promote the cause he had nobly espoused, that he accepted a

colonel’s commission, and was appointed to the command of a regiment

of associators, raised in the city of Philadelphia, and marched to the

support of Gen. Washington, with whom he remained until a supply of

new recruits was raised. During his absence, his Delaware constituents

had elected him a member of the convention to form a constitution.

On his return he proceeded to New Castle, and, in a tavern, without

premeditation or consulting men or books, he hastily penned the

constitution that was adopted by the delegates. Understanding the wants

and feelings of the people, well versed in law and the principles of

republicanism, and a ready writer, he was enabled to perform, in a

few hours, a work that, in modern times, requires the labours of an

expensive assembly for nearly a year. How changed are men and things

since the glorious era of ’76! How different the motives that now impel

to action, and how different the amount of labour performed in the

same time and for the same money. Then all were anxious to listen! now

nearly all are anxious to speak. Then, legislators loved their country

_more_, and the loaves and fishes _less_, than at the present day.

On the 10th of July, 1781, Judge M’Kean was elected president of

congress, which honour he was compelled to decline, because his duties

as chief justice of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania would necessarily

require his absence some part of the time during the session. He was

then urged to occupy the chair until the first Monday of November,

when the court was to commence. To this he assented, and presided until

that time, with great credit to himself and to the satisfaction of

the members of that august body. On his retiring from the chair, the

following resolution was unanimously passed on the 7th of November,

1781:

“Resolved, That the thanks of congress be given to the Honourable

Thomas M’Kean, late president of congress, in testimony of their

approbation of his conduct in the chair, and in the execution of public

business.”

His duties upon the bench of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, which

commenced in 1777, were often of the most responsible and arduous

character. He did not recognise the power of the crown, and held

himself amenable, in the discharge of his official functions, only to

his country and his God. An able jurist and an unyielding patriot,

he punished, at the hazard of his own life, all who were brought

before him and convicted of violating the laws of the _new_ dynasty.

No threats could intimidate or influence reach him, when designed to

divert him from the independent discharge of his duty. His profound

legal acquirements, his ardent zeal, his equal justice, his vigorous

energy and his noble patriotism, enabled him to outride every storm,

and calm the raging billows that often surrounded him. He marched on

triumphantly to the goal of LIBERTY, and hailed with joy the star

spangled banner, as it waved in grandeur from the lofty spires of the

temple of FREEDOM. He beheld, with the eye of a sage, a philosopher,

and a philanthropist, the rising glory of Columbia’s new world. He

viewed, with emotions of pleasing confidence, the American eagle

descend from etherial regions, beyond the altitude of a tyrant’s

breath, and pounce upon the British lion. With increasing vigour and

redoubled fury, the mighty bird continued the awful conflict, until the

king of beasts retreated to his lair, and proclaimed to a gazing and

admiring world, AMERICA IS FREE!! Angels rejoiced, monarchs trembled,

and patriots shouted aloud—AMEN!! The grand Rubicon was passed, the

torch of England’s power over the colonies had expired in its socket,

and the birth of a new nation was celebrated by happy millions,

basking beneath the luminous rays and refulgent glories of LIBERTY

and FREEDOM! The harvest was past, the summer ended, and our country

saved. The mighty work of political regeneration was accomplished, the

independence of the United States acknowledged, and an honourable peace

consummated.

Judge M’Kean, in common with his fellow patriots, heroes and sages,

then sat down under his own fig tree, to enjoy the full fruition

of his long and faithful labours in the cause of equal rights. He

continued to discharge the important duties of chief justice until

1799, illuminating his judicial path with profound learning, impartial

decision, and sound discretion. His legal opinions, based as they

generally are, upon the firm pillars of equal justice, strict equity,

and correct law; given, as they were, when our form of government was

changing, the laws unsettled, our state constitution but just formed,

and the federal constitution bursting from embryo—are monuments of

fame, enduring as social order, revered, respected, and canonized.

He was a member of the convention that formed the constitution of

Pennsylvania adopted in 1790, and exercised an influence in that body

that was of the most salutary kind. In 1799 he was elected governor of

the key-stone state, and contributed largely in adding new strength and

beauty to the grand arch of our union. For nine successive years he

wielded the destinies of the land of Penn, commencing at a period when

the mountain waves of party spirit were rolling over the United States

with a fury before unknown. But amidst the foaming and conflicting

elements, Governor M’Kean stood at the helm of state, calm as a summer

morning, firm as a mountain of granite, and guided his noble ship

through the raging storm, unscathed and unharmed. His annual messages

to the legislature for elegance and force of language, correct and

liberal views of policy, and a luminous exposition of law and rules

of government, stand unrivalled and unsurpassed. The clamours of his

political enemies he passed by as the idle wind; the suggestions of

his friends he scanned with the most rigid scrutiny. Neither flattery

or censure could drive him from the strong citadel of his own matured

judgment. The good of his country and the glory of the American

character, formed the grand basis of his actions.

The fawning sycophant and the brawling demagogue, he spurned with

contempt. By honest means alone he desired the advancement of the party

that had elevated him. Open and avowed principles, fully proclaimed

and strictly carried out, were by him submitted to the people, frankly

and cordially, without prevarication or disguise. He was a politician

of the old school, when each party had plain and visible landmarks,

distinctive names, and fixed principles. Political chemists had not

then introduced the modern process of amalgamation, producing a

heterogenous mass, that defies the power of analyzation, scientific

arrangement, or classical separation.

Governor M’Kean respected those of his political opponents who opposed

him from an honest difference of opinion, and numbered among them many

personal friends. He was free from that narrow-minded policy, based

upon self, that actuates too many of those of the present day, who

assume the high responsibility of becoming the arbiters of the minds

of their fellow men. His views were expansive and liberal, broad and

charitable. He aimed at distributing equal justice to all, the rich and

poor, the public officer and private citizen. He was free from that

contracted selfishness that prefers present aggrandizement to future

good. To lay deep the foundations of lasting and increasing prosperity

for his own state and for our nation, was the object of this pure

patriot, enlightened statesman, and able jurist. Her vast resources,

her wide spread territory, her majestic rivers, her silvery lakes, her

mineral mountains, her rich valleys, her rolling uplands, her beautiful

prairies, her extensive seaboard, her enterprising sons and virtuous

daughters, were arrayed before his gigantic mind, and passed him in

grand review. He was firmly convinced that she had only to be wise and

good to be great and happy. To this end he embraced every opportunity,

both in public and private life, to inculcate, by precept and example,

those great principles of moral rectitude, inflexible virtue, purity of

motive, and nobleness of action, that alone can permanently preserve

a nation. He cast a withering frown upon vice in all its borrowed and

alluring forms, and exerted his strongest powers to arrest the bold

career of crime and corruption. He was a terror to evil doers, and

inspired confidence in those who did well. His administration was

prosperous and enlightened, and when he closed his public duties, the

bitterness of his political opponents was lost in the admiration of his

patriotism, virtue, impartiality, consistency, and candour.

In 1808 he retired from the ponderous weight of public business,

that he had so long and honourably borne. He had devoted a long

life to the faithful service of his country, and was covered with

laurels of imperishable fame. He stood approved at the bar of his own

conscience, his country, and his God. He had acted well his part, and

had contributed largely in raising the American character to a proud

elevation among the nations of the earth. Thus highly stood Governor

M’KEAN, when he bid a final adieu, a last farewell to the public arena,

and retired to the peaceful city of Penn, to breathe his life out

sweetly there. He outlived all the animosities that a faithful minister

of the laws unavoidably creates for a time, and on the 24th of June,

1817, at his residence in Philadelphia, resigned his spirit to Him who

gave it, and entered upon the untried scenes of a boundless eternity,

to reap the rich reward of a life well spent.

His private character was beyond reproach, unsullied as the virgin

sheet. His person was tall and erect, his countenance bold,

intelligent, and commanding; his manners urbane, gentlemanly, and

affable; his feelings noble, generous, and humane; and his conduct

open, frank, and republican. He never shrunk from what he deemed

duty, and was always actuated by a desire to promote the interest of

the human family and the general good of mankind. He was a refined

philanthropist, an acute philosopher, an enlightened statesman, an

impartial judge, an able magistrate, and a truly great and good man.

PHILIP LIVINGSTON.

Men often engage in transactions and designs, that produce results in

direct opposition to those anticipated. Thus, religious persecution

scattered the primitive Christians into various parts of the earth,

and, instead of annihilating the doctrines of the Cross, they were

more widely spread and diffused through the world. For the enjoyment

of the liberty of conscience, the emigrants to New England left their

native homes; for the same reason, the Huguenots of France fled before

the withering blasts of the revolution of the edict of Nantes in 1685,

many of them settling in the city of New York. To the persecuted and

oppressed, America was represented as a land of rest, and emigrants

poured in upon our shores from France, Holland, Germany, England,

Ireland, and Scotland; among whom were many eminent for piety,

intelligence, and liberal principles. To the latter place, we trace the

ancestor of the subject of this brief sketch. The great grandfather of

Philip Livingston was an eminent divine in the church of Scotland, and,

in 1663, emigrated to Rotterdam, a city of the Netherlands, in South

Holland, where he died nine years after. His son Robert emigrated to

America, and obtained a grant for the manor along the Hudson river,

which is remarkable for the beauty of its location and the richness of

its soil.

He had three sons, Philip, the father of the present subject, Robert,

grandfather of Chancellor Livingston, and Gilbert, the grandfather

of the Rev. Dr. John H. Livingston, who stood high as a scholar and

divine. The subject of this memoir was his fourth son, born at Albany,

15th of January, 1716.

Mr. Livingston was among the few, who, in those days, received a

college education. After his preparatory studies, he entered Yale

College, and graduated in 1737. In common with most of the descendants

of that celebrated family, he was blessed with strong native talent,

which he improved by an excellent education. With principles firmly

based on religion and moral rectitude, he was eminently prepared

to commence a career of usefulness. In those days of republican

simplicity, graduates from college, instead of riding rough shod over

those whose literary advantages were less, believing themselves forever

exonerated from the field, the shop, and the counting-house, thought

it no disparagement to apply themselves to agricultural, mechanical,

and commercial pursuits. Among them, we find Mr. Livingston extensively

and successfully engaged in mercantile business, in the city of New

York. Reposing full confidence in his integrity, which was then a

necessary passport to public favour, his fellow citizens elected him

to the office of Alderman in 1754, in which he continued during nine

successive years, contributing largely to the peace and prosperity of

the city. In 1759, he was a member of the colonial assembly, which had

important duties to perform; Great Britain being at war with France,

which brought the colonists in contact with the Canadian French and

Indians. Twenty-thousand men were to be raised by the colonists to

guard the frontier settlements, and, if practicable, to carry the war

into the territory of the enemy.

The province of New York furnished 2680 men, and 250,000 pounds, to aid

in the proposed object.

Mr. Livingston took an active and judicious part in these

deliberations, and also introduced laws for the advancement of

commerce, agriculture, and various improvements; manifesting a sound

judgment and liberal views. He was an active member of the committee

on foreign relations, who wisely selected the celebrated Edmund Burke,

to represent their interests in the British parliament. From the

lucid communications of Mr. Livingston, that celebrated statesman and

friend to America, was made thoroughly acquainted with the situation,

feelings, and interests of the colonists.

After the dissolution of the general assembly by the decease of George

II., Mr. Livingston was again elected in 1761, a member of the one

under the new dynasty. In 1764, he wrote an answer to the message of

lieutenant-governor Colden, pointing out, in respectful, but bold and

convincing language, the oppressions and infringements of the British

ministry upon the rights of the Americans.

He soon became a nucleus, around which a band of patriots gathered,

and eventually formed a nut too hard to be cracked by all the hammers

of the crown. The consequence of the bold stand taken by many of the

members, in defence of their dear bought privileges, was the sudden

dissolution of the assembly by the governor, whenever he discovered a

majority in favour of liberal principles.

In 1768, the assembly consisted of the brightest luminaries of talent

then in the colony, who elevated Mr. Livingston to the honourable and

distinguished station of Speaker. Discovering that a majority of the

new assembly were unwilling to be slaves and tools, the governor, Sir

Henry Moore, dissolved them, and ordered a new election. He succeeded

in obtaining a majority of creatures like himself, but a sufficient

number of whigs were elected to watch the interests of the people,

and hold the minions of the crown in check and awe. Although Mr.

Livingston, from disgust at the procedure of the governor and his

adherents, had declined being a candidate in the city of New York, he

was returned from the manor, and, on mature deliberation, took his seat

as a member, although opposed, at first unsuccessfully, because he was

not a resident of the district that elected him, in which predicament

a large majority of the members were found involved: they therefore

concluded not to run the risk of having their own glass houses broken,

for the sake of demolishing that of Mr. Livingston. During this

session, he offered a resolution setting forth the grievances of his

countrymen, which gave great umbrage to the adherents of the crown.

This determined them to expel him on the ground at first assumed,

which was effected by a vote of 17 to 6; twenty-one of the twenty-four

members being similarly situated, not residents of the districts they

represented.

A wider field was now opened before him. He was elected to the

first Congress at Philadelphia, and became a brilliant star in that

enlightened and patriotic body. He was one of the committee that

prepared the spirited address to the British nation, that roused

from their lethargy those whose attention had not been called to the

all-important subjects then in agitation, involving a nation’s rights

and a nation’s wrongs.

He was continued a member of Congress, and, when the grand birthday of

our independence arrived, Mr. Livingston aided in the thrilling duties

of the occasion, invoked the smiles of Heaven upon the new born infant,

and gave the sanction of his name to the magna charta that secured to

it a towering majesty and grandeur before unknown.

He was also a member of the association that recommended and

adopted a non-intercourse with the mother country; president of the

provincial Congress assembled at New York, to devise measures for

their protection, and was one of those who framed the Constitution

of his native State, which was adopted in 1777. Under that he was

chosen a Senator, and attended the first session of the legislature of

the empire State. The same year he was elected to Congress, then in

session at York, Pennsylvania, having retired before their conquering

foe. Deeply afflicted with a hydro-thorax, (dropsy of the chest,) he

felt that his mortal career was fast drawing to a close. It was in the

Spring of 1778, when the dark mantle of gloom and misfortune hung over

the bleeding colonies.

Under these circumstances, he was willing to devote his last expiring

breath, as he had much of his estate, to the service of his beloved

country. He addressed a valedictory letter to his friends at Albany,

bade them a last farewell, urged them to remain firm in the cause of

liberty, and trust in God for deliverance; clasped his lovely wife and

children to his bosom, commended them to Heaven for protection, and

looked upon them with a heart full of tenderness for the last time on

this side of eternity. They were then at Kingston, where they had fled

for safety and protection from a brutal soldiery.

On the 5th of May he took his seat in Congress, and, on the 12th of

June, he yielded to the only monarch that could subdue his patriotic

heart—relentless death. He was buried the same day under all the

mournful honours due to his great worth and merit, deeply lamented by

every friend to the American cause. Although he was deprived of the

kind offices of his own family in his last moments, he had a friend

who had been his stay and support in every hour of trial, and now

smoothed the pillow of death. Religion had been his companion through

life; in the hour of dissolution, it was his support; angels waited

for the transit of his immortal soul; Heaven opened wide its gates

to let the patriot in; the king of glory decked him with laurels of

bliss; enrolled his name on the book of life; and crowned him with that

peaceful rest which is the reward of a pure heart and a virtuous life.

His private character was a continued eulogy upon virtue, philanthropy,

benevolence, urbanity, integrity, nobleness, honesty, patriotism,

consistency, and all the leading qualities that render man dignified on

earth, and fit for Heaven.

GEORGE WYTHE.

The name of every patriot who aided in gaining the liberty we now so

permanently enjoy, is remembered and repeated with veneration and

respect. A particular regard is felt for those whose names are enrolled

on that bold and noble production, the Declaration of Independence.

Their names, with many others who espoused the cause of freedom, will

glide down the stream of time on the gentle waves of admiration and

gratitude, until merged in the ocean of eternity. This single act has

placed them on the list of immortal fame.

Among them was GEORGE WYTHE, a native of Elizabeth city in Virginia,

born in 1728, of respectable parents. His father was a thriving farmer,

and his mother a woman of unusual worth, talents and learning. His

school education was limited, and, like Washington, Lafayette, and a

large proportion of great men, he was indebted to his mother for the

most of his learning and the early impressions of noble and correct

principles.

From her he acquired the Latin and Greek languages; by her he was led

to the pure fountains of science, and to her he was indebted for the

formation of his youthful mind.

Unfortunately for him death snatched away, nearly at the same time,

both his parents, leaving him still in his minority without a hand to

guide or a voice to warn him against the allurements of pleasure and

the seductions of vice.

His father left him a fortune, which, by prudence and frugality, was

sufficient to render his circumstances easy and comfortable. But like

too many _only_ sons, his father had not inured him to business habits;

he was soon led astray—he was captivated by amusements—and from that

time until the age of thirty, his time was spent in pursuit of the

phantoms of pleasurable diversions, and in idle company, neglecting

both study and business.

Like the prodigal, he then came to himself—returned to the paths of

virtue, studied the profession of the law, was admitted to the bar, and

soon became one of its brightest luminaries—one of its most eminent

members. During the remainder of his life, he pursued the paths of

wisdom most scrupulously, and showed to his friends and the world

that a young man, although led astray by the prowling wolves of vice,

_can_ burst the chains that bind him—redeem his character—correct his

habits—and become a useful and virtuous member of society. So did

George Wythe; go thou and do likewise. He felt most keenly, regretted

most sincerely, but redeemed most nobly the misspent time of his

younger days. If this should chance to meet the eyes of any man under

similar circumstances, let me say to him—imitate the striking example

of George Wythe. Perhaps no man ever maintained the professional

dignity of the bar better than him, or was more highly esteemed by

his most intimate acquaintances. He was scrupulously honest, and would

never proceed in a case until convinced justice required his services.

If, by any deception, a client induced him to embark in a suit that he

subsequently discovered was unjust, he refunded his fee, and abandoned

his cause.

His virtuous habits, extreme fidelity, judicial acquirements, and

extensive knowledge, gained for him public confidence and esteem. He

was for a long time a member of the House of Burgesses, and under the

new government he received the appointment of Chancellor of Virginia,

which office he filled with honour to himself and usefulness to his

native state until the day of his death. As a legislator he was highly

esteemed for talent, integrity and independence. He was not the tool

of party, he stood upon his own bottom, and depended upon his own

judgment. In 1764, on the 14th of November, he was appointed a member

of the committee to prepare a petition to the King, a memorial to the

House of Lords, and a remonstrance to the House of Commons on the

impropriety and injustice of the proposed stamp act.

The remonstrance was from the able pen of Mr. Wythe, and was drawn in

language so bold and strong, that it alarmed many of his colleagues,

and underwent considerable modification to divest it of what they

deemed a tincture of treason. He understood and properly appreciated

the true dignity of man, and was not born to succumb or quail beneath

the tyranny of a haughty monarch or an aspiring ministry. He was a

prominent and active member of the House of Burgesses in 1768, when

Virginia blood and Virginia patriotism were roused, and passed the

memorable resolutions asserting their exclusive right to levy their

own taxes; accused ministers and parliament of violating the British

constitution; and denied the right of the crown to transport and try

persons in England for crimes committed in the colonies.

In passing these resolutions parliamentary rules were dispensed

with—they went through with the onward course of an avalanche, the

members anticipating the proroguing power of the governor, who, on

hearing of their tenor, immediately dissolved the house. But he was

half an hour too late, they had passed their final reading and were

entered upon the records, and beyond his power to veto or expunge.

This step of the governor was unfavourable to the interests of

the crown, and the people proudly and boldly returned all the old

_patriotic_ members to the next session, with several new ones of

the same stamp. During the recess, the love of liberty and liberal

principles had increased in their bosoms, and they had imparted the

same sentiments to their constituents.

Among the new members was Thomas Jefferson, who had been the pupil of

Mr. Wythe—had imbibed his principles, and now stood forth a bold and

prominent champion of liberty and equal rights.

From this time onward Mr. Wythe continued to oppose parliamentary

oppression and vindicate the rights of his country. At the commencement

of the revolutionary movements he joined a volunteer corps, shouldered

his musket, determined to vindicate in the field the principles he had

inculcated in the legislative hall. But his talents as a statesman did

not permit him to move long in this sphere of action, and in August,

1775, he was called to take a seat in that congress which, in less than

a year from that time, proclaimed to the astonished Britons and to the

world, the freedom and emancipation of the colonies, affixed their

names to the Declaration of Independence, resolved that it should prove

either the chart of liberty or the warrant of death—appealing to heaven

for the justice of their cause.

In 1776, in November, Messrs. Wythe, Pendleton, and Jefferson were

appointed to revise the laws of Virginia, and although much other

business devolved upon them, they prepared and reported to the

general assembly one hundred and twenty-six bills by the 18th of

June, 1779. The new code commenced the revision at the time of the

revolution in England, and brought it down to the establishment of

the new government. It underwent the revision of Mr. Wythe, was truly

republican, and does great honour to the heads, hearts and learning of

the committee.

In 1777 he was chosen speaker of the House of Delegates; the same year

a judge of the High Court of Chancery, and subsequently, under a new

organization of the judiciary, sole chancellor. A more impartial judge

never graced the bench than George Wythe. Nothing could induce him to

swerve from the strictest rules of justice, and as a profound jurist

and expounder of the law, he stood pre-eminent. He was elected to the

professorship of the law in the college of William and Mary, where he

continued with success until his increasing duties compelled him to

resign. He was one of the members of the Virginia legislature at the

adoption of the Federal Constitution.

He put in full practice his principles of liberty by emancipating his

slaves, and providing them with the means of support. One of them, who

died prematurely, he had not only given a common education, but had

taught him Latin and Greek, determined upon a developement of African

talent.

In his private character Mr. Wythe was amiable, modest, charitable and

humane. He sought to improve the society in which he moved, and used

great exertions to guard young men against the purlieus of vice. He was

industrious, temperate, practically a christian, and above reproach.

He died suddenly from the effects of poison on the 8th of June, 1806,

universally esteemed, beloved and regretted. It is believed the poison

was administered by _George Wythe Sweny_, a grandson of his sister, who

expected to arrive sooner by his death at the enjoyment of a part of

his estate, but which fortunately was prevented by a codicil made just

before his decease. Although the ungrateful wretch could not be reached

by the laws of his country, the circumstances were so strong against

him that he was stamped by the public mind with the black, the awful,

the enduring stigma of a _murderer_.

Jefferson in delineating the character of the instructor of his youth,

remarks: “No man ever left behind him a character more venerated

than George Wythe. His virtue was of the purest kind; his integrity

inflexible, and his justice exact; of warm patriotism, and devoted as

he was to liberty and the natural and equal rights of men, he might be

truly called the Cato of his country, without the avarice of a Roman;

for a more disinterested person never lived. Such was GEORGE WYTHE, the

honour of his own and a model of future times.”

ABRAHAM CLARK.

Many of the most useful men who have at various periods of time figured

upon the great theatre of human affairs, have ascended the ladder of

fame without the aid of a collegiate education. A clear head, a strong

mind, a matured judgment, and a good heart are the grand requisites to

prepare a man for substantial usefulness. Without these, you pour upon

him the classic stream in vain; it is like water poured upon the sand,

it moistens and invigorates for the moment, then sinks and leaves the

surface dry and unproductive. The advantages of a liberal education I

most cheerfully acknowledge; that a man may become eminently useful

without it, is a fact beyond dispute. To the long list of names

conspicuous upon the pages of history for patriotism, philanthropy and

eminent usefulness, and not recorded on the books of any of the high

places of learning, that of ABRAHAM CLARK may be justly added.

He was born at Elizabethtown, Essex county, N.J., on the 15th of

February, 1726, of respectable parents. He was the only son of

Thomas Clark, who held the office of Alderman, at that time usually

bestowed upon men of merit and distinction. He was a farmer, a man

of good sense, and instilled into the mind of his son the enduring

principles of moral rectitude that governed his actions and framed

his character in after life. Abraham received what is termed a good

English education, and was designed by his father for the pursuit of

agriculture. Of a slender frame and of a delicate constitution, he was

never able to endure hard labour, but continued to superintend the

business on the farm which his father left him, when not absent on

public duty. He made himself familiar with mathematics, and attended

to the business of surveying and conveyancing. He also made himself

acquainted with the elementary principles of law, and became a safe

counsellor, imparting his legal advice gratuitously, often saving his

friends from entering into the vexatious labyrinth of litigation,

acting the part of a peace maker between the contending parties. He

was called “the poor man’s counsellor,” and did much to allay disputes

and produce harmony in his neighbourhood. He was often selected as

arbitrator in different counties to settle disputed titles of land.

His decisions were uniformly based on correct legal principles and

impartial justice. His knowledge and judgment became so much respected

that he was appointed by the General Assembly to settle the claims to

undivided commons. He filled the office of sheriff and was appointed

clerk of the assembly, acquitting himself with ability and credit in

both stations. As he became known to the public his talents were highly

appreciated, not because they kindled to a blaze calculated to excite

the huzzas of the multitude, but because they were surrounded by the

halo of pure patriotism, strict justice, moral worth, and undeviating

rectitude.

When the storm of oppression was poured upon his native land by the

mother country, Mr. Clark was among the first who openly contended for

equal rights and liberal principles. Cool, reflecting, and deliberate,

he had the confidence of his fellow citizens, and exercised over them a

wise and salutary influence. His actions flowed from the pure fountain

of a good heart, guided by a clear head and a matured judgment. The

subject of British injustice towards the American colonies he weighed

impartially, and felt most keenly. He was an active and bold leader in

the primary meetings of his native colony, opposing coolly but firmly,

the audacious and unreasonable claims of the crown. He was a prominent

member of the Committee of Safety, and contributed largely, by precept

and example, to the consolidation of that phalanx of sages and veterans

who resolved on liberty or death. He had a peculiar tact in rousing his

fellow citizens to proper action, always moving within the orbit of

reason and sound discretion.

He richly merited and freely received the confidence of the friends

of equal rights. In June, 1776, he was appointed a member of the

Continental Congress, where he nobly sustained the high reputation he

had already acquired for good sense and unalloyed patriotism. To such

men as Mr. Clark the cause of American independence owed its ultimate

success. Revolution is too often the offspring of faction, and although

successful in annihilating the powers assailed, leaves its ambitious

actors to sink in a tenfold corruption. Demagogues may kindle to a

flame the angry passions of the multitude, but it requires such men

as Franklin, Clark, Sherman, Washington, &c., to guide these streams

of mental fire, and conduct them harmless in their course. Although

the American revolution did not originate in faction, the zeal of many

of its able advocates naturally carried them beyond the safe line

prescribed by prudence and wisdom. Upon such men the salutary influence

of Mr. Clark was happily exercised, and in a manner which gained for

him their esteem and conferred lasting benefits on our common country.

To those who have discernment and skill to guide the ship of state

clear from the rocks and shoals of error, and avoid the breakers of

rashness, intrigue and corruption, although they cannot make a flowery

speech that will cost our nation thousands of dollars,—to such men, I

say, we owe our political safety and existence. These are they who will

preserve, to the utmost of their powers, the silken cords of our union.

They are the neutralizers of the inflammatory gases that proceed from

the fiery craniums of many of our legislators, who are more classical

than discreet, more in the forum than in the committee rooms, more

anxious to promote _their party_ than the _glory of our country_.

On the memorable Fourth of July, 1776, Mr. Clark fearlessly enrolled

his name with that patriotic band of sages who pledged “their lives,

their fortunes, and their sacred honours,” to support the bleeding

cause of liberty, and defend their country from tyranny and oppression.

For this strong and important measure he had long been prepared, from

a firm conviction that no reasonable or honourable terms would be

sanctioned by the ambitious and haughty ministry of Great Britain. He

was fully convinced, that chains and fetters awaited his native land,

unless the cords of allegiance were severed at one bold stroke. He

therefore sanctioned the Declaration of Independence by his vote and

signature, and was rewarded by an approving conscience and the plaudits

of his fellow citizens, who elected him to the national legislature

during seven successive years, except 1779, when he was in the state

legislature. Having a retentive memory, and being a practical man, of

untiring industry, he was acknowledged by all to be one of the most

useful members of the Continental Congress. From 1783 to 1788, he was

a member of the legislature of his own state, and so great was his

influence that every act which excited public attention was attributed

to him. An act to regulate the practice of lawyers, curtailing their

fees in some measure, was emphatically called “_Clark’s Law_.” As a

matter of course those opposed to particular measures emanating from

him became his political enemies.

Mr. Clark was a warm advocate for the Convention that framed our

National Constitution, and was appointed one of its members, but was

prevented from attending by sickness. In 1788, he was again elected to

Congress, but the following year his political enemies succeeded, for

the first time, in defeating him. He was then called to the important

station of commissioner to settle the accounts of his native state with

the general government. At the ensuing election he was again elected

to Congress, of which he remained a member until his death, which

was caused by a _coup de soleil_, (stroke of the sun,) in the autumn

of 1794, closing his career in two hours after the commencement of

the attack, in the 69th year of his age. MR. CLARK was a consistent

christian, a pure patriot, and an honest man. He was a faithful public

sentinel, a kind and charitable friend, an honourable and generous

enemy, and died esteemed and regretted by all who knew him. His

character is worthy of the highest encomiums, his examples of the

closest imitation.

FRANCIS LEWIS.

The patriots, sages and heroes of the American revolution, were

composed of men from different countries and of various pursuits. One

feeling seems to have pervaded the bosom and influenced the actions

of all—the love of LIBERTY. This mainspring to action was confined to

no business or profession; all classes who loved their country and

hated chains, flew to the rescue. Self-interest, to a greater extent

than is usual, lost its potent charms, and thousands upon thousands

pledged their lives and fortunes to defend their bleeding country

against the merciless attacks and exorbitant demands of an unyielding

and uncompromising foe. No class of men better understood the injustice

of the mother country towards her infant colonies than those engaged

in commerce. Many bold, daring and intelligent spirits left the

counting-house for the field or the legislative hall. Among them was

FRANCIS LEWIS, who was born at Landaff, in the shire of Glamorgan, in

South Wales, in March, 1713. His father was an Episcopal clergyman;

his mother was the daughter of the Rev. Dr. Pettingal, of the same

religion, who officiated at Caernarvonshire, in North Wales.

Francis was an only child, and left an orphan at the age of five years.

A maternal aunt named Llawelling, who resided at Caernarven, became

his guardian. She had him early instructed in her native language, the

Cymraeg, which he retained through life. He was then sent to Scotland

to reside with a relative, where he obtained the ancient and pure

Celtic. From there he was transferred to the Westminster school in

London, where he made great proficiency and became a good classical

scholar. He then entered the counting-house and became familiar with

the whole routine of commercial transactions, which prepared him to

pursue his business successfully through a long, active, and useful

life. When he arrived at the age of twenty-one he inherited a small

fortune, which he laid out in merchandise, and in the spring of 1735

arrived with it at New York. He found his stock too large for that

city, entered into partnership with Edward Annesley, leaving with him a

part of the goods, proceeding himself with the residue to Philadelphia.

At the end of two years he settled permanently in New York, and married

Elizabeth Annesley, the sister of his partner. To these ancestors, we

trace the numerous and respectable families now residing in the state

of New York of the same name.

The commercial transactions of Mr. Lewis frequently called him to

Europe, the principal ports of which he visited. He also visited the

Shetland and Orkney Islands, and was twice shipwrecked on the coast of

Ireland.

At the commencement of the French war he was the agent for supplying

the British army with clothing. At the sanguinary attack and reduction

of Oswego by the French troops under General Dieskau, Mr. Lewis was

standing by the side of Colonel Mersey, who had command of the fort,

when he was killed. He became a prisoner and was held a long time by

the Indians, enduring every hardship they could impose short of death.

As a small compensation for his sufferings and losses the British

government, on his return, granted him five thousand acres of land.

He was among the early and determined opposers to the pretensions of

the crown in their mad career of taxation and oppression. He was a

distinguished and active member of the colonial congress that assembled

at New York in the autumn of 1765, to devise and mature measures to

effectuate a redress of injuries and grievances. They prepared a

petition to the King and House of Commons, and a memorial to the House

of Lords. Their language was respectful, but every line breathed a firm

determination no longer to yield to injury and insult. The chrysalis of

the revolution was formed at that time. The eruptions of the volcano

occasionally subsided, but as the crater again sent forth the lava of

insubordination, its volume increased until the whole country became

inundated by the terrific flood of war, tinged by the purple current

from the veins of thousands.

In 1771, Mr. Lewis visited England and made himself familiar with the

feelings and designs of the British ministry. From that time forward

he was fully convinced that the infant colonies in America could never

enjoy their inalienable rights until they severed the parental ties

that bound them to the mother country. On all proper occasions he

communicated his views to the friends of liberty, and did much on his

return to rouse his fellow citizens to a just sense of impending danger.

When it was determined to convene the Continental Congress at

Philadelphia, the minds of his friends were fixed upon Mr. Lewis as a

man eminently qualified to represent their interests in that august

body. On the 22nd of April, 1775, he was unanimously elected a member

by the delegates convened for the purpose, and immediately repaired

to the key stone city and entered upon the important duties assigned

him. The following year he was continued in that proud station, and

affixed his name to the chart of American Independence. His long

experience in commercial and other business, united with a clear head,

a patriotic heart, a matured and reflecting mind, richly stored with

general intelligence, rendered him an influential and useful member of

the Continental Congress. As an active and judicious man on business

committees, he stood pre-eminent. As a warm and zealous advocate of his

country’s rights, he stood unrivalled. He was continued a member of the

national legislature until he obtained leave of absence in April, 1779,

except a short interval in 1777.

He suffered much in loss of property, which was wantonly destroyed by

the conquering foe. Not satisfied with this, the British seized the

unprotected wife of Mr. Lewis and placed her in close confinement,

without even a bed on which to repose her delicate frame—without a

change of clothes, almost without food, and exposed to the unmanly

and disgraceful insults of more than barbarian wretches. In this

painful situation she remained for several months, when she was

finally exchanged through the exertions of General Washington, under

the direction of Congress, for a Mrs. Barrow, the wife of a British

pay-master. The consequence of this base imprisonment, was the

premature death of Mrs. Lewis.

At the close of the war, Mr. Lewis was reduced from affluence to

poverty. He had devoted his talents and property in the cause of

liberty, and what was more, the partner of his youth, the mother

of his children, had been sacrificed at the shrine of oppression.

Notwithstanding these misfortunes, the evening of his life was made

comfortable by his enterprising children, and on the 30th day of

December, 1803, calm and resigned, he closed his eventful and useful

life in the 90th year of his age. He left a well earned fame that will

survive, unimpaired, the revolutions of time. His private character was

a fair unsullied sheet, as pure and amiable as his public career was

useful and illustrious. As a man of business he stood in the foremost

rank, and was the first merchant who made a shipment of wheat to

Europe, he was indeed a pioneer in the transporting trade. His examples

in private and public life are worthy of imitation, and justly deserve

our high admiration.

RICHARD STOCKTON.

Among the great variety of characters who signed that master piece of

composition, the Declaration of Independence, were men of the highest

literary attainments, ornamented by the most refined manners, the

strictest virtue, and the noblest patriotism. Amidst these stars, the

man of whom I now write, shone with peculiar lustre and brightness. He

was the son of John Stockton, born in October, 1730, near Princeton,

in New Jersey. His great grandfather, of the same name, came from

England in 1670, purchased near 7000 acres of land within two miles of

Princeton, and, in 1682, effected the first European settlement made in

that part of the State. On this estate, the Stockton family continued

to reside and prosper, until driven off by the British army under Lord

Howe, forming the nucleus to a large circle of the most worthy and

valuable citizens.

Under the instruction of the celebrated principal of the West

Nottingham Academy in Maryland, Rev. Doctor Samuel Finley, the talents

of young Richard budded, blossomed, and unfolded their beauty; to the

great satisfaction of his teacher, and admiration of his parents and

friends. From early youth, he manifested a comprehensive and powerful

mind. From this Seminary, he was transferred to the College at Newark,

where he completed his education, and received the merited honours

of the first annual commencement at Nassau Hall, in 1748, under its

highly talented and pious President, the Rev. Mr. Burr. At the early

age of eighteen, he commenced the study of law under David Ogden, who

then stood at the head of his profession in the province. He applied

himself closely to his studies for six years, when he was admitted as

an Attorney, and two years after, advanced to the grade of Counsellor

at Law. He then established himself at his paternal seat, and soon rose

to the highest rank, and stood unrivalled at the New Jersey bar. His

fame as an advocate and counsellor rose, expanded, and spread; and he

was frequently called from his native state, to manage suits of high

importance. In 1763, he was honoured with the degree of sergeant at

law. In 1766, he closed his professional business, crowned with the

fair laurels of his brilliant career, and richly rewarded for his toil

and labours. He committed it to his brother-in-law, Alias Boudinot,

Esq., who was then on the flood tide of a successful practice.

In June of that year, anxious to further enrich his mind, he embarked

for London, and was safely wafted across the Atlantic, to the great

European metropolis. His fame had been previously spread through that

country, his visit had been anticipated, and he was received by the

high dignitaries of Great Britain with the most flattering and marked

attention. He was presented at the Court of St. James by one of the

cabinet members, and delivered to the King an address from the trustees

of the College of New Jersey, expressive of their joy at the repeal of

the stamp act.

During his stay, he rendered material services to this college, among

which, was his influence inducing Doctor Witherspoon to accept of its

presidential chair, to which he had been elected, and which he had

declined; thus adding another to the list of high minded and talented

patriots, who nobly conceived, boldly prosecuted, and gloriously

consummated the emancipation of the colonies.

During his visit, he communicated freely with the statesmen of England

who were friendly to their brethren in America, and confirmed them

more strongly in their opinions of the impolitic course pursued by the

ministry towards the colonies.

In February following he visited Edinburgh, where he received the

most flattering attentions from those in power, being complimented

by a public dinner and the freedom of the city. On this occasion, he

delivered an eloquent and appropriate speech, fully sustaining his

reported fame, fully answering their fondest and highest anticipations.

His company was courted by the most scientific gentlemen of that seat

of learning, and he was made a welcome and honoured guest at the tables

of every nobleman upon whom he could call.

During his stay in the United Kingdom, he visited Dublin, where he

received the hearty Irish welcome so characteristic of that warm

hearted nation, and every attention that could render his reception

flattering and agreeable. The oppressed situation of that unfortunate

nation, convinced him more strongly of the tyranny of the British

ministry, and the fate that awaited his native country, by yielding to

their imperious and humiliating demands. This visit prepared him for

future action.

Mr. Stockton was astonished to find so few in England who understood

the situation or character of the colonists in America; and the

English were equally astonished to find so great a man from the

western wilderness. Misapprehension often produces the most fatal

consequences, both to individuals and nations. The comprehensive

mind of this discerning philanthropist readily predicted the result

of this ignorance, and he accordingly embraced every opportunity for

dispelling this dark mist that hung over the land of his ancestors.

With many, he succeeded in opening their eyes to the true and relative

situation of the two countries; but when the powers that stand at the

helm of a nation are wading in corruption, breathing the atmosphere of

tyranny, charged with sordid avarice, thirsting for an extension of

power, delighting in slavery and oppression, they dethrone reason, bid

defiance to justice, trample law under their feet, and, if possible,

would dethrone the great Jehovah to accomplish their designs. Thus

infatuated were the British ministry when they turned a deaf ear to the

petitions and remonstrances of the American colonists, and the wise

counsels of the ablest statesmen that then illuminated their parliament.

Having been more than a year absent from “sweet home,” Mr. Stockton

began to make arrangements for his return. His mind had become greatly

enriched and embellished by the numerous advantages of his varied

intercourse with men of science and eminence. He had listened to the

forensic eloquence and powerful arguments of Blackstone, and the other

celebrated pleaders at Westminster Hall. He had treasured in his

capacious mind, the clear and erudite decisions of the learned and

profound judges, who then graced the judicial bench. He had witnessed

the enrapturing powers of Chatham, and the logical genius of Burke. He

had become familiar with the highly polished and fascinating manners

of Chesterfield, and had seen Garrick in the zenith of his glory.

Thus richly laden, he spread his sails to the gentle breeze, and, in

twenty-six days, he was wafted to the shores of his native land, where

he arrived in September, 1767. He was received with demonstrations of

the liveliest joy by his fellow citizens, and of the kindest affection

by his immediate friends and connections.

Two years after he was elevated to a seat in the supreme judiciary and

executive council, in consequence of the high opinion entertained of

his talents by the King.

In 1774 he was appointed a judge of the supreme court, being associated

with his old friend and preceptor, David Ogden. During this time he

greatly improved and embellished his plantation, and was surrounded by

all the comforts and enjoyments this world can give. But how uncertain

are the joys of this mundane sphere. The revolutionary storm was

gathering. The dark clouds were rolling on the winds of fury. An awful

crisis had arrived. He was a favourite of the crown. The flames of

revenge were concentrating like the raging fire on a prairie, and it

became necessary for him to choose whom he would serve. The influence

he wielded made the decision one of high importance to his king and

his country. In view of the prospect as presented to human eyes, all

that is based on self, urged him to maintain allegiance to the mother

country. But he knew that country well. He knew and loved his own

better. The pomp of courts had no charms for him; he was a republican,

a patriot, a friend to liberty; in her cause he enlisted; under her

banners he took his stand, willing to sacrifice his property, kingly

favour, and his life, in defending the sacred rights of his bleeding,

his injured fellow citizens.

He carried with him his friend, the Rev. Dr. Witherspoon, both of

whom were elected, in June, 1776, to the Continental Congress at

Philadelphia, vested with full power to unite in such measures as

that body might deem necessary and expedient to adopt under existing

circumstances. Mr. Stockton, after listening to the arguments several

days, stood forth, an eloquent and bold advocate, for the declaration

of independence, brandishing the amputating knife fearlessly in public

and in private.

Nor did he stand alone. The members of that august body soon acquired

the art of cutting _five_ and _six_. They forged and finished a blade,

pure as damask steel, and placed it in the hands of their venerable

President, John Hancock. _Liberty_ dipped her golden pen in the font

of FREEDOM, and recorded the names of the memorable fifty-six upon

the shining tablet of enduring fame. At one bold stroke the cords of

parental authority were cut asunder. America was redeemed, regenerated,

and free. Heaven smiled its approbation, angels shouted their joy,

nations gazed with admiring wonder, and every patriot responded a

loud—AMEN.

The extensive information, matured experience, soaring talent, and

powerful eloquence of Mr. Stockton, rendered him one of the most

useful and efficient members of that Congress. His knowledge of law

and political economy, of human nature, human rights, and of men and

things, enabled him to command the respect and admiration of all his

colleagues. He performed every duty assigned him with zeal, industry,

and dignity. In the autumn of 1776, Mr. Stockton and George Clymer, of

Pennsylvania, were sent to inspect the northern army, with full power

to provide for its wants and correct any abuses that might exist. This

duty they discharged in the most satisfactory manner, both to the

officers of the army and to Congress.

Soon after his return he was under the necessity of removing his family

to save them from the brutality of the approaching enemy. Whilst

performing this important duty he was taken prisoner by the British,

dragged from his bed, and, in the most brutal manner, conveyed to New

York, consigned to the common prison, deprived of every comfort, left

twenty-four hours without any provisions, and then received but a very

small and coarse supply; in direct violation of the laws of nations

and humanity, and of all the rules of civilized warfare. This base

treatment impaired his health, and laid the foundation of disease that

terminated in death. His capture was effected by the information of a

tory, who was subsequently indicted and punished for the act.

This abuse of one of their members, roused the indignation of Congress.

General Washington was directed to send a flag of truce to General

Howe, and ultimately obtained the release of Mr. Stockton. Simultaneous

with this event, his property was devastated by a merciless soldiery,

his papers and extensive library burnt, and his plantation left a

desolate waste.

Thus oppressed by want and disease, he was unable to again take his

seat in Congress, but was ever ready to give counsel and advice, and

was often consulted. His opinions had great weight, and in this way his

country continued to be benefitted long after disease had fastened its

iron hand upon him. Among his complicated afflictions he had a cancer

upon the neck, which rendered his situation painful in the extreme.

He endured his sufferings with christian fortitude until the 28th of

February, 1781, when death relieved him from his burden of afflictions,

and assigned him a place amongst the peaceful dead. He died at his

native residence, near Princeton, in the 51st year of his age, mourned,

_deeply_ mourned, by all his numerous acquaintances and by his country.

Thus prematurely ended the brilliant career of one of Columbia’s

noblest sons. He was a man of general science and universal knowledge.

He was the first chief justice of his native state under the new

constitution. As a lawyer he stood pre-eminent; as a judge he was

impartial, sound, and lucid; as a statesman, able, discreet, and

wise; as a patriot, firm, fearless, and devoted; as a gentleman,

polished, urbane, and graceful; as a citizen, liberal, peaceful, and

generous; as a friend, true, sympathetic, and charitable; as a husband,

kind, affectionate, and provident; as a father, faithful, tender,

and instructive; as a christian, open, frank, and consistent; as a

man, honest, noble, and brave; and as a whole, he was an ornament in

society, an honour to his country, and a blessing to mankind.

SAMUEL ADAMS.

It is a fact worthy of remark, that many of the most eminent sages

of the American revolution were devoted and consistent professors of

christianity, and some of them ministers of the cross. They all seem

to have been actuated by motives pure as Heaven, and influenced alone

by the demands of imperious duty, based upon the inalienable rights of

man. They were not prompted to action from a love of conquest or of

military glory. Their pilgrim fathers fled from the clanking chains of

servile oppression, and planted the standard of civilization in the new

world, that they might enjoy FREEDOM in its native purity, and transmit

the rich behest to their offspring. The principles of rational liberty

were enforced upon the minds of each rising generation, and when

tyranny reared its hydra head, they readily recognised the monster, and

resolved, nobly resolved, to drive from their shores the invading foe.

Among the revolutionary sages who boldly espoused the cause of equal

rights, was SAMUEL ADAMS, who was born in Boston, Massachusetts, on

the 22nd of September, 1722. He was a man of middle size, well formed,

with a countenance beaming with intelligence, indicating firmness of

purpose and energy of action. His parents were highly respectable, and

descended from ancestors who had always moved in the first rank of

society, and were among the early emigrants to this western world. His

father was for many years a member of the Assembly of Massachusetts,

and by him, this, his eldest son, was early taught those liberal

principles that he so fearlessly and triumphantly vindicated during his

subsequent career.

When but a child, Samuel Adams exhibited the index of a strong and

enquiring mind, and talents of a high order. Under the guidance and

instruction of Mr. Lovell, an eminent teacher of that day, he was

prepared to enter upon his collegiate studies. He was remarkable for

his close application, and rapid progress in the exploration of the

field of science. He soared above the allurements that too often lead

the juvenile mind astray, and made his books his highest pleasure. His

powers of intellect unfolded their variegated hues like a blooming

amaranth, and shed a pleasing lustre around him, gratifying to his

friends and creditable to himself.

Being of a serious turn, his father placed him in Harvard College,

believing him destined for the gospel ministry. He ascended the hill

of science with a steady and rapid pace, and gained the esteem and

admiration of all around him. During his whole course, he subjected

himself to reproof but once, and that for remaining too late in

the arms of Morpheus, by reason of which he did not arrive in time

to attend morning prayers. At the age of eighteen, he received the

degree of bachelor of arts; and, three years after, that of master of

arts, although much of his time had been devoted to the investigation

of theology, which apparently had been the absorbing topic of his

thoughts during the last years he was in college: the subject of his

discourse, when he took his final degree, showed that other ideas had

also received his attention. It was this: “_Is it lawful to resist

the supreme magistrate, if the commonwealth cannot otherwise be

preserved._” In a masterly manner he maintained the affirmative of this

proposition, and with enrapturing eloquence and unanswerable logic,

unfolded the beauties of that liberty for which he subsequently pledged

his life, his fortune and his sacred honour. From that time he seems

to have abandoned the idea of clerical orders, and to have turned all

the powers of his gigantic mind to the disenthralment of his country.

From that time forward he became a bold and constant advocate of equal

rights, and a valiant opposer of British wrongs. By rigid economy he

had saved a sum of money from the stipend allowed him by his father

when in college; this he devoted to the publication of a pamphlet from

his own pen, entitled “The Englishman’s Rights.” This was one of the

entering wedges of the revolution, and awakened a spirit of enquiry

that eventually kindled the flame of opposition to the increasing

oppressions of the crown that consumed the power of monarchy over

Columbia’s soil.

Anxious that his son should embark in some permanent business,

the father of Samuel Adams obtained for him a situation in the

counting-house of Thomas Cushing, an eminent merchant of that period,

preparatory to his engaging in commercial affairs; but for that sphere

of action nature had not designed him; his mind became absorbed in the

pursuit of political knowledge, international law, and the rights of

man.

About the time he entered the counting-house, he formed a club of

kindred spirits, for the purpose of political discussion and enquiry.

Mr. Adams and some of the other members furnished political essays for

a newspaper called the Independent Advertiser, which were so severe

in their strictures upon the conduct of the creatures of the crown,

that the association obtained the name of the “Whipping Post Club.”

The hirelings of the king treated these essays with derision, and

passed them by as idle wind; upon the great mass of the people they

had a different influence. Stamped upon their face with plain truth,

sound reasoning and uncontroverted facts, they operated upon British

power like the sea-worm upon a vessel, silently and slowly, but with

sure destruction. They contributed largely in perforating each plank

of the proud ship of monarchy, then riding over the American colonies,

until she sank to rise no more. They served as the kindling material of

that blazing fire that ultimately illumined the horizon of liberty and

lighted the pilgrim patriots to the goal of freedom. “Behold how great

a matter a little fire kindleth.”

During the administration of Shirley, Mr. Adams wrote several spirited

essays against his course and policy, and portrayed, in glowing

colours, the dangers of concentrating civil and military power in the

same individual.

After remaining for a time with Mr. Cushing, his father furnished

him with a liberal capital, and he commenced business for himself.

By losses, arising from the pernicious credit system, he was soon

stripped of all his stock in trade. By the death of his father he

was left, at the age of twenty-five, to take charge of the paternal

estate and family. In the discharge of that duty, he proved that he

was _competent_ to manage pecuniary matters, by bringing his mind to

bear upon the subject. The estate was considerably involved and under

an attachment when he undertook his trust, from which he entirely

relieved it. This accomplished he again bestowed his attention almost

entirely upon politics. He became celebrated as a keen, sarcastic,

and ready writer, and laid deep the foundations of his fame as a

statesman. He analyzed every point at issue between his own and the

mother country, and exposed the corruptions of the British ministry to

public gaze in all their pristine deformity. He soon became one of the

most popular whigs in his native state, and was hailed as one of their

boldest leaders. From his boyhood he had advocated their cause, and

despised the chains of slavery. So strongly did the whig party become

attached to him, that many of its members who were not personally

acquainted with him contributed liberally to relieve him from pecuniary

embarrassments, which arose from devoting his time exclusively to

political matters. No man had examined more closely, or understood

better, the relative situation of Great Britain and her American

colonies. He measured every circumstance upon the scale of reason, and

based his every action upon the sure foundation of immutable justice.

He was not rash and inflammatory—always appealing to the judgment and

understanding—endeavouring to allay rather than excite the passions

of men. He was a friend to order, opposed to sudden bursts of popular

fury, and to every thing calculated to produce riotous and tumultuous

proceedings. He took a philosophic view of the chartered rights

guarantied to his country, and of the infringements upon them.

Organized and systematic opposition against the unwarranted

encroachments of the crown, emanating from the great majority of the

sovereign people, was the plan he proposed; to be manifested first

by petition and remonstrance, and, in the last resort, by an appeal

to arms. Upon the expansive basis of republican principles he took

his stand; calm and undismayed he maintained his position. When the

offensive stamp act was promulged, he exposed its odious features;

and when the climax of oppression was capped by the imposition of

taxes upon various articles of daily consumption, for the support of

a corrupt and corrupting foreign ministry, which denied the right

of representation to the colonies, Samuel Adams proclaimed to his

countrymen, that the time had arrived when forbearance was no longer

a virtue, and that forcible resistance had become their imperious

duty. He showed conclusively that the parliament of Great Britain had

violated the constitution that should have guided their deliberations.

Americans had in vain claimed protection under its banner, its sacred

covering was snatched from over their heads, they were left exposed to

the insults of foreign officers who were throwing the coils of tyranny

around them. To be slaves or freemen was the important question. Being

a member of the general assembly and clerk of the house, he was enabled

to exercise a salutary and extensive influence. With great ardour

and zeal, he united prudence and discretion. From the time he was

elected in 1765, he remained in the assembly of his native state until

he was chosen a member of the Continental Congress. He exerted the

noblest powers of his mind to prepare the people for the approaching

crisis, and kindled a flame of patriotic fire that increased in

volume as time rolled on. He was the first man who proposed to the

people of Massachusetts the non-importation act, the committees of

correspondence, and the congress that assembled at Philadelphia in

1774. Nor did he confine his exertions or limit his influence to

New England alone; he corresponded with the eminent patriots of the

middle and southern states, and contributed largely in producing unity

of sentiment and concert of action in the glorious cause of liberty

throughout the colonies. Over his own constituents he held a magic

influence. At the sound of his voice the fury of a Boston mob would

instantly cease; he could lead the lion of faction with a single hair.

The people knew well he would maintain what was clearly right, and

submit to nothing, willingly, that was clearly wrong.

When the affray of the first of March, 1770, between the British

soldiers and some of the citizens of Boston occurred, the influence

of Mr. Adams prevented the further effusion of blood, _after_ the

populace had been roused to vengeance by the death of several of their

companions. He addressed the assembled multitude, and proposed the

appointment of a committee to wait upon Lieutenant Governor Hutchinson,

and request the immediate removal of the soldiers, then quartered upon

the town. The plan was approved, and Mr. Adams was made the chairman of

the committee. His excellency at first refused the request, but found

that fatal results would follow if he persisted. The chairman met all

his objections fearlessly, and confuted them triumphantly, and told him

plainly, that an immediate compliance with the request of the people

would alone prevent the most disastrous consequences, and that the

Lieutenant Governor would be held responsible for the further waste of

human life. The troops were removed to the castle, and peace restored.

Every exertion was used by the adherents of the crown to induce Mr.

Adams to relinquish his whig principles, and accept of golden honours

under the King. Governor Gage sent a special messenger, Colonel Fenton,

to him, to induce him to bow his knee to the throne. After finding

that England was not rich enough to buy him, he threatened to have him

arrested and sent beyond the seas to be tried for high treason. He

listened with more apparent attention to this last suggestion, and,

after a pause, asked Colonel Fenton if he would truly deliver his reply

to Governor Gage. On receiving an affirmative assurance, he rose from

his chair, and assuming an air of withering contempt, he said “I trust

I have long since made my peace with the KING OF KINGS. No personal

consideration shall induce me to abandon the righteous cause of my

country. Tell Governor Gage, it is the advice of Samuel Adams to him,

_no longer to exasperate the feelings of an insulted people_.”

This reply roused the ire of the royal governor, and when he

subsequently issued his proclamation, offering a free pardon to such of

the rebels as would return to what _he_ termed their duty, he excepted

Samuel Adams and John Hancock. The two patriots received this mark

of distinction as a high commission from the throne, directing their

future course. They received it as a _carte blanche_, that left them as

free as mountain air in all their actions. No bribe could seduce, or

threat divert Mr. Adams from the patriotic path he had marked out. He

placed his trust in the Rock of Ages, and enjoyed the rich consolations

of an approving conscience, and the unlimited confidence and cheering

approbation of the friends of equal rights. These were more dearly

prized by him than all the royal honours within the gift of kings.

Mr. Adams was from that time forward marked out as an object of

vengeance by the British authorities. He was one of the causes that

hastened on the final commencement of open hostilities. The object

of the king’s troops in proceeding to Lexington on the memorable

19th of April, 1775, was to arrest Samuel Adams and John Hancock,

and obtain their papers. Apprised of their business, General Joseph

Warren despatched an express late in the evening to the two patriots,

warning them of the approaching danger. In a few moments after they

received the information, the British troops entered the house in which

they were, from whom they narrowly escaped. In a few short hours the

dark curtain rose, and the revolutionary tragedy commenced. The last

maternal cord was severed, the great seal of the original compact was

dissolved in blood, and the covenants of the two parties were fully

cancelled.

Mr. Adams remained in the neighbourhood; and the next morning, as

the day dawned, and the sun rose without a cloud to dim its rays, he

remarked to a friend, “this is a glorious day for America.” He viewed

the sacrifice as an earnest of future blessings and ultimate happiness.

To rouse the people to action, now became the sole business of this

devoted friend of his bleeding country. Having been a member of the

Congress that met at Philadelphia the previous year, he was well

convinced, from the feelings then expressed by the members from all

the colonies, that the simultaneous efforts of those opposed to the

usurpations of the crown, would be exerted in the common cause against

the common enemy. They only waited for the grand signal to action; this

had now been given; the tocsin of war had been sounded; the requium of

battle had been sung; its heart piercing notes were wafted far and wide

on the wings of echo, and were responded to by millions of patriotic

souls, resolved on liberty or death, victory or the grave. Mr. Adams

mourned deeply the death of his friends who were the martyrs of that

tragical, yet glorious day; but rejoiced that their funeral knell

would shake to its very centre the temple of British power in America,

and that their blood would cry to Heaven for vengeance, and incite to

vigorous and triumphant action, the hardy sons of the new world. The

event gave to his own mind new powers of propulsion, and nerved him

with fresh vigour to meet the fiery trials that were in reserve for

him. As dangers increased he became more bold in his propositions to

the people to maintain their rights; as the wrath of his enemies grew

hotter against him, he became more highly appreciated by the populace,

and was uniformly styled, _Samuel Adams the Patriot_. His fame and his

influence expanded with each revolving day; his friends were animated

by his counsels and eloquence; his foes were astounded and chagrined

at the boldness of his career. In the assembly of his own state, he

effected the passage of a series of resolutions deemed treasonable by

the royal governor, by locking the door and keeping the key himself to

prevent the proceedings of the house from being known in time for the

adherents of the crown to defeat them. In the Congress of 1776, he was

among the first to propose and strongly advocate the declaration of

independence; and always contended it should have followed immediately

after the battle of Lexington. He demonstrated all his propositions in

a clear, calm, dignified and logical manner; and always planted himself

upon the firm basis of reason and justice. He was extremely zealous,

but not rash; he was ardent and decisive, but wise and judicious. When

the Declaration of Rights was adopted by the Continental Congress,

on the 4th of July, 1776, he most cheerfully affixed his name to

that sacred instrument without the least hesitation. He had been an

able and eloquent advocate of the measure; he had long cherished and

fondly nursed the project of an unequivocal separation from the mother

country, and rejoiced at the final consummation of his ardent desires.

During the darkest periods of the revolution, he was calm and cheerful,

and did much to banish despair from the minds of the desponding. In

1777, when Congress was obliged to fly to Lancaster, and a dismal gloom

was spread over the cause of the patriots like the mantle of night,

several of the leading members were convened, in company with Mr.

Adams, and were conversing upon the disasters of the American arms,

and concluded the chance for ultimate success was desperate. Mr. Adams

replied, “If this be _our_ language, it is so indeed. If _we_ wear long

faces, they will become fashionable. Let us banish such feelings, and

show a spirit that will keep alive the confidence of the people. Better

tidings will soon arrive. Our cause is just and righteous, and we shall

never be abandoned by Heaven, while we show ourselves worthy of its aid

and protection.” At that time there were but twenty-eight members in

Congress, and Mr. Adams remarked, “it was the _smallest_, but _truest_

Congress they ever had.”

Shortly after that trying period, the rays of hope dawned upon them,

the news of the surrender of Burgoyne removed the long faces, and put

a new aspect upon the American cause. The friends of liberty were

reanimated; their hearts were enlivened by fresh courage; the anchor

of hope held them more firmly to their moorings. The arrival of Lord

Howe, the Earl of Carlisle, and Mr. Eden, with what _they_ termed the

olive branch of peace from Lord North, also created a new excitement.

Mr. Adams was on the committee appointed to treat with these messengers

of the king. On examining the terms proposed, the committee found

that the pretended olive branch had been plucked from the Bohon

Upas of an overbearing and corrupt ministry, and promptly replied,

through Mr. Adams, “Congress will attend to no terms of peace that are

inconsistent with the honour of an independent nation.” This answer was

as unexpected to the royal trio, as it was laconic and patriotic. The

grand Rubicon had been passed, the city of chains had been abandoned,

and nothing could induce the sages of ’76 to look back, or tarry on the

plain of monarchy.

In 1779, Samuel Adams and John Adams were appointed by the committee

of which they were members, to draft a constitution for the state of

Massachusetts, under the new form of government. They ably performed

the duty assigned them—the convention sanctioned the document they

submitted with but few amendments, and adopted it for the future

government of the state. The same gentlemen also prepared for the

convention an address to the people on that occasion, which also met

the approval of that body, and was responded to, with high approbation,

by the hardy yeomanry of that state.

Mr. Adams was also a member of the convention of his native state,

convened in 1787, to act upon the Constitution of the United States,

then submitted for consideration. Some of its features appeared

objectionable to him, but he cautiously avoided any opposition, lest

he should endanger its final adoption, which he considered the best

policy, securing for it future amendments. He was most particularly

opposed to the article that rendered the states amenable to the

national courts. After listening to the arguments for and against it,

he submitted certain amendments, which were approved by the convention,

and when it was finally sanctioned by a majority of the members, these

amendments were submitted with it, and recommended for the future

consideration of Congress, and some of them have since been adopted.

From 1789 to 1794 Mr. Adams was lieutenant-governor of Massachusetts,

and from that time to 1797 was governor of that state. He performed

the executive duties with great ability, and contributed largely in

raising his native domain to a flourishing condition and dignified

standing. He watched over all her interests with a parental care, and

viewed her rising greatness with an honest pride. He had seen her sons

writhing under the lash of oppression, and the bones of her daughters

bleaching in the wind. He now beheld the people independent and happy,

prosperous and virtuous. He could now depart in peace. His infirmities

and age admonished him to retire from the great theatre of public

action, on which he had so long been a prominent actor, and having

filled the gubernatorial chair for three years, he bid a final farewell

to political life, approved by his country, his conscience and his

God. His health continued to decrease gradually with each returning

autumn, and on the 3d of October, 1803, his immortal spirit left its

tenement of clay, and soared aloft, on wings of faith, to mansions of

bliss beyond the skies, where flow rivers of joy for evermore. He died,

rejoicing in the merits of his glorified Redeemer, who had triumphed

over death and the grave. He had fought the good fight of faith, as

well as that of LIBERTY; and felt a full assurance of receiving a crown

of glory at the hands of King Immanuel.

Amidst all the turmoils of political and revolutionary strife, Mr.

Adams never neglected religious duties. When at home, he was faithful

to the family altar, and uniformly attended public worship when

practicable. He was a consistent every-day Christian, free from bigotry

and fanaticism, not subject to sudden contractions and expansions of

mind, rather puritanical in his views, yet charitable in his feelings,

and not disposed to persecute any one for the sake of opinion. He

adorned his profession of Christianity by pure moral conduct, and

the most scrupulous honesty, during his whole life. As a public man

and a private citizen, he was highly esteemed, and richly earned a

place in the front rank of the fathers of the American revolution.

He placed a low value upon riches, and died poor, but not the less

esteemed because of his poverty. He placed a high value upon common

school education, and a _proper_ estimate upon the higher branches of

science. He was strongly in favour of teaching the great mass of the

people the rudiments of an English education, even should it be at the

expense of the classics. General intelligence, widely and thoroughly

disseminated, he considered one of the strongest bulwarks to preserve

the independence of a nation against the innovations of intriguing and

designing men, who regard _self_ more than the glory of their country.

He took a liberal, expansive, and philosophic view of every subject he

investigated, and formed his conclusions only from a close conviction

that they were based upon correct premises and sound common sense. In

the cause of freedom he laboured incessantly, from his youth through

a long life, and was ever ready to throw himself in every breach made

by the creatures of the crown upon the rights of his country. At town

meetings, in the formation of independent societies, in the columns

of a newspaper, in the assembly of his own state, and in the national

legislature, he always filled a broad space and moved in a large

circumference. He was pure in his motives, bold in his plans, open

and frank in his sentiments, firm in his purposes, energetic in his

actions, and honourable in his course. He wielded an able pen, varying

his style to suit every occasion. But few of his productions have been

preserved. His answer to Thomas Paine’s writings against Christianity,

is perhaps superior to any thing that has been written on the subject.

His four letters on government, published in 1800, show a clear head,

a good heart, and a gigantic mind. His political essays, penned before

and during the revolution, were soul-stirring appeals, and contributed

largely in rousing the people to a defence of their inalienable rights.

As an orator, he was eloquent, chaste, and logical, always rising with

the magnitude of his subject. It was only on great occasions that his

powers were _fully_ developed; but on _all_ occasions he was listened

to with profound attention. He always spoke sensibly and to the point,

addressing the understanding rather than the passions.

His manners were urbane, plain, and unaffected; his mode of living

frugal and temperate; his attachments strong, sincere, and uniform; his

whole life was one continued chain of usefulness, devoted to the good

of his fellow men, the liberty and prosperity of his country, and the

happiness of the human family. Let his example be imitated, and our

Union may long be preserved from the iron grasp of ambitious partisans

and the fatal snares of designing demagogues: let them be discarded,

and it will prove a rope of sand, the temple of our LIBERTY will

crumble and moulder with the dust of SAMUEL ADAMS.

DR. BENJAMIN RUSH.

A sacred halo surrounds this name, as imperishable as the pages of

history. In the service of his country, and in the pursuit of his

profession, BENJAMIN RUSH filled the measure of his glory. His revered

memory is cherished by many surviving friends; his fame will be

chaunted by millions yet unborn.

He was a native of Bristol, Bucks county, Pennsylvania, born on the

24th of December, 1745. His ancestors immigrated to this country under

the auspices of William Penn, as early as 1683. His father was a

highly respectable agriculturalist, and died when this son was but a

child. At the age of nine years, Benjamin was placed under the tuition

of his maternal uncle, the Rev. Dr. Samuel Finley, whose literary

attainments were of a high order, and who was subsequently elected

president of the college at Princeton, New Jersey. Young Rush continued

under the instruction of this accomplished teacher until he was

fourteen, when he entered Princeton college, then under the direction

of President Davis. Like an expanding flower courting the genial

warmth of spring, the talents of this young freshman rapidly unfolded

their rich lustre beneath the shining rays of the sun of science. So

astonishing was his proficiency, that in one year after he commenced

his collegiate course, he received the degree of bachelor of arts; a

high compliment to his former instructor, a merited tribute to his own

industry, acquirements and genius. During his brief stay at Princeton,

he gained the friendship of all around him, and was esteemed one of the

most eloquent public speakers among the students. With the best wishes

of the professors and his classmates, he left them the following year,

and commenced the study of medicine with Dr. John Redman, then one of

the most eminent practitioners in the city of Penn. The same industry

that had marked his previous course, made him a favourite son of

Æsculapius. The same urbanity and modesty that had made him a welcome

guest in every circle in which he had previously moved, constantly

gained for him new and influential friends. After pursuing his study

with great assiduity for six years under the instruction of Dr. Redman,

he entered the medical university of Edinburgh, in Scotland, where he

reaped the full benefit of the lectures of the celebrated professors

Munro, Cullen, Black and Gregory; and received the degree of doctor

of medicine in 1768. Although then laden with an unusual store of

knowledge in the healing art, his investigating mind led him to explore

still farther the important field of science before him, and reduce to

practice, under the superintendence of able practitioners, his vast

stock of theory. He accordingly went to London, where he was admitted

to practice in the hospitals of that city. He soon became eminent as a

bold and successful operator, a skilful and judicious physician. After

remaining there nearly a year, he visited Paris, and, in the spring of

1769, returned to the warm embrace of his connections and friends, and

commenced his useful career in the city of Philadelphia.

His professional fame had preceded him, and his superior acquirements

were immediately called into action. In addition to an extensive

practice, he was elected one of the professors of the medical school

that had recently been organized by Drs. Bond, Kuhn, Morgan and

Shippen. This mark of distinction was conferred upon him within a few

months after his return. Upon a substantial basis he continued to build

an honest and enduring fame, participating in all the passing events

that concerned his country’s good and his country’s glory; at the same

time discharging his professional duties promptly and faithfully.

Although he had apparently been absorbed in the study of medicine, it

was soon discovered that he had made himself familiar with the relative

situation of the mother country and the American colonies. He had

closely examined the unwarranted pretensions of the former, and the

aggravated grievances of the latter. His noble soul was touched by the

sufferings of oppressed humanity, and warmed by the patriotic fire of

FREEDOM. He became a bold and able advocate in the cause of liberty,

a firm and decided opposer of British tyranny, a strong and energetic

supporter of equal rights. Mingling with all classes through the medium

of his profession, his influence was as extensive and multiform, as

it was useful and salutary. The independence of his country was the

desire of his heart; to see her regenerated and free, was his anxious

wish. So conspicuous a part did he act in the passing scenes of that

eventful period, that he was chosen a member of the Congress of 1776,

and sanctioned the declaration of independence, by affixing his name to

that sacred instrument.

The year following, he was appointed physician-general of the military

hospital for the middle department, and rendered himself extensively

useful during the whole of the revolution. He was ever ready to go

where duty called, and exerted his noblest powers in the glorious cause

he had espoused, until he saw the star spangled banner wave in triumph

over his native land, and the incense of LIBERTY ascending to Heaven,

in sappharine clouds, from the altar of FREEDOM.

This great work accomplished, he desired to be occupied only by his

profession. For a time, his services were diverted from this channel,

by his being elected a member of the convention of Pennsylvania to take

into consideration the adoption of the federal constitution. Having

examined the arguments as they progressed in the national convention

that formed it, he was fully prepared to enter warmly and fully into

the advocacy of that instrument. When it received the sanction of a

majority of the States, the measure of the political ambition of Dr.

Rush was filled. He retired from that kind of public life, crowned with

laurels of immortal fame, that will bloom and survive, until patriotism

shall be lost in anarchy, and the last vestige of liberty is destroyed

by the tornado of faction. The only station he ever consented to fill

under government subsequently was that of cashier of the United States

Mint.

From that period forward, he devoted his time and talents to the

business of his profession, to the improvement of medical science, and

the melioration of the ills that flesh is heir to.

In 1789, he was elected professor of the theory and practice of physic,

as the successor of Dr. Morgan, and in 1791 he was appointed to the

professorship of the institutes of medicine and clinical practice,

and upon the resignation of Dr. Kuhn, in 1806, he was honoured by the

united professorships of the theory and practice of physic and of

clinical medicine, which stations he ably filled until death closed his

useful career.

Besides those already mentioned he performed many duties in various

associations formed for benevolent purposes. He was president of the

American Society for the Abolition of Slavery, vice president of the

Philadelphia Bible Society, president of the Philadelphia Medical

Society, one of the vice presidents of the American Philosophical

Society, and a member of several other philanthropic institutions

both in this country and in Europe. For many years he was one of the

physicians of the Pennsylvania Hospital, and took a deep interest in

its prosperity and welfare. Wherever he could be useful by counsel,

influence, or action, he was sure to be found. To soothe the troubled

bosom heaving with anguish, to alleviate the suffering patient writhing

under pain, to supply the pinching wants of the poor and needy sinking

under adversity, afforded Dr. Rush more pleasure than to have been

placed on the loftiest pinnacle of political fame; a richer joy than to

have been the triumphant chieftain of a conquered world.

Amidst his multifarious duties he arranged his time with so much

system and order as to produce a routine of harmonious action. His

professional duties, his books, and his pen, were all attended to in

proper time. He wrote numerous literary, moral, and philosophical

essays, and several volumes on medical science, among which were his

“Medical Inquiries and Observations,” and a “History of the Yellow

Fever.” He spent much time in the investigation of that fatal disease,

and in endeavouring to arrive at the best mode of treatment. In this,

as well as in many other cases, the lancet was his anchor of hope.

During the prevalence of any disease his exertions to alleviate

distress and arrest its progress, were unremitting and indefatigable.

He obeyed the calls of the poor and needy as promptly as those of the

rich and affluent. He was particularly attentive to those who had

employed him when prosperity cheered their onward course, and were

subsequently prostrated by adversity. He was not a sunshine friend.

He was the man whose liberal mind

Wished general good to all mankind;

Who, when his friend by fortune’s wound,

Fell tumbling headlong to the ground,

Could meet him with a warm embrace,

And wipe the tears from off his face.

A pious and exemplary Christian, he poured the balm of consolation into

the wounds of the desponding heart as freely as he administered to

alleviate the pains of the body. His counsels were full of wisdom and

benevolence, and rescued many a frail bark from total shipwreck. His

soul-cheering advice and enlivening presence drove despair from many an

agonized mind, imparting fresh vigour by administering the elixir of

hope and the tonic of perseverance.

Blessed with a vigorous constitution, Dr. Rush was able to discharge

his numerous duties until a short time previous to his death, which

occurred on the 19th of April, 1813. Although advanced in years new

honours continued to gather around him; new fields of usefulness

were constantly opening before him; the lustre of his fame had

scarcely arrived at its high meridian; the zenith of his glory would

unquestionably have reached a loftier summit had his life and health

been spared a few years longer.

As the news of his death spread, a universal sorrow pervaded all

classes; funeral sermons were preached, eulogies pronounced, and

processions formed throughout the United States, as a faint tribute to

the memory of the departed sage, patriot, scholar, and philanthropist.

When the sad tidings reached England and France, the same

demonstrations of respect were manifested there; the tears of sympathy

and mourning for departed worth stood trembling in many European eyes.

In the halls of science on both sides of the Atlantic, Dr. Rush was

well known, and held in the highest estimation. By our own country his

loss was most keenly felt; by the civilized world, deeply lamented. The

graves of but few men have been moistened by as many tears from the

high and the low, the rich and the poor, as that of Dr. BENJAMIN RUSH.

His fame is based upon substantial merit; his name is engraven in deep

and indelible traces upon the hearts of his countrymen; his reputation

is written on the tablet of history in letters of gold by the finger of

justice, dipped in the font of gratitude, and will endure, unscathed

and unimpaired, until the last trump shall proclaim to the astonished

world, TIME SHALL BE NO LONGER.

The private character of this great and worthy man, was as unsullied

and pure as his public career was brilliant and useful. His heart

was richly stored with the milk of human kindness; his benevolence

sometimes carried him beyond his professional income in donations to

the poor, to churches, seminaries of learning, and to other objects

calculated to benefit mankind.

He was temperate in his habits, neat in his apparel and person, social

and gentlemanly in his intercourse with society, urbane and courteous

in his manners, interesting and instructive in his conversation, modest

and unassuming in his deportment. He was a warm and affectionate

companion, the widow’s friend, and the orphan’s father.

In size he was above the middle stature, rather slender, but well

proportioned. His mouth and chin were well formed, his nose aqueline,

his eyes blue and animated, with a high and prominent forehead. The

diameter of his head, from back to front, was unusually great. His

combined features were commanding and prepossessing, his countenance

indicated a powerful and gigantic intellect.

When attacked by the disease which terminated in death, he was aware

that a rapid dissolution awaited him. He was fully prepared to enter

upon the untried scenes of another and a brighter world; he could look

back upon a life, well spent; he had run a noble race, and was then

ready to finish his course, resign his tabernacle of clay to its mother

dust, and his immortal soul to Him who gave it.

OLIVER WOLCOTT.

The unqualified and unrestrained oppressions emanating from crowned

heads and exercised with impunity in former times, have been shorn of

half their terrors by modern light and intelligence. As the genial

rays of liberty illuminate the minds of the human family, thrones will

be held by a more slender tenure, and monarchies will become more

limited if not completely annihilated. In Europe, kingly power has

been vibrating for the last century, as if shaken by an earthquake.

The love of freedom has never been extinguished in the old world; the

same feelings that prompted the pilgrim fathers to tempt the dangers of

this western hemisphere, still pervade the bosoms of millions who are

writhing under the goring lash of potent sceptres.

When our forefathers planted themselves upon the shores of America

many of them appear to have understood clearly the principles of a

republican government, as appears from the articles of association

entered into by several and distinct settlements. Among those who

commenced their superstructure upon the foundation of equal rights, the

name of Wolcott stands conspicuous. It is closely associated with the

history of New England for the last two centuries. Henry Wolcott, the

patriarch ancestor of this eminent family, was a native of England, and

settled in Dorchester, Massachusetts, as early as 1630. In 1636, he,

with several others, founded the town of Windsor, in Connecticut, and

established a commonwealth, based on republican principles, consisting

of Windsor, Hartford, and Weathersfield.

The revised constitution of Connecticut is substantially the same as

the one penned by Roger Ludlow, and adopted by this infant colony; a

high compliment to the pilgrim fathers—a proud memorial of their virtue

and intelligence.

During the perils of the Indian wars, during the difficulties with

the Canadian French, and through all the various vicissitudes that

have pervaded New England down to the present time, the descendants of

Henry Wolcott have acted a conspicuous part in the field and in the

legislative hall.

OLIVER WOLCOTT, the subject of this brief sketch, was the youngest

son of Roger Wolcott, who was appointed governor of Connecticut in

1751. Oliver was born the 26th of November, 1726, and graduated at

Yale College at the age of twenty-one years. The same year he was

commissioned to command a company which he raised and marched to the

defence of the northern frontier, where he remained until the peace

of Aix-la-Chapelle. He then returned, applied himself to the study

of medicine, until he was appointed the first sheriff of the county

of Litchfield, formed in 1751. In 1755 he married Laura Collins, an

amiable and discreet woman of great merit. In 1774 he was appointed

counsellor, which station he filled for twelve successive years. He

was also chief judge of the common plea court, and, for a long time,

a judge of the court of probate. As a military officer he rose from

the grade of captain to that of major-general. In the summer of 1776,

he commanded the fourteen regiments raised by Governor Trumbull to

act with the army in New York. He headed his brigade at the memorable

battle that resulted in the capture of Burgoyne and revived the

drooping cause of the bleeding colonies. He was uniformly consulted on

important military movements, and was listened to with great confidence

and respect. From its commencement he was a zealous and ardent

supporter of the revolution.

In 1775 he was appointed by congress a commissioner of Indian affairs

for the northern department, a trust of high importance at that time.

During the same year his influence was happily exerted in reconciling

disputes between the neighbouring colonies relative to their respective

boundaries. Amiable and persuasive in his manners, aided by a sound

discretion and a correct sense of justice, he was well calculated to be

a mediator between contending parties.

In 1776 he took his seat in congress, and remained until he affixed

his signature to that Declaration which burst the chains of slavery,

gave birth to a nation in a day, astonished gazing millions, made

the British king tremble on his throne, and stamped the names of its

signers with a fame that will endure, unimpaired, through the rolling

ages of time.

He then returned and took his station in the field, and on all

occasions proved himself a brave, skilful, and prudent officer. When he

deemed his services more useful in congress, he occasionally took his

seat in that body until 1783.

In 1785 he was associated with Arthur Lee and Richard Butler to

conclude a peace with the Six Nations. The year following he was

elected lieutenant-governor, which station he filled for ten years,

when he was chosen governor, the dignified duties of which station

he performed until death closed his mortal career on the first of

December, 1797, in the seventy-first year of his age, regretted by all,

and most by those who knew him best.

In addition to his numerous public services, always performed without

pomp or noise, his private character shone with peculiar lustre.

He possessed all the sterling virtues, was a devout and consistent

Christian, an honourable and honest man.

GEORGE READ.

When an individual is placed upon the horns of a dilemma, involving

personal liberty, property or safety, his intellectual and physical

powers are at once roused to action. He does not stop to explore

the regions of obtuse metaphysics, speculative philosophy, or of

fastidious etiquette. He flies to first principles, and strains his

reason and understanding to their utmost tension to aid him. He puts

forth his mightiest efforts, his boldest exertions, and his strongest

energies, in order to extricate himself from surrounding difficulties

and impending dangers. In this way he performs astonishing feats, and

surmounts the cloud capt summit of an Alpine barrier, that, under

ordinary circumstances, he would never reach.

The same course is pursued by a nation when placed in a similar

situation. The history of the American revolution demonstrates, most

clearly, the position here laid down. The colonists were placed

upon the piercing points of the horns of an awful dilemma, and were

apparently doomed to slavery or death: yet by their unparalleled

efforts, aided by Heaven, they were ultimately delivered from their

perilous situation, and, although badly gored, survived their wounds.

This was effected by men of strong intellect, clear heads, good hearts,

and sound judgments; men who could reason, plan and execute. The

_flowers_ of literature were not culled for use; plain common sense,

sterling worth, useful and practical knowledge, honesty of purpose, and

persevering energy of action, all based upon pure patriotism and love

of liberty, were the grand requisites to ensure popular favour.

All these were possessed by GEORGE READ, whose public career I will

briefly trace. He was the eldest son of John Read, a wealthy and

respectable planter, who emigrated from Dublin, Ireland, and located in

Cecil county, Maryland, where George Read was born, in 1734. John Read

subsequently removed to Newcastle county, Delaware, and placed this son

in a respectable school at Chester, Pennsylvania, where he made good

proficiency in the first rudiments of his education. From there he was

transferred to the seminary of the Rev. Dr. Allison, at New London,

who was eminently qualified to mould the young mind for usefulness,

by imparting correct principles, practical knowledge, and general

intelligence, fit for every day use, combined with refined classics

and polite literature. Under this accomplished teacher, Mr. Read

completed his education, preparatory to his professional studies. At

the age of seventeen, he commenced reading law with John Moland Esq.,

a distinguished member of the Philadelphia bar. His proficiency was so

great that in two years he was admitted to the practical honours of his

profession. He was well qualified to enter the field of competition,

having taken the entire charge of the docket of Mr. Moland for some

time previous to his admission.

He commenced business in Newcastle, in 1754, and at once grappled

successfully with the old and experienced counsellors around him,

whose number and talents were neither few nor small. By his acuteness

in pleading, and thorough knowledge of the primary principles of his

profession, he soon gained the esteem of the courts, the admiration

of his senior brethren, the confidence of the community, and obtained

a lucrative practice. His forte consisted not in flowery show, but

in that deep toned and grave forensic eloquence, that informs the

understanding and carries conviction to the mind. He seldom appealed to

the passions of the court or jury, preferring to stand upon the firm

basis of the law and testimony, clearly expounded and truly exhibited.

On the 13th of April, 1763, he was appointed attorney-general for the

three lower counties of Delaware, and continued in that office until he

was called to the higher duties of legislation. The same year he led

to the hymeneal altar, an amiable, pious, and accomplished daughter of

the Rev. George Ross, of Newcastle: thus adding largely to the stake

he held in the welfare of his country, enhancing his earthly joys, and

giving him an influence and rank in society never acquired by lonely

bachelors. She fully supplied the vacuum abhorred by nature, and proved

a valuable partner of his toils and perils, his pains and pleasures,

through subsequent life.

Mr. Read was a republican to the core, and from the commencement to

the close of the revolution, was a bold and unyielding advocate of

equal rights and liberal principles. When the question of rights and

wrongs became a subject of investigation between the two countries, he

resigned the commission of attorney-general held under the crown, that

he might enter the arena of discussion free and unshackled. In 1765

he was elected a member of the Assembly of the state of Delaware, and

was instrumental in laying deep the foundations of the superstructure

of liberty. He was prudent, calm, and discreet in all his actions;

but firm, bold and resolute. He was a member of the Committee of the

Delaware Assembly that so ably addressed the king upon the subject of

grievances and redress. He was in favour of exhausting the magazine

of petition and remonstrance, and if to no purpose, then to replenish

with powder and ball. He did not, nor did any of the signers of the

declaration, at the commencement of British oppression, contemplate a

dissolution of the ties that bound the colonies to the mother country.

But he understood well the rights secured to them by magna charta

and the constitution of Great Britain; and he knew that those rights

were trampled upon by the hirelings of the crown. To vindicate them

he was firmly resolved. He opposed the principle of taxation without

representation, and of raising a revenue in America to pamper royalty

in England. He knew and weighed well the superior physical powers of

his opposers; but he believed the majesty of eternal justice and the

kind aid of Heaven, would sustain the patriots in their glorious cause.

Nor did he reckon in vain. His written appeal to his constituents of

the 17th of August, 1769, calling upon them to resist the encroachments

of tyranny, was couched in bold and forcible language, portraying, in

colours deep and strong, their rights and their wrongs, making the path

of duty plain before them.

He sanctioned the various non-importation resolutions, passed by his

own and other colonies; the first prominent mode adopted to thwart

the designs and impositions of the British ministry after finding

that petitions and remonstrances were treated with contumely. He was

chairman of the committee of the Delaware patriots, appointed for the

purpose of carrying these resolutions into effect. He was also chairman

of the committee of twelve, appointed by the people of Newcastle,

on the 29th of June, 1774, to obtain subscriptions for the Boston

sufferers, who were writhing under the lash of the infamous port bill,

passed by parliament, for the purpose of properly chastising the

refractory inhabitants of that patriotic city. In February following,

he remitted to the Boston committee, nine hundred dollars, money

received from his constituents, which was eloquently acknowledged by

Samuel Adams, who was one of his faithful correspondents.

Mr. Read was a member of the congress of 1774, and retained that

elevated station during the revolution. He was also president of the

convention that formed the first constitution of Delaware in 1776, and

a member of her assembly constantly for twelve successive years, after

his first election. A part of this time he was also vice president of

his state, and in the autumn of 1777, when president M’Kinley fell into

the hands of the enemy, Mr. Read was called from congress to perform

the more arduous, because undivided duties of a chief magistrate. On

his way home with his family, he was compelled to pass through Jersey,

and in crossing the Delaware from Salem, his boat was discovered by

the British fleet then lying just below. An armed barge was sent in

pursuit. Mr. Read’s boat stuck fast in the mud, and was soon come up

to. By effacing the marks upon his baggage during a few brief moments

before he was boarded, and having with him his wife and children, he

convinced those from the fleet that he was a country gentleman on his

way to his farm, and solicited their assistance to put him and his

family on shore. They promptly afforded their aid, took his boat out of

the mud, and landed him and his precious charge safety on the Delaware

side of the river. The perfect calmness of himself and lady, and their

open frankness, saved them from the horrors of a prison ship, and

probably him from an exhibition upon the yard arm of a man-of-war.

His duties now assumed an onerous character. Internal dissentions

among his own people were to be reconciled; an intercourse by many of

the inhabitants with the British fleet was to be broken up; ways and

means for his own and the general government claimed his attention; his

mind was burdened by an extreme anxiety to procure the exchange of the

president; and a conquering foe was triumphing in victory in almost

every direction. In the midst of all these perils, he stood firmly at

the helm and rode out every storm. He proved equal to every emergency,

and added new lustre to his growing fame. When the Declaration of

Independence was under discussion, he believed the measure premature;

but when it was adopted, he most cheerfully enrolled his name with

his colleagues. In 1779 ill health compelled him to withdraw from

public life for a year, when he again resumed his legislative duties.

In 1782 he was appointed by congress a judge of appeals in the court

of admiralty. In 1785 he was one of the commissioners to settle the

boundary line between New York and Massachusetts. The next year he was

a delegate of the convention of the states, convened at Annapolis, for

the purpose of regulating the commerce of the union. In 1787 he was

one of that talented convention that framed the federal constitution.

He was a United States senator of the first congress under that

constitution, and served six years. He was also chief justice of

Delaware from 1793 to the time of his death. In the performance of

all these responsible and multiform duties, he acquitted himself

nobly, and did honour to his character, his country, and the cause

of rational liberty. As a civilian, a statesman, a magistrate, a

patriot, a philanthropist, a gentleman, a husband, a father, a private

citizen, and a public benefactor, GEORGE READ was a model worthy of

imitation. He was scrupulously honest and rigidly just. When he arrived

at his majority, he assigned his portion of the paternal estate to

his brothers, deeming the expenses of his education equivalent to his

equitable share. He was opposed to chaos in the smallest concerns of

life, and abhorred vice of every kind. He enjoyed good health in his

old age, until the autumn of 1798, when, after a sudden and short

illness, he closed his eyes on terrestrial scenes, and resigned his

spirit into the hands of the wise Disposer of all events.

The person of Mr. Read was above the middle size, well formed, with a

commanding and agreeable deportment. He was a talented, virtuous, and

amiable man.

THOMAS HEYWARD.

To understand, and estimate correctly, the magnitude and design of

his creation, man must become familiar with the thousand springs and

qualities of the undying spirit within him. The labyrinthian mazes of

the immortal mind must be explored, and traced from earth to native

Heaven. The depths of human nature must be sounded, and its channels

clearly marked.

Upon the axis of reason, revolving thought performs its endless circuit

with mathematical precision, guided by the centripetal force of a sound

judgment, or it is projected from its proper orbit by the centrifugal

momentum of random folly into the regions of senseless vacuity, or of

wild and visionary sophistry. Its ceaseless motion is as perpetual as

the purple stream of our arteries; its rapid flight is bounded only by

eternity. It travels through space with more celerity than lightning;

its earthly career can be arrested only by the hand of death.

To reflect, to investigate, to reason, and to analyze, is the province

of our intellectual functions. To comprehend the grand and harmonious

organic structure of nature, the wisdom of the great Architect of

universal worlds, and the relation man bears to man, is to learn that

human beings are endowed with equal and inherent rights, and that they

are in duty bound to maintain them. Justice marks out the golden path,

reason leads the way, and patriotism impels to action.

The man whose mind is cast in the mould of wisdom by the mighty hand

of his Creator, if he brings into proper exercise the combined powers

of intellectual and physical force, can never be made a willing slave.

As his soul is expanded by the genial rays of intelligence, he duly

appreciates his native dignity, becomes enraptured with the glories

of liberty, and resolves to be free. If he is groaning under the

oppressions of tyranny and wears the galling chains of servility, as

light shines upon him he will be roused to a mighty effort to burst the

ignominious thongs that bind him, assert his inalienable rights, and

assume his legitimate station in the scale of being.

Thus acted the patriots of the American revolution—thus acted THOMAS

HEYWARD, the subject of this brief sketch. He was the eldest son of

Col. Daniel Heyward, a wealthy and highly respected planter, and

was born in the parish of St. Luke, South Carolina, in 1746. His

opportunities for obtaining a liberal education were freely afforded by

his father, and were faithfully improved by the son. He became ardently

attached to the Greek and Roman classics, and dwelt with rapture upon

the history of republican freedom. The principles of rational liberty

became deeply rooted in his mind at an early age, and when manhood

dawned upon him they were thoroughly matured.

After completing his elemental education he commenced the study of

law with Mr. Parsons, who stood high as a member of the bar. The

proficiency of Mr. Heyward in that intricate science was creditable

to himself and gratifying to his numerous friends. He possessed an

investigating and analyzing mind, and never passed over a subject

superficially. He was a close student, and explored the opening

fields of civil and common law with a zeal and rapidity seldom known.

When he became familiar with the principles laid down by Sir William

Blackstone, and understood fully the rights secured to persons and

property by Magna Charta and the British constitution, and compared

them with the iron rod of restrictions held over the colonists by the

mother country, he was roused to a just indignation.

After having completed his course with Mr. Parsons, he repaired to

England, and entered the middle temple, where he became a finished

lawyer and an accomplished gentleman. Although amply supplied with

money, he was not led astray by the allurements of fascinating

pleasures, that first flatter and please, then ruin and destroy. To

enrich his mind with science and useful knowledge, was the ultimatum of

his soul.

He mingled with what was termed refined society in London, which formed

a striking contrast with the republican simplicity of that of the same

grade in his own country. The fastidious hauteur of English etiquette

was far from being congenial to his mind, and did not accord with his

ideas of social life. He there met claims of superiority over native

Americans that he knew were based alone upon pride and ignorance. His

feelings were often wounded by indignities cast upon the colonial

character. All these things combined to rivet his affections more

strongly upon the land of his birth. They operated as fuel for the

livid flame of patriotism, already glowing in his bosom. The pomp of

royalty and the splendour of kingly courts had no charms for him. The

awful distance between the haughty prince and the honest peasant, the

towering throne and the worthy yeomanry, operated upon his mind like

a talisman, and gave his soul a new impetus towards the goal of equal

rights. The more he saw of practical monarchy, often the automaton of

corrupt and corrupting advisers, the more he became opposed to its

potent sway.

After closing his course in the law temple, he made the tour of

Europe, and then returned to the warm embrace of his relatives and

friends, richly laden with the treasures of classic science and useful

knowledge. He had become familiar with the theories of European

governments, and had seen their principles practically demonstrated. He

understood well the feelings and policy of the mother country relative

to her American colonies. He had witnessed her political artificers at

the forge of despotism, preparing chains for his beloved country. He

had seen her coffers yawning wide, to receive the ill gotten treasures,

wrested from his fellow citizens by hireling tax gatherers, in

violation of chartered rights, legal justice, and the claims of mercy.

His own estate had been laid under contribution to swell the unholy

fund. His neighbours around him were groaning under the lash of British

oppression. To enlighten their minds, and make them understand fully

their danger, their interest, and their duty, became the business of

this zealous patriot. Possessed of a bold and fearless mind, directed

by a clear head, an honest heart, a sound judgment, and a rich fund of

useful intelligence, his exertions were crowned with glorious success.

His salutary influence was extensively felt—his sterling worth was duly

appreciated. He was a member of the first assembly of South Carolina

that set British power at defiance, and was also a member of the

council of safety. He discharged his duties with firmness, prudence,

and zeal. No fugitive fear disturbed his mind, no threatened vengeance

moved his purposes. His eyes were fixed on the temple of freedom, his

soul was insulated by the fluid of patriotism, his heart was resolved

on liberty or death. His life, his property, and his sacred honour,

were pledged in the noble cause. He was elected to the Continental

Congress in 1775, but at first declined serving, in consequence of his

young age. A large delegation of citizens subsequently waited upon him,

and, at their urgent request, he took his seat in that august assembly

of sages in 1776, and became a warm advocate for that memorable

instrument, that proclaimed the birth of our nation to an astonished

world, and shed fresh lustre on the intellect of man. His voice and his

signature sanctioned its adoption—his conscience, his country, and his

God, approved the act.

In two years after he was called to perform more painful duties. He was

appointed a judge of the civil and criminal courts of his native state,

under the new order of things. Several persons were arraigned before

him, charged with a treasonable correspondence with the enemy—they were

found guilty, and condemned to be hung in sight of the British lines

at Charleston. With feelings of humanity, but with the firmness of a

Roman, he performed his duty, and pronounced upon them the penalty of

the law.

Judge HEYWARD also participated in the military perils of “the times

that tried men’s souls.” He commanded a company of artillery at the

battle of Beaufort, and was severely wounded. At the attack upon

Savannah he was also actively engaged. At the siege of Charleston he

commanded a battalion, and was one of the unfortunate prisoners who

were transferred to St. Augustine. During his absence his property

was pillaged, and his amiable and accomplished wife, the daughter of

Mr. Matthews, whom he had married in 1773, was laid in the grave. The

tidings of these heart-rending afflictions did not reach him until he

was exchanged and returned to Philadelphia. With the calm and dignified

fortitude of a christian, a philosopher, and a hero, he met the shafts

of afflictive fate. He mourned deeply, but submissively, the premature

exit of the companion of his bosom. His physical sufferings and loss of

property he freely offered at the altar of liberty, without a murmur or

a sigh.

He again resumed his judicial duties upon the bench, and discharged

them ably and faithfully until 1798. He was an influential member of

the convention that framed the Constitution of South Carolina in 1790.

Old age and infirmity finally admonished him that his mission on earth

was fast drawing to a close, and he retired from the public arena,

covered with epic and civic honours, lasting as the pages of history.

In the full fruition of a nation’s gratitude and of a nation’s freedom

he spent his last years, and in March, 1809, went to his final rest,

leaving his second wife, Miss E. Savage, and his children, to mourn the

loss of a kind husband and tender father; and his country to regret the

loss of a devoted patriot, an able judge, and an honest man.

ROBERT MORRIS.

Men, whose motives inducing them to action are free from self, aiming

exclusively at public good, are like angels’ visits, few and far

between. Perhaps no era recorded on the pages of ancient or modern

history, presents as many examples of disinterested patriotism as that

of the American revolution. The sages who conceived, planned, and

consummated the declaration of our independence, pledged their LIVES,

THEIR FORTUNES, AND THEIR SACRED HONOURS, to carry out the principles

promulgated by that sacred instrument. Never did men perform their

vows more faithfully; never did men redeem their pledges more nobly.

Many of them not only placed all their available means in the public

treasury, but extended their private credit to its utmost tension, to

obtain supplies for the infant Republic, then bursting from embryo.—No

one rendered more efficient pecuniary aid in the advancement of the

cause of equal rights and American liberty than ROBERT MORRIS. He was

an Englishman by birth, born at Liverpool, Lancashire, England, on

the 20th day of January, 1734. His father was a respectable merchant,

and immigrated to this country in 1746, and settled at Oxford, on the

eastern shore of Maryland. He then sent for his son, whom he had left

behind, who arrived when he was thirteen years of age. He received a

good commercial education, but not classical.

At the age of fifteen, he was deprived of his father by death. He

had previously entered the counting-house of Charles Willing, then

one of the most thorough and enterprising merchants of the city of

Philadelphia. After having acquired a knowledge of commercial concerns,

Mr. Willing established him in business, and remained his constant

friend and adviser. For several years he prospered alone, but finding

the cares of time pressing upon him, he concluded to take a partner,

to aid him in the journey of life. That partner was the amiable and

accomplished Mary, daughter of Col. White, and sister to the late

venerable and learned Bishop White of Philadelphia. She possessed every

quality calculated to adorn her sex and render connubial felicity

complete; and withal, was rich—a desideratum with some, but a miserable

substitute for genuine esteem, sincere affection and true friendship.

No man or woman, with a clear head, a good heart, and sound discretion

ever married for the sake of riches alone.

“Can gold buy FRIENDSHIP? Impudence of hope!

As well mere man an angel might beget.”

Fortunately for Mr. Morris and his partner, their highest treasure

was mutual affection, flowing from the pure fountain of their kindred

hearts, anxious to promote the reciprocal happiness of each other, and

the felicity of all around them.

Nothing occurred to mar their prosperity until the revolutionary storm

burst upon the colonies. Had self interest been consulted so far as

pecuniary matters were concerned, Mr. Morris would have adhered to the

crown. His interests, in point of property, were entirely commercial:

and, in case of an opposition by him to the mother country, his wealth

was very much exposed. But he had inhaled the atmosphere of freedom;

his soul was fired with patriotism; he resolved to pledge his ALL in

the cause of liberty. His influence was extensive; he was a cool,

reflecting and high minded man, and arrived at conclusions only from

mature deliberation. This being his character, his examples had great

weight.

He was elected a member of the congress of 1774, and took a decided

stand against British oppression. Being an able financier, he was

looked up to as the most efficient manager of monetary matters, and,

so far as providing ways and means were concerned, he was authorized

to act. Most nobly did he acquit himself in the performance of

this important trust. As no office of finance was then created,

unfortunately for his country, he could not control the disbursements,

but continued to provide money, often from his own resources. When

Congress adjourned from Philadelphia to Baltimore on the approach

of the conquering British army in 1776, after the declaration of

independence, then called by many the death warrant of the signers,

Robert Morris, who had affixed his name to that bold instrument,

remained at the former city some time after his colleagues left,

periling his personal safety in order to make arrangements to raise

funds for the prosecution of the glorious cause he had espoused.

During his stay, it became necessary that congress should raise a

specific sum in specie for the use of the American army. Information

was immediately communicated to Mr. Morris of the imperious wants of

the commander-in-chief. Not a solitary dollar was in the government

treasury. In a few hours after he received the intelligence, he met a

member of the society of Friends whose confidence he possessed, who

enquired of him “what news?” “The news is,” replied Mr. Morris, “that

I am in immediate want of —— dollars of hard money, and that you are

the man to obtain it for me. Your security is to be my note of hand and

my honour.” The reply was as laconic as the appeal: “Robert thou shalt

have it.” The money was promptly forwarded to the commander-in-chief

and placed at his disposal, and enabled Washington to meet the enemy at

Trenton with signal success.

Mr. Morris made no parade or vain show in the performance of his

duties, and often furnished funds through agents under the injunction

of secrecy, who, at the time, had the credit of affording relief on

their own account. One instance will suffice for an example.

When General Green took the command of the troops in South Carolina,

their destitute situation was deplorable. They were only partially

covered with tattered garments; their food was of the coarsest kind,

and but a scanty supply of that; their quantity of ammunition was

small, and nothing but certain destruction seemed to hover around

them. At that alarming crisis, Mr. Hall, of that state, advanced the

necessary funds to supply the immediate wants of the army, and enable

General Green to commence vigorous operations.

After the war had closed, and an account of the disbursements was

exhibited, it was found that Mr. Hall had acted under the direction of

Robert Morris, who had furnished the needful at the very time it was

necessary to save the southern army from dissolution. General Green,

on being made acquainted with the fact on his final settlement at the

office of finance, was at first displeased with the measure, but upon

reflection, greatly applauded and admired the wisdom of this secrecy,

“because,” said he, “if I had known that I might have drawn upon Robert

Morris, I should have demanded larger sums, and effected no more than

was accomplished with the means placed in my hands.” The advances of

Mr. Morris to the southern army were near accomplishing his pecuniary

ruin.

As a financier his genius was of the most prolific kind. When he found

one resource after another exhausted; the American troops writhing

under the keenest privations; the credit of the infant Republic

paralyzed, and her treasury drained of the last dollar, had his mind

been cast in an ordinary mould, he must have fainted by the way. But

amidst the embarrassments that surrounded him, he stood calm and

undismayed upon the firm basis of his own resources. When he found

that they were becoming crippled, he submitted to congress the plan of

chartering the Bank of North America, which, after much discussion, was

approved and adopted on the 7th of January, 1782.

The year preceding, the office of finance had been established, and Mr.

Morris appointed financier. Previous to that, it appears he had not,

at any time, been the disbursing agent of the public monies; and that

no system had been adopted by Congress that gave any one individual

the control, under them, of this important department. The consequence

was, that the monies raised for the supplies of the army often fell

into the hands of irresponsible agents and never reached their pristine

destination.

After Mr. Morris was placed in authority over this vital branch of

government, he reduced the expenditures for military operations from

eighteen millions of dollars a year, to about five millions; and thus

enabled the continental congress to prosecute the war successfully,

when, without this retrenchment, its means would have been inadequate

to meet the increasing demands, and the cause of liberty, to all human

appearance, must have been abandoned. Like a Roman Curtius, he pledged

his own fortune to save his country, and disenthral her from the

chains of tyranny. To demonstrate this, I will mention one of the many

instances of supplies being obtained upon his private credit.

When the expedition was planned by Washington against Cornwallis at

Yorktown, the government treasury was empty, and her credit shivering

in the wind. The army was in a destitute situation: the means of

prosecuting a siege were to be provided, and Mr. Morris informed the

commander-in-chief that unless he arrived at the conclusion that the

necessary supplies could be raised on his (Mr. Morris,) credit, the

expedition must fail. Washington expressed his entire confidence in the

ability of the financier, and immediately took up the line of march.

In the short space of four weeks, Mr. Morris, aided by the patriotic

Richard Peters, furnished near eighty pieces of battering cannon and

one hundred pieces of field artillery, and all other necessary supplies

not furnished from other sources, and became personally responsible to

the amount of ONE MILLION FOUR HUNDRED THOUSAND DOLLARS, upon his own

notes, which were promptly paid at maturity. This, united with aid

from Virginia and some of the other states, enabled the American army

to give the finishing stroke to the revolution, and triumph, in victory

complete, over a proud and merciless foe.

Under cover of the firm of Willing, Morris & Co., of which our

financier was a partner, many important and advantageous transactions

were made for government, but ostensibly, at the time, for the firm.

Being accomplished in this manner, a great saving was secured for

the public, in the profits of which the firm did not participate one

dollar, as was conclusively shown by an investigation instituted by Mr.

Laurens, in Congress, at the instance of Mr. Morris, in order to repel

the base slanders that were circulated against this pure and honest

patriot. All the accusations that have been brought against Robert

Morris, before and since his death, charging him with peculation or

speculation in government funds, or of any improper conduct towards his

country as a public agent, I pronounce to be _basely false_; they have

no foundation in truth or in fact. Judging from the numerous documents

that I have carefully examined, Robert Morris was not only one of the

most disinterested patriots of the American revolution, but was one

of the most substantial instruments in consummating that glorious

enterprise. He was so considered by the illustrious Washington, the

Continental Congress, and by all those who were correctly informed

of his proceedings. Even general Greene was one of his most ardent

admirers, whose biographer, long after the SAGE and the HERO had

mouldered beneath the clods of the valley, published a tirade of

abuse against Mr. Morris that has sunk Judge Johnson so far below the

true dignity of an impartial writer, as to render the efforts of his

envy abortive, and of his malice, powerless. His extracts from public

documents are garbled, his conclusions are based upon false premises,

his innuendoes are ungenerous—his attack is gratuitous and uncalled

for, and has justly recoiled upon the proud escutcheon of his own fame.

The shafts of slander can never indent the fair reputation of Robert

Morris, although hurled like thunderbolts from the whole artillery of

malice and revenge. Upon the enduring records of our nation his actions

stand in bold relievo, bright as the moon, clear as the sun, and as

withering to the opposition of his enemies as the burning sands of

Sahara. His honest fame will endure, unimpaired, the revolutions of

time.

From the day he assumed the high charge of superintendent of finance,

his duties were onerous and multifarious. It was some time after

the strong solicitations of Congress were urged upon him before he

consented to undertake the delicate and difficult task of managing

this department, to which he was elected on the 20th of February,

1781, a dark and dismal period of the revolution. A deep sense of

public duty finally induced him to undertake the gigantic work, and

in a masterly manner did he execute it. He immediately instituted

an examination of the public debts, revenue, and expenditures; he

reduced to an economical system the mode of regulating the finances,

and of disbursing the public funds; he executed the plans of Congress

relating to all monetary matters; he superintended the action of all

persons employed in obtaining and distributing supplies for the army;

he attended to the collection of all monies due to the United States,

either by loans from Europe, from the states, or otherwise; he held a

supervision over all the contractors for military supplies; he provided

for the civil list; he corresponded with the executive of each state,

and with the ministers of the United States, then in Europe for the

purpose of obtaining aid, urging upon them the necessity of raising

money, and necessarily transacted much business with every department

of the government. At the same time he was an active member of the

legislature of Pennsylvania. The effects of his powerful financial mind

soon invigorated the desponding cause of liberty. Through the agency of

the bank of North America, united with his personal responsibility, he

improved the national credit, and introduced a rigid economy through

all the avenues of public operations. He found himself in an Augean

stable, but was the Hercules that could effectually cleanse it. Corrupt

agents and corrupting speculators fled before his searching scrutiny,

hissing like serpents retiring to their dens.

In all things he acquitted himself nobly, and stood approved by

Congress, by his country, his conscience and his God. It is a lasting

eulogium upon his name, that he reduced all his transactions to so

perfect a system, committing them all to writing, that he was able to

produce a satisfactory voucher for each and every public act during is

whole career—a circumstance worthy of remark and of imitation. System

is the helm, ballast, and mainmast of business.

At the final close of the war, Mr. Morris, fatigued in mind and body,

tendered his resignation, which was not accepted by Congress until

November, 1784. A large amount of his own notes, given on account of

supplies for the government, were then out. To impart confidence to

those who held them, he issued a circular, pledging himself to meet

them all at maturity, which pledge he faithfully redeemed. At the time

of his resignation, he placed himself in the crucible of an examining

committee appointed by Congress, before whom he exhibited a perfect map

of all his public acts. After the investigation closed, the report of

the committee placed him on a lofty eminence, as an able financier and

an honest man.

He was solicited by President Washington to accept of the appointment

of secretary of the treasury, which he respectfully declined.

Mr. Morris was a member of the convention that framed the federal

constitution, and was elected to the first national senate that

convened after its adoption. He seldom entered into debate, but when

he did, he was truly eloquent, chaste, and logical. He was always

heard with great attention, and exercised a powerful influence in the

legislative body. His speech in the Pennsylvania legislature against

the continental currency, was a specimen of eloquence and conclusive

reasoning, seldom surpassed, He also wrote with great facility and

strength of language. Although not a classical scholar, he possessed

an inexhaustible store of useful and practical information, derived

from the richest sources, and applicable to all the public and private

relations of life.

When the peace of 1783 proclaimed his country free from further

invasion, Mr. Morris again entered largely into commercial

speculations. In 1784 he sent a ship to Canton, which was the first

that displayed the star spangled banner in that port. He was also the

first who attempted the “out of season” passage to China, by doubling

the south cape of New Holland, and astonished the English navigators

by the arrival of his ship at a season of the year before deemed

impracticable. He was the first man who introduced hot and ice houses

in this country. He was a friend to every kind of improvement, and did

all in his power to promote the interests of his fellow men and of

his country. After spending a long life in managing, most skilfully,

millions upon millions of capital, he at last split upon the fatal rock

of land speculation, and closed his eventful career in poverty, on the

8th of May, 1806, at the city of Philadelphia, sincerely mourned by

his country and deeply regretted by his numerous and devoted friends.

He had long been afflicted with the asthma, and suffered much during

the last years of his useful life. He met the grim messenger of death

with fortitude and resignation, and bid a final adieu to earth and its

toils, without a murmur or a sigh.

The private character of this public benefactor was, in all respects,

amiable, pure, and consistent. He was a large man, with an open, frank,

and pleasing countenance, gentlemanly in his manners, and agreeable in

all his associations. He was most highly esteemed by those who knew him

best. Although no proud monument of marble is reared over his ashes,

his name is deeply engraved upon the tablet of enduring fame, and will

be revered by every true American and patriot until the historic page

shall cease to be read, and civilization shall be lost in chaos.

JOHN WITHERSPOON.

The man who places his confidence in the Supreme Ruler of revolving

worlds, leans upon a sure support, that earth can neither give nor

take away. When we can appeal to Heaven with clean hands for aid in

our undertakings, faith bids us fear no danger. A large portion of

the patriots of the revolution were pious men; and I am not apprised

that one among them, who became conspicuous, was a disbeliever in an

overruling Providence. Several of them were devoted ministers of the

Gospel, among whom was JOHN WITHERSPOON, a native of the parish of

Yester, near Edinburgh, Scotland, born on the 5th of February, 1722.

He was a lineal descendant of the celebrated John Knox, the heroic

reformer of Scotland. The father of John Witherspoon was the minister

of the above named parish, and was instrumental in moulding the mind of

his son in the paths of wisdom, virtue and science. He placed him at

an early age in the Haddington school, where his young mind unfolded

its rich beauties, with all the fragrance of a spring flower. He soared

above the trifles and allurements that too often lead childhood and

youth astray, and made his studies his chief delight. He manifested

a maturity of judgment, a clearness of conception, and a depth of

thought rarely exhibited in juvenile life. At the age of fourteen

years he entered the university of Edinburgh, where he fully sustained

the high anticipations of his friends, and gained the esteem and

admiration of his fellow students and the professors. His acquirements

in the theological department were of a superior order. At the age of

twenty-one, he passed the ordeal of his final examination, and received

a license to proclaim to the world the glad tidings of the everlasting

Gospel.

He immediately became the assistant of his revered father, and gained

the affection and confidence of his parishioners, and the admiration of

all who heard him and delighted in plain practical piety.

In 1746, on the 17th of January, he was a “looker on in Venice” at

the battle of Falkirk, and was seized by the victorious rebels, with

many others whose curiosity had led them to the scene of action, and

imprisoned in the castle of Doune. After he was released from this

confinement, he resided a few years at Beith, and subsequently at

Paisly, rendering himself highly useful as a faithful and exemplary

preacher. During his residence at the latter place, he received urgent

calls from the people of Dublin, Rotterdam and Dundee, in Europe; and

an invitation to accept of the presidential chair of the college of New

Jersey, in America, to which, at the suggestion of Richard Stockton,

then in London, he was elected on the 19th of November, 1766. A general

demurrer was entered against his acceptance by his numerous relations

and friends, with whom his wife at first participated. The delights of

his native home and the horrors of the American wilderness, were held

up before him in fearful contrast. A bachelor relation of his, who was

very wealthy, offered to will to him his large fortune if he would

decline the solicitation of the trustees of the college. For more than

a year he refused to accept of the invitation. During that time, his

lady caught what was called “the missionary fever,” and not only freely

consented to embark for the new world, but exerted herself to remove

every impeding obstacle. On the 9th of December of the following year,

Mr. Stockton had the pleasure of communicating to the board of trustees

the acceptance of Dr. Witherspoon, which was most joyfully received.

He arrived with his family in the early part of the ensuing August, and

on the 17th of that month was inaugurated at Princeton. His literary

fame, which had been previously spread through the colonies, gained

an immediate accession of students to the institution, and gave a new

impetus to its action, although it had been ably conducted by his

worthy predecessors. The high reputation of the new president gave

him an extensive influence, of which he prudently availed himself

to resuscitate and replenish the empty treasury of the college by

obtaining donations from private and public sources. He also introduced

the most thorough and harmonious system throughout all its departments,

and fully answered the most sanguine anticipations of his warmest

friends. His mode of instruction was calculated to expand the ideas

of his students, and launch them upon the sea of reflection and

investigation. He dispelled the dogmatical and bewildering clouds of

metaphysical fatality and contingency, and of unmeaning and abstruse

physiology, that hung like an incubus over the old schools. He

illumined their understandings with the rays of scientific truth,

founded upon enlightened philosophy, sound reason, plain common

sense, and liberal principles. He taught his pupils to explore the

labyrinthian mazes of human nature, and the revolving circuit of their

own immortal minds. He raised before them the curtain of the material,

moral, physical and intellectual world; and delineated, by lucid

demonstration, their harmonious connection and unity, perfected by the

grand architect of this mighty machinery made for man. He pointed out

to them the duties they owed to themselves, their fellow men, their

country, and their God. He imbued their souls with charity, the golden

chain that reaches from earth to Heaven: He taught them how to live and

be useful, and how to throw off their mortal coil, when called to “that

country from whose bourne no traveller returns.” His instructions were

luminous and enriching; his precepts were fertilizing to every mind on

which they fell, capable of receiving an impression.

On the flood tide of a high and merited literary and theological fame,

Dr. Witherspoon floated peacefully along, until the revolutionary

storm drove him from his citadel of classics and the pulpit of his

church to a different sphere of action. Before he immigrated to

America he understood well the relations between the mother country

and the colonies. He was master of civilian philosophy, international

law, monarchial policy, and the principles of rational freedom. The

enrapturing beauties of liberty, and the hideous deformities of

tyranny, passed in review before his gigantic mind. In the designs

of creative wisdom he saw the equal rights of man and determined to

vindicate them. He at once took a bold stand in favour of his adopted

country. With an eagle’s flight he mounted the pinnacle of political

fame; with a statesman’s eye he calmly surveyed the mighty work to be

performed by Columbia’s sons. The plan of political regeneration and

independence stood approved by Heaven, and he resolved to lend his aid

in the glorious cause. Most nobly did he perform his part.

From the commencement of the revolution he was a member of various

committees and conventions formed for the purpose of seeking redress

from the king, by _peaceable_ means if possible, by _forcible_ means if

it became necessary. He was a member of the Convention of New Jersey

that formed its republican constitution of 1776. On the 20th of June

of the same year, he was elected to the Continental Congress, and

advocated, by his powerful and eloquent reasoning, the declaration of

our rights, to which he affixed his name, appealing to his God for the

approval of the act, and to the world for the justice of the cause he

espoused. He was continued a member of that august body until 1782,

with the exception of one year, and contributed largely in shedding

lustre over its deliberations. With a mind and intelligence able to

grasp, comprehend, and expound the whole minutiæ of legislation

and government, he combined a patriotic devotion and holy zeal for

the interests of his bleeding country. His labours were incessant,

his industry was untiring, his perseverance was unyielding, and his

patriotism was as pure as the crystal fountain or pellucid stream.

During the time he served in the legislative halls, he did not neglect

the higher honours of the vineyard of his Lord and Master. He was often

at the family altar, in the closet and in the pulpit; and was esteemed

as one of the most able, eloquent, and profound preachers of that

eventful period. He was one of the brightest ornaments of the religion

of Christ, and one of the strongest advocates of the cause of liberty.

As a speaker, he was listened to with deep interest; as a logical and

systematic debater he had few equals. His arguments were aposteriori,

apriori and afortiori; leading the mind from effect to cause, from

cause to effect, and deducing the stronger reasons. His memory was

remarkably retentive, his judgment acute, and his perceptions clear.

He was a member of the secret committee of Congress, the duties of

which were arduous and delicate. He was a member of the committee

appointed to co-operate with general Washington in replenishing and

regulating the army; of the committee of finance, and of various other

and important committees. Several eloquent appeals to the people from

Congress recommending special days to be set apart for public fasting

and prayer, were from his nervous and vigorous pen. The melting and

burning manifesto, protesting against the inhuman and barbarous

treatment of the American prisoners confined on board the filthy prison

ships at New York, was supposed to have been written by him. From

his mode of reflecting and reasoning, Dr. Witherspoon was prophetic

in pointing out the results of propositions laid before Congress,

and opposed all those that he believed would terminate unfavourably.

Against the emission of continental paper money he strongly

remonstrated. His predictions of its depreciation were soon verified.

In March, 1778, one dollar and three quarters of paper money were worth

but one silver dollar; one year from that time the rate was two for

one; in five months after it was eighteen for one; the next year it was

forty for one; shortly after, seventy-five for one; and in a few more

months, one hundred and fifty for one; and finally became worthless.

Most of the measures he proposed when he commenced his career in

Congress were either then or subsequently adopted with success,

and those that he opposed unsuccessfully, terminated unfortunately

in almost every instance. So closely and deeply did he investigate

and probe every subject that came before him, that his powers of

penetration became proverbial.

Whether in the halls of classic literature, the ecclesiastical courts,

or upon the floor of Congress, he was a shining light to those around

him. His literary, political, and theological writings was numerous,

of a high order, and are justly celebrated in Europe as well as in

this country. They exhibit a pleasing and rich variety of thought; a

strong and brilliant imagination; a luminous and flowing fancy; a keen

and sarcastic wit; a chaste and fascinating style; broad and liberal

views; philosophic and reasonable propositions; clear and convincing

conclusions; all softened and embalmed by heaven-born charity and

universal philanthropy.

At the close of the session of Congress in 1779, he was induced to

resign his seat in consequence of his ill health, and a serious

affection of the nerves, producing dizziness, that sometimes suddenly

prostrated him. Being relieved from the more arduous duties of

superintending the college at Princeton by the vice president, the

Rev. Dr. Samuel Smith, his son-in-law, he sought the enjoyments of

retirement. These were allowed to him but a brief period. In a little

more than a year he was again elected to Congress, and when he finally

resigned in 1782, he was shortly after persuaded by the trustees of the

college, at the age of sixty, to embark for England for the purpose

of obtaining funds to aid the seminary over which he presided. His

exertions were laudable, but his mission unsuccessful. He opposed the

project as visionary before he started; he demonstrated the correctness

of his opinion when he returned in 1784.

He then retired to his country seat about one mile from Princeton,

there to participate in the blessings of peace, of liberty, of

independence, and of fame, the golden fruits that had been richly

earned by years of peril and of toil. Surrounded by fond relatives

and devoted friends; enjoying the gratitude and praise of a nation of

freemen; his name immortalized as a civilian, a statesman, a patriot, a

scholar, and a divine, he could sit down beneath the bright mantle of a

pure conscience and an approving Heaven; and, through the bright vista

of the future, gaze upon a crown of enduring glory, prepared for him in

realms of bliss beyond the skies. He was peaceful and happy.

In this manner he glided down the stream of life until the 15th of

November, 1794, when he fell asleep in the arms of his Lord and Master,

calm as a summer morning, serene as the etherial sky, welcoming the

messenger of death with a seraphic smile. His remains rest in the

church yard at Princeton.

A review of the life of this great and good man, affords an instructive

lesson worthy to be engraven upon the heart of every reader. He was

endowed with all the qualities calculated to ennoble and dignify the

creature, and assimilate him to the Creator. His superior virtues

completely eclipsed his human frailties, and placed him on a lofty

eminence beyond the reach of envy, malice, or slander. His fame, in

all its varied and refulgent hues, spreads a lustre over his name that

will brighten and shine until the last death knell of liberty shall be

sounded, and social order shall be lost in the devouring whirlpool of

chaos.

In all the relations of private and public life, he stood approved,

admired, and revered. Let us all endeavour to imitate his examples of

virtue, the crowning glory of talent, that our lives may be useful in

time, and our final exit tranquil and happy.

THOMAS LYNCH, JR.

Revolutionary struggles, predicated solely upon political ambition and

partisan principles, often produce the most bitter persecution between

those whose ties of consanguinity and friendship are seldom severed

by other incidents. To the credit of our nation, instances of this

kind were very rare during the struggle for American independence. In

the field of battle, sire and son fought shoulder to shoulder; in the

public assemblies, they united their eloquence in rousing the people to

action.

A pleasing illustration of the mutual devotion of father and son to

the same glorious object, is found in the history of THOMAS LYNCH,

Jr., and his venerable parent. Their paternal ancestors were of

Austrian descent, and highly respectable. The branch of the family

from which the subject of the present sketch descended, removed to

Kent in England, from thence to Ireland, a son of which, Jonack Lynch,

emigrated from Connaught to South Carolina, in the early part of its

settlement. He was the great grandfather of Thomas Lynch, Jr., and

was a man of liberal views and of pure morality. Thomas Lynch, the

father of the subject of this brief narrative, was his youngest son,

and imbibed, at an early age, the patriotic feelings that rendered him

conspicuous at the commencement of the revolution. By his industry and

enterprise in agricultural pursuits he amassed a large fortune, and was

able and disposed to give this, his only son, a superior education.

Thomas Lynch, Jr., was born upon the plantation of his father on

the bank of the North Santa river, in the parish of Prince George,

South Carolina, on the 5th of August, 1749. In early childhood he was

deprived of the maternal care of his fond mother, who was the daughter

of Mr. Alston, by relentless death. At a proper age he was placed at

the Indigo Society School, then in successful operation at Georgetown

in his native state, where some of the most eminent sages of the

southern colonies received their education.

Warmed by the genial rays of the sun of science the germ of the

young mind of Thomas Lynch, Jr. soon burst from its embryo state,

and exhibited a pleasing and luxuriant growth. His progress in the

exploration of the fields of literature was creditable to himself

and highly gratifying to his indulgent parent and numerous friends.

So rapid was his improvement, that at the early age of thirteen, his

father placed him at the famous school at Eton, Buckinghamshire,

England, founded by Henry VI., where he commenced his classical

studies. After completing his course there, he was entered as a

gentleman commoner in the University of Cambridge, where he became a

finished scholar and an accomplished gentleman, esteemed and respected

by all who knew him. He then had his name entered in the Law Temple,

and made himself familiar with the elementary principles of legal

knowledge, and prepared himself thoroughly to act well his part through

future life. During his stay, he cultivated an extensive acquaintance

with the whigs of England, which gave him an opportunity of acquiring

a knowledge of the policy and designs of British ministers with regard

to the American colonies. He took a deep interest in the relative

situation of the two countries, and returned home in 1772, prepared

and determined to oppose the oppressions of the crown and strike for

LIBERTY. As the dark clouds of the revolution gathered in fearful

array, the firmness of his purposes increased. These were fostered and

encouraged by his patriotic father, and responded to by the people of

his parish. Hand in hand did the sire and son march to the rescue of

their country from the iron grasp of tyranny.

The first attempt of Thomas Lynch, Jr., at public speaking, after

his return from Europe, was at a large town meeting at Charleston.

His father had just addressed the assembled multitude on the subject

of British oppression, amidst the enthusiastic cheers of his fellow

citizens. As he sat down his youthful son rose. A profound silence

ensued. A thousand eyes were turned upon him. For a moment he paused;

his eyes were fixed, his bosom heaved; the struggle was over, and a

strain of eloquence followed that carried the insulating fluid of

patriotism to the hearts of his astonished and delighted audience with

irresistible force. Tears of joy ran down the furrowed cheeks of his

father, and loud bursts of applause were shouted by the enraptured

assembly.

When the final crisis for physical action arrived, Mr. Lynch was among

the first to offer his services. In July, 1775, he accepted of the

commission of captain, and repaired to Newbern, North Carolina, where

he unfurled the star spangled banner, and in a few weeks enlisted

the number of men required for his company. His father objected to

his acceptance of so low a commission, to whom his affectionate son

modestly replied, “My present command is fully equal to my experience;”

a reply worthy of the consideration of every young person who desires

to build his fame upon a substantial basis. If a man is suddenly placed

upon a towering eminence to which he is unaccustomed, the nerves of

his brain must be unusually strong if he does not grow dizzy, tremble,

totter, and fall. If he ascends gradually, and pauses at the different

points of altitude, he may reach the loftiest spire, preserve his

equilibrium and be safe. Sudden elevations are uniformly dangerous. On

his way to Charleston with his men, Captain Lynch was prostrated by

the bilious fever, brought on by the fatigues and exposures of his new

mode of life. From this attack he never entirely recovered. Towards the

close of the year he so far regained his health as to be able to join

his regiment. Soon after, he received intelligence of the dangerous

illness of his father, then a member of Congress at Philadelphia.

He immediately applied to Colonel Gadsden, his commanding officer,

for permission to visit him, which was peremptorily refused, on the

ground that the necessity for his services in the army was paramount

to all private considerations. This difficulty was unexpectedly

removed by his election to Congress, as the successor of his father,

by an unanimous vote of the assembly of his state. He received the

information with deep emotions of diffidence and gratitude. He promptly

repaired to his new and dignified station, and took his seat in the

Congress of 1776, composed of sages and statesmen whose combined

talents and wisdom have no parallel in ancient or modern history. On

his arrival at Philadelphia he found his father partially relieved from

his paralytic affection, and in August he attempted to return to South

Carolina, but only reached Annapolis, where he expired in the arms of

his son who was soon to follow him.

On his entrance in the national legislature, Captain Lynch became a

bold and eloquent advocate of the Declaration of Independence, and

gained the reputation of being an able statesman and a firm patriot.

He most cheerfully and fearlessly affixed his name to the charter of

our rights, and did all in his power, and more than his feeble state

of health warranted, to promote the glorious cause of FREEDOM. He was

finally compelled to yield to increasing disease, and relinquish his

public duties. Medical skill proved unavailing, and by the advice of

his physicians he undertook a voyage to Europe, a change of climate

being the only thing that promised him relief. Near the close of the

year 1779, himself and lady sailed with Captain Morgan, whose vessel

was never heard from after she had been a few days at sea. The last

account of the unfortunate ship was from a Frenchman, who left her from

some cause unknown and went on board of another, shortly after which a

violent tempest arose and unquestionably sent her, with all on board,

to the bottom of the ocean.

Previous to his embarking, Captain Lynch, having no issue, willed his

large estate to his three sisters in case of the death of himself and

wife.

The private character of this worthy man was unsullied, and in

all respects amiable. Had his valuable life been spared, he would

undoubtedly have rendered his country eminent services, and maintained

an elevated rank among the patriots and sages of the eventful era he

saw so gloriously commenced. During his short career, he performed

enough to immortalize his name. Although his morning sun never reached

its meridian, its splendour contributed largely in illuminating the

horizon of LIBERTY, and shed a lustre over his memory enduring as time.

The brief but brilliant career of THOMAS LYNCH, JR., admonishes us

that life is held by a slender tenure, and that high accomplishments,

like some rich flowers, often bloom just long enough to be admired

and revered, then withdraw their beauties from our enraptured sight

forever.

MATTHEW THORNTON.

In the sages of the American revolution, we recognise every variety of

character that ennobles man and confers upon him dignity and merit. To

rouse the people to a becoming sense of their inalienable and chartered

rights, and to induce them to rise in the majesty of their might

and vindicate them, was the first great business of the illustrious

patriots who boldly planned and nobly achieved American independence.

To effect this important object, all the varied forms and powers

of eloquence were necessary, from the mighty torrent of logic that

overwhelms, the keen sarcasm that withers, to the mild persuasion that

leads the heart a willing captive.

The latter talent was pre-eminently possessed by MATTHEW THORNTON,

who was born in Ireland in 1714, and immigrated to this country with

his father, James Thornton, in 1717, who settled at Wiscasset, Maine.

This son received a good academical education, and was much admired

for his industry, correct deportment, and blandness of manners. After

completing his course at school, he commenced the study of medicine

with Dr. Grout, of Leicester, Massachusetts. He made rapid progress in

the acquisition of that important branch of science, and gave early

promise of future and extensive usefulness. When he became prepared

to enter upon the duties of his profession, he commenced practice in

Londonderry, New Hampshire, which was principally settled by immigrants

from his native country. He soon acquired a lucrative business, and the

confidence and esteem of his numerous patrons.

In the expedition against Cape Breton, then belonging to the French,

he was appointed surgeon of the New Hampshire division of the invading

army, and performed his duty with great fidelity, skill, and credit.

He was an early and prominent advocate of American rights—a bold and

uniform opposer to the usurpations of the British ministry. He had a

great opportunity to disseminate liberal principles among the people,

which did not pass unimproved. When the revolutionary storm burst upon

the colonies, he had command of a regiment of militia in Londonderry.

He also held the commission of justice of the peace, and had filled

various civil offices. His urbanity of manners, sincerity and honesty

of purpose, and uncommon powers of persuasion, gave him a rare and

salutary influence, both in private parties and public assemblies.

He was appointed president of the first provincial convention of New

Hampshire, after the dissolution of the king’s government. The people

of that state, for a time, did not come up to the line marked out by

the patriots of Massachusetts, but Dr. Thornton, and other leading

men, soon brought them into the rank and file of opposition to the

invading foe, and redeemed them from the bonds of servitude and fear.

In 1774, they sent delegates to the Congress convened at Philadelphia,

and in December of that year, when they were apprised of the order

of the king in council prohibiting the exportation of gunpowder, the

committee of safety in the town of Portsmouth collected a body of men,

who, before the governor was apprised of their intention, seized upon

the fort and carried off one hundred barrels of that then important

commodity.

Soon after the flight of Governor Wentworth upon receiving the

intelligence of the battle of Lexington, an address was prepared by

a committee of the provincial convention, of which Dr. Thornton was

president, which was published over his signature. To the young reader

this may seem unimportant, until it is known it was full evidence to

convict him of high treason, and would have doomed him to the scaffold

had he fallen into the hands of his enemies. Hence, the patriotism and

boldness of the act.

The address was couched in strong and feeling terms, well calculated

to produce the intended effect. The following extract is a fair sample

of the whole: “You must all be sensible that the affairs of America

have at length come to an affecting crisis. The horrors and distresses

of a civil war, which, till of late, we only had in contemplation, we

now find ourselves obliged to realize. Painful, beyond expression,

have been those scenes of blood and devastation which the barbarous

cruelty of British troops have placed before our eyes. Duty to God,

to ourselves, to posterity, enforced by the cries of slaughtered

innocents, have urged us to take up arms in our own defence. Such a day

as this was never before known either to us or to our fathers. We would

therefore recommend to the colony at large to cultivate that christian

union, harmony, and tender affection which is the only foundation upon

which our invaluable privileges can rest with any security, or our

public measures be pursued with the least prospect of success.”

On the 10th of January, 1776, Dr. Thornton was appointed a Judge of

the Superior Court of New Hampshire, and on the 12th of September he

was elected a member of the Continental Congress, and when he took

his seat affixed his name to the Declaration of Independence. For

those who are not correctly informed upon the subject it is natural

to suppose that the signers of the chart of our liberty were present

on the memorable 4th of July when it was adopted. This was not the

case. Messrs. Franklin, Rush, Clymer, Wilson, Ross, and Taylor, as in

the case of Dr. Thornton, were not members on that day. Nor does the

name of Thomas M’Kean appear upon the printed records of Congress,

although he was present and signed on the 4th of July; and the name of

Henry Wisner, a delegate from Orange county, New York, who signed the

original manuscript of the declaration on the day it was adopted, has

never been properly recognised. These errors were undoubtedly clerical,

not intentional. Mr. Wisner was a highly respectable member, and a pure

and zealous patriot.

Dr. Thornton discharged the duties of his important station ably and

faithfully until his services were required upon the bench. On the 24th

of December of the same year, he was again elected to Congress, and

served until the 23d of January, 1777, when he retired finally from the

national legislature, highly esteemed by all his associates, enjoying

the full confidence and gratitude of his constituents, and the proud

satisfaction of having performed his duty towards his country. For six

years he served on the bench of the Superior Court, and was also Chief

Justice of the Common Pleas; the combined duties of which rendered his

task arduous. In 1779, he removed to Exeter, and the following year

purchased a plantation upon the banks of the Merrimack river, where

he sought that repose that his advanced age required. His friends,

however, were not willing to excuse him from acting in public concerns,

and induced him to serve as a member of the general court, and also in

the state senate during the war, and for two years after its close.

On the 25th of January, 1784, he was appointed a justice of the peace

and quorum throughout the state, which was an important office under

the original constitution of the state, but which was abolished in

part, and abridged in jurisdiction, by the amendments of 1792. This he

held to the day of his final retirement from all public duties; and,

after 1785, he took no part in the politics of the day, but continued

to afford salutary counsel on all important matters relative to the

public weal, about which he was often consulted. During the controversy

between his state and Vermont concerning a portion of disputed

territory, he wrote several letters to those in power, urging the

necessity of conciliatory measures, and an unconditional submission to

the decision of Congress in the premises. They were highly creditable

to him as an able patriot, a good writer, and a discreet man.

DR. THORNTON was one of the most fascinating and agreeable men of

his age. He was seldom known to smile, but was uniformly cheerful,

entertaining, and instructive; similar, in many respects, to the

illustrious Franklin. His mind was stored with a rich variety of useful

and practical knowledge, which rendered him an interesting companion.

He sustained an unblemished private reputation, and discharged all the

social relations of life with fidelity and faithfulness. He was opposed

to sectarian religion, belonged to no church, but was devoutly pious

and a constant attendant of public worship. He was a kind husband,

an affectionate father, and a good neighbour. He was very exact in

collecting his dues, by some thought too severe, and was rigidly

scrupulous in liquidating every farthing he owed. He was a large portly

man, over six feet in height, well proportioned, with an expressive

countenance, enlivened by keen and penetrating black eyes. He died at

Newburyport, Massachusetts, on the 24th of June, 1803, whilst visiting

his daughter. His remains were conveyed to New Hampshire, and deposited

near Thornton’s Ferry, on the bank of the Merrimack, where a neat

marble slab rests over his dust, with this laconic and significant

epitaph—

“MATTHEW THORNTON,

AN HONEST MAN.”

WILLIAM FLOYD.

Private virtue and undisguised sincerity were marked characteristics

of the revolutionary patriots. They were actuated by pure and honest

motives, and not by wild ambition and political phrenzy. Noisy

partisans and intriguing demagogues were not the favourites of the

people during the war of independence. The man of genuine worth and

modest merit was the one whom they delighted to honour and trust.

In the character of WILLIAM FLOYD these qualities were happily blended.

He was a native of Suffolk, Long Island, in the state of New York,

born on the 17th of December, 1734. His grandfather, Richard Floyd,

immigrated from Wales in 1680, and settled at Setauket, Long Island.

During his childhood he was remarkable for frankness and truth, and

for amiableness of disposition and urbanity of manners. He was an

industrious student, and acquired a liberal education. During the

prosecution of his studies, he preserved his health in its full vigour,

by devoting a short period almost, daily to the use of his gun, in

pursuit of game, the only diversion to which he was ardently attached.

This exercise gave his system a healthy tone, and enabled him to

master his lessons with more accuracy than some who confine themselves

exclusively to their rooms, and become debilitated for the want of

physical action. Upon the health of the body the improvement of the

juvenile mind very much depends—exercise in the open air should not be

neglected.

The father of William M’Nicoll Floyd died before this son arrived

at his majority, and left him an ample fortune. He managed it with

prudence and economy, and when his country was doomed to pass through

the fiery furnace of a revolution, he was one of the most opulent

and influential men on Long Island. From his youth he had been the

advocate of liberal principles, and opposed to the innovations of the

British ministry, upon the chartered rights of the American colonies.

As oppression increased, his patriotic feelings were more frequently

and freely expressed, and when the Congress of 1774 convened at

Philadelphia, he was an active and zealous member. By his uniform

candour and purity of purpose, he gained the unlimited confidence of

his constituents and of his country. His cool deliberation and calm

deportment, under all circumstances, were well calculated to preserve

an equilibrium among those of a more fiery temperament and of more

rashness in action. The Congress of 1774 was remarkable for clear and

unanswerable argument, calm and learned discussion, wise and judicious

plans, and reasonable but firm purposes. The course pursued operated

powerfully and favourably upon the minds of reflecting men, whose

influence it was important to obtain and secure.

Mr. Floyd also had command of the militia of his native county, and

when the British attempted to land at Gardner’s Bay, promptly assembled

them, and repelled the invading foe. In 1775 he was again chosen a

representative in Congress, and became one of its active and efficient

members. He was emphatically a working man, and engaged constantly

on important committee duties. During his absence at Philadelphia,

the British obtained possession of Long Island, and forced his family

to flee for their safety to Connecticut. His property was materially

injured by the enemy, and his mansion-house converted into a military

barrack, for the accommodation of the invaders of his country. For

seven years he was deprived of all resources from his plantation,

and was dependant upon his friends for the protection of his family.

The year following he was again elected to a seat in the Continental

Congress, and had the satisfaction of affixing his name to the

declaration of independence, which he had advocated from its incipient

stages to the time of its adoption. In 1777 he was elected to the

first senate of the state of New York, convened under the new order

of things. He immediately became a prominent and leading member, and

rendered important services in forming a code of republican laws for

the future government of the empire state, carefully guarding the

rights of person and property inviolate.

In January, 1779, he again took his seat in the Continental Congress,

and entered upon the duties of his station with the utmost vigour and

industry. On the 24th of the ensuing August, he resumed his station in

the senate of his native state. Much important business was before the

legislature, requiring wisdom, energy, and unity of action. To devise

some plan of relief from a depreciated currency and a prostrate credit,

was an important item. Mr. Floyd was at the head of a joint committee

appointed for this purpose, and reported a plan that proved him to be

an able financier and a man of deep thought and investigation. It was

predicated upon a gradual and just system of taxation, to be carried

into effect by responsible and honest agents, with good and sufficient

sureties for the payment of all monies collected to the proper

officer—the state treasurer. In October of that year, Mr. Floyd, Ezra

L’Hommedieu, and John Loss were appointed by the New York legislature

delegates to a convention of the eastern states convened for the

purpose of devising some system by which supplies of provisions could

be more readily obtained and preserved from the grasp of avaricious

monopolists.

Immediately after the discharge of the duties assigned him, he again

took his seat in Congress. On the third of December he was elected one

of the board of admiralty, and on the thirteenth of the same month a

member of the treasury board. By incessant application to the various

duties that devolved upon him, his health became impaired, and in

April following he obtained leave of absence. In June he repaired to

the senate of New York, and was immediately appointed upon a joint

committee to act upon resolutions of Congress, involving the important

relations between the state and general government. He opposed,

unsuccessfully, the plan of making bills of credit a legal tender,

but had the pleasure in after life of seeing the principles he then

advocated sanctioned and adopted.

In September he was appointed upon a committee of the senate to prepare

a reply to the message of the governor. To effect a proper organization

of the general government, was the anxious desire of the state

legislatures. To confer upon Congress all necessary powers, strictly

defined and plain to be understood, was considered the only safe policy

to insure future safety. To this important subject the governor had

drawn the particular attention of the members. The committee reported

several resolutions on this point, which were adopted and forwarded

for the consideration of the national legislature. They recommended

the enactment of laws that should produce an equal responsibility

upon each of the states to bear its _pro rata_ proportion of the

burden of the war, in the way and manner that should be devised by

the general government. In 1780 he was again returned to Congress.

In addition to the usual duties, he was instructed by an act of the

legislature, together with the other members from New York, to obtain

a settlement of the claims of his native state, and those of New

Hampshire, to the territory now comprising the state of Vermont. This

was a vexed question that required much industry and wisdom to manage.

These were eminently possessed by Mr. Floyd, who, on that occasion,

as upon all others, discharged his duties to the entire satisfaction

of his constituents. He also, during the same session, introduced a

resolution for the cession of the western territories to the United

States. He also nominated, on the 10th of August, Robert L. Livingston

as secretary of foreign affairs, who was immediately appointed to that

important station.

In addition to serving in the senate of his own state, more or less

every year, he continued an active member of Congress until 1783, when

he joined in the general joy of triumphant victory and heart-cheering

peace, and was once more permitted to return and take possession of the

ruins of his once flourishing plantation, amidst the congratulation

of his numerous friends, all animated by the resplendent glories of

LIBERTY. In order that he might repair his private fortune, he declined

the urgent request of his constituents to consent to a re-election to

Congress. He however continued to serve in the senate of his native

state until 1788, when he was returned a member of the first Congress

under the federal constitution. Worn out in the service of his country,

he retired at the end of his term from the public arena, and once more

entered upon the enjoyments of domestic bliss.

Being possessed of a large tract of valuable land upon the banks

of the Mohawk river, then a dense wilderness, he commenced gradual

improvements upon it, and in 1803 took up his final residence there.

His friends often urged him to again become a member of the national

legislature, but he declined entering upon any laborious public duties,

except serving the district to which he removed one term in the state

senate, and also of serving as a member of the convention of 1801, to

revise the constitution of New York. He was four times a member of

the electoral college of his state for the election of president and

vice-president, and in 1800 he travelled two hundred miles to give his

vote for his old companion and friend, Thomas Jefferson, in the dreary

month of December.

He continued to improve his new plantation until he saw the wilderness

blossom as the rose, and his mansion surrounded by happy neighbours,

all basking in the clear sunshine of that freedom he had been

instrumental in acquiring. Envy was a stranger to his philanthropic

and patriotic bosom; he rejoiced in the happiness of the whole human

family; he delighted in the prosperity of all around him.

In all things he was a practical man, free from pomp and vanity, and

systematic in all his proceedings. When his purposes were formed, he

prosecuted them with an unyielding energy that was seldom arrested

or thwarted. He was possessed of a clear head, a strong mind, a good

heart, a vigorous and sound judgment, matured by long experience and

a close observation of men and things. He spoke but little in public

assemblies, and rarely entered into debate. Happy would it be for our

country if we had more men like William Floyd at the present day,

instead of so many who _talk_ more than they _work_. Long speeches hang

like an incubus over our legislatures, and those who feel disposed, are

prevented by them from doing the business of the people promptly.

In all the private relations of life William Floyd presented a model

as worthy of imitation as that of his public career. He was warm in

his friendships, and most scrupulously honest in all his transactions.

His feelings and morals were of a refined cast, and the most rigid

integrity marked his every action. He thought and acted for himself,

and left others to do the same. He marked out his path of duty from the

reflections of his own mind, and pursued it steadily and fearlessly.

For more than fifty years he enjoyed the full fruition of popular

favours, and only one year before his death was elected a member of the

electoral college. His physical powers were remarkable until a short

time before his last illness. He was a man of middle size, well formed,

and of easy deportment. He was dignified in his general appearance, and

affable in his manners. For the last two years of his life his health

was partially impaired, and on the 1st of August, 1821, he was seized

with general debility, and on the fourth day he folded his arms calmly,

closed his eyes peacefully, and met the cold embrace of death with the

fortitude of a sage, a patriot, and a Christian. Although general Floyd

did not possess the Ciceronian eloquence of an Adams, a Jefferson, or

a Henry, he was one of the most useful men of his day and generation.

His examples and his labours shed a lustre over his character, as rich

and as enduring as the fame of those who shone conspicuously in the

forum. He was an important link in the golden chain of liberty, and

was so esteemed by all his associates in Congress. The working man was

then properly appreciated. The most powerful orators of that eventful

era were concise and laconic. Long speeches were as uncommon as they

are now pernicious and unnecessary. The business of our nation was

performed promptly, expeditiously, effectually, and economically. Let

us imitate the examples of the patriots of the times that tried their

souls, and preserve, in its native purity, the rich boon of liberty

they have transmitted to us. Let us emulate the virtues of general

WILLIAM FLOYD, and we shall be highly esteemed in life, deeply mourned

in death, and our names will survive, on the tablet of enduring fame,

through the revolutions of time.

WILLIAM WHIPPLE.

A common error that has gained credence among mankind, consists in a

belief that to obtain a sufficient share of knowledge to enable a man

to appear advantageously upon the theatre of public action, he must

spend his youthful days within the walls of some celebrated seminary

of learning. In the view of many, it is necessary for a young man to

commence his career under the high floating banner of a collegiate

diploma in order to ensure future fame.

That a refined classical education is a desirable and high

accomplishment, I admit; that it is indispensably necessary, and always

renders a man more useful, I deny. The man who has been incarcerated

from his childhood up to his majority within the limited circumference

of his school-room and boarding-house, although he may have mastered

all the sciences of the books, cannot have acquired that knowledge of

men and things necessary to prepare him for action in private or public

life. Polite literature is _one_ thing, useful knowledge, fit for every

day use, is _another_, and of vital importance. By proper application

a man may obtain both, and that without entering college. The field

is open to all, especially under a republican form of government.

Franklin and Sherman, both humble mechanics, became finished scholars

and profound philosophers without the aid of collegiate professors.

I do not design to deteriorate the usefulness of high seminaries of

learning, but to stimulate those who have native talent and cannot

enjoy their advantages, to imitate the examples of those who have risen

to high stations of honour and distinction by the force of their own

exertions, unaided by these dazzling lights.

Among the self taught men of our country the name of WILLIAM WHIPPLE

stands conspicuous. He was the eldest son of William Whipple, and born

at Kittery, Maine, in 1730. He was educated in a common English school,

where he was taught reading, writing, arithmetic, and navigation.

These branches he mastered at an early age, and was then entered as a

cabin boy on board of a merchant vessel, which was in accordance with

the wishes of his father and his own inclination. Before he arrived

at the age of twenty-one years, he rose to the station of captain and

made several successful voyages to Europe. Some writers have attempted

to cast a stigma upon his character at that era of his life, because,

in a few instances, he participated in the slave trade. If they

will learn the general feeling that pervaded the minds of a large

proportion of the civilized community at that time upon this subject,

their anathemas will vanish in thin air. The trade was then sanctioned

by the king of Great Britain, under whose government captain Whipple

acted, and, according to the English law, _the king can do no harm_.

The correctness of the principle was not then disputed or agitated

generally, and the trade was ingrafted in the commercial policy of the

mother country. That Captain Whipple became convinced upon reflection

of the unjustness and barbarity of the traffic, fully appears from his

subsequent acts. At the commencement of the revolution he manumitted

the only slave he owned, who adhered to his old master during the war,

and fought bravely for our liberties. If every man is to be condemned

for the errors of youth, whose riper years are crowned with virtue, the

list of fame will be robbed of many bright constellations.

In 1759, captain Whipple relinquished his oceanic pursuits, and

commenced the mercantile business in Portsmouth, New Hampshire. He

also married Miss Catharine Moffat, and entered upon a new scene

of life. During his numerous voyages he had become celebrated as a

skilful navigator and a judicious commanding officer. He had carefully

treasured a large fund of useful knowledge by close observation,

attentive reading, and by mingling, when in port, with none but

intelligent and good company. He had listened, both in England and

America, to the unwarranted pretensions of the former, and the

increasing complaints of the latter. He had made himself familiar with

the chartered rights of his own country, and with the usurpations of

the crown over his fellow citizens. He was prepared to take a bold

stand in favour of freedom. He took a conspicuous part in public

meetings, and was chosen one of the committee of safety. He rose

rapidly in public estimation, and the former cabin boy became a leading

patriot. In January, 1775, he represented Portsmouth in the Provincial

Congress, convened at Exeter, for the purpose of choosing delegates for

the Continental Congress. On the 6th of January of the following year

he was chosen a member of the provincial council of New Hampshire, and

on the 23d of the same month, a delegate to the national legislature

at Philadelphia, of which he continued a distinguished, active, and

useful member, until the middle of September, 1779. He was present at

the adoption of the Declaration of Independence, and affixed his name

to that sacred and bold instrument with the same fearless calmness with

which he would have signed a bill of lading.

He was emphatically a working man, and from his extensive knowledge of

business, rendered himself highly useful on committees. As a member of

the marine and commercial committees, his practical knowledge gave him

a superiority over his colleagues. He was also appointed one of the

superintendents of the commissary and quartermaster department, and did

much towards correcting abuses and checking peculation. He was untiring

in his industry, ardent in his zeal, philosophic in his views, pure in

his purposes, and strong in his patriotism. When he finally retired

from Congress to serve his country in another and more perilous sphere,

he carried with him the esteem and approbation of all his co-workers

in the glorious cause of liberty. On his return to his constituents he

was hailed as a SAGE, a PATRIOT, and a HERO.

In 1777 he had received the appointment of brigadier-general, and was

put in command of the first brigade of the provincial troops of New

Hampshire, acting in concert with General Stark, who commanded the

other. At that time General Burgoyne was on the flood tide of his

military glory in the north, spreading consternation far and wide.

He was first checked in his triumphant career by General Stark, at

Bennington, Vermont. General Whipple, about the same time, joined

General Gates with his brigade, and was in the bloody battles of

Stillwater and Saratoga, where the palm of victory was attributed in a

great measure to the troops under his command. In the consummation of

the brilliant victory over the British army under Burgoyne, which shed

fresh lustre on the American arms, General Whipple contributed largely.

Colonel Wilkinson and he were the officers who arranged and signed

the articles of capitulation between the two commanders. He was also

selected as one of the officers to conduct the conquered foe to Winter

Hill, near Boston. His faithful negro, whom he manumitted at that time,

participated in all the perils of his old master, and seemed as much

elated with the victory as if he had been the commander-in-chief.

In 1778, General Whipple was with General Sullivan at the siege of

Newport, which was necessarily abandoned in consequence of the failure

of the anticipated co-operation of the French fleet under Count

D’Estaing, which was unexpectedly injured in a gale of wind. A safe and

fortunate retreat was effected in the night, which saved that portion

of the American army from total destruction.

In 1780 General Whipple was appointed a commissioner of the board of

admiralty by Congress, which honour he did not accept, preferring to

serve in the legislature of his own state, to which he had just been

elected, and in which he continued for a number of years.

In 1782 he was appointed by Robert Morris financial receiver for the

state of New Hampshire, which conferred upon him the highest eulogium

for integrity and honesty. The office was arduous, unpopular, and

irksome, but he performed its duties faithfully until the 2nd of

July, 1784, when he resigned. In conjunction with the many honourable

stations he filled, he was appointed a judge of the superior court

on the 20th of June, 1782, and on the 25th of December, 1784, was

appointed a justice of the peace and quorum throughout the state,

which offices he held to the day of his death. He was also one of

the commissioners on the behalf of Connecticut, who met at Trenton

to settle the unpleasant controversy between that state and the

commonwealth of Pennsylvania, relative to the lands in Wyoming valley.

In all the multiform public duties that devolved upon him, he acquitted

himself nobly, and retained, to his last moments, the entire confidence

of his country. He possessed a strong and analyzing mind, a clear head,

a good heart, and deep penetration of thought. In all the relations of

private and public life, from the cabin boy up to the lofty pinnacle

of fame on which he perched, he maintained a reputation pure as the

virgin sheet. During the latter part of his life, he suffered much

from disease in his chest, which terminated his useful and patriotic

career on the 28th of November, 1785. Agreeably to his request before

his death, his body underwent a post-mortem examination. His heart was

found ossified; the valves were united to the aorta, and an aperture,

not larger than a knitting needle, was all that remained for the

passage of the blood in its circulation. This accounted for his having

often fainted when any sudden emotion excited a rapid flow of his life

stream.

FRANCIS HOPKINSON, ESQ.

Times of high excitement, terminating in an important crisis, big with

interests and events, tend greatly to the developement of character and

talent. Thus, during the revolution, many talents were brought to light

and action, that a supremacy of kingly power would have crushed in

embryo, and left them to perish, unseen and unknown.

Amongst the actors on that memorable stage we find a variety of

characters, showing the powers of mind in all their varied forms and

shades, from the sedate and grave Washington, to the sprightly and

witty Hopkinson, and the pithy and original Franklin.

FRANCIS HOPKINSON was the son of Thomas Hopkinson, of Philadelphia,

born in 1737. His father was a man of superior talents and high

attainments, his mother was one of the best of Heaven’s gifts. At the

age of fourteen, death robbed Francis of his father, and left his

mother to struggle, with limited means, with all the accumulating

difficulties of maintaining and educating a large family of fatherless

children.

Under her guidance and instruction, young Francis soon evinced talents

that promised well for him and his country. She used every exertion

to improve his education, depriving herself of all the luxuries, and

many of the comforts of life, to advance the interests of her children.

Being a devoted Christian, she took peculiar care and delight in

planting deep the purest principles of virtue, guarding their minds

against all the avenues of vice and sin. She taught them the design of

their creation, the duty they owed to their God and fellow men, and

that to be truly _happy_, they must be truly _good_. The foundation

being thus firmly laid, she placed her favourite son, the future hope

of her family, at the University of Pennsylvania, where he completed

his studies and graduated. He then commenced a successful study

of law under Benjamin Chew, Esq., and became a close and thorough

student, making great proficiency in his judicial acquirements. He

possessed a brilliant and flowing fancy, a lively imagination, a

captivating manner, and was partial to polite literature as well as

the more solid sciences. He was fond of poetry, music, and painting.

He excelled in humorous satire, keen as that of his prototype Swift.

Fortunately, these talents were made to subserve, pre-eminently, the

cause of patriotism, science and philanthropy—the consequent result of

deep-rooted morality.

In 1765, he visited London, where he continued two years, making

himself acquainted with the feelings and designs of the British

parliament towards the Colonies, who had already began to feel

oppression.

On his return he married the amiable Miss Ann Borden, of Bordentown,

N. J.; and soon found himself surrounded by all the accumulating cares

of a rising family. In rearing his children, his mind was often carried

back to the manner his venerable and esteemed mother had instructed him

during his childhood. He could adopt no better plan or find no brighter

example to follow. But the comforts of “sweet home” were soon to be

interrupted. His country needed his services, which were cheerfully and

promptly rendered. He was among its warmest and most zealous patriots.

It was for him to do much in opening the eyes of the great mass of the

people to a just sense of the injuries inflicted by the mother country.

This he did by various publications, written in a style so fascinating

and humorous as to be universally read; painting, in true and glowing

colours, the injustice of the crown and the rights of the colonists.

His Pretty Story—his Letters to James Rivington—his Epistle to Lord

Howe—his two Letters by a Tory—his translation of a Letter written

by a Foreigner—his Political Catechism—and the New Roof, were all

productions of taste and merit, and were of vast importance in rousing

the people to a vindication of their rights and the achievement of

their liberties.

During the administration of Governor Dickinson, political dissensions

and party spirit spread their mountain waves over Pennsylvania,

threatening to destroy the fair fabric of her new government. The pen

of Mr. Hopkinson was again instrumental in restoring order. In an

essay, called “A full and true account of a violent uproar which lately

happened in a very eminent family,” he exposed the factious partizans

to such keen and severe ridicule, that they threw down the weapons

of their rebellion much sooner than if a thousand bayonets had been

pointed at their breasts.

He was among the first delegates elected to the Continental

Congress, and most cheerfully and fearlessly recorded his name on

that declaration which has proved a consolation to the friends of

FREEDOM, but a Boanerges to the enemies of LIBERTY. Always cheerful

and sprightly, he contributed much in dispelling the gloom that

often pervaded the minds of his colleagues in the midst of disaster

and defeat. He knew the cause was righteous—he believed that Heaven

would crown it with triumphant victory and ultimate success. He had

sacrificed a lucrative situation in the loan office, held under the

crown, at the shrine of liberty; he had embarked his fortune, his

life, and his sacred honour, in defence of his country—and, with all

his humour and wit, he was firm and determined as a gladiator. With

the fancy of a poet, he united the soundness of a sage; with the wit

of a humorist, he united the sagacity of a politician. He succeeded

George Ross as Judge of the Admiralty court, and was subsequently one

of the United States District Judges; and was highly esteemed for his

judicial knowledge, impartial justice, and correct decisions.—He filled

every station in which he was placed with credit, honour, and dignity.

He continued to contribute, by his writings, much towards correcting

the morals of society, by ridiculing its evils and abuses—Sarcasm and

satire, properly timed, and guided by a sound discretion, are the most

powerful and cutting instruments ever wielded by man. Their smart upon

the mind is like cantharides upon the skin, but often requires a more

powerful remedy to heal it. The wit of Mr. Hopkinson was of a noble

cast, flowing from a rich and chaste imagination, never violating the

rules of propriety, always confined within the pale of modesty, but

keen as a Damascus blade. He was an admirer of sound common sense, and

a zealous advocate of common school education. He appreciated correctly

the bone and sinew of our country, and knew well that the perpetuity

of our liberties depends more upon the general diffusion of _useful_

knowledge, fit for _every_ day use in the various business concerns of

life, than upon the high-toned literature of colleges and universities.

He admired the industrious tradesman; he respected the honest farmer.

In the yeomanry of the soil and inmates of shops, he saw the defenders

of our country. MR. HOPKINSON was like some rare flowers, that, while

they please by their beauty, they possess powerful qualities to

alleviate distress and impart comfort. He was amiable and urbane in

his manners; open and generous in his feelings; noble and liberal in

his views; charitable and benevolent in his purposes; an agreeable and

pleasant companion; a kind and faithful husband; an affectionate and

tender parent; a stern and inflexible patriot; a consistent and active

citizen; a valuable and honest man.

His career was closed suddenly and prematurely by an apoplectic fit,

on the 9th of May, 1791, in the 53d year of his age, and in the midst

of his usefulness. He left a widow, two sons, and three daughters, to

mourn his untimely end, and their irreparable loss.

JOSIAH BARTLETT.

The profession of medicine in the hands of a skilful, honest,

judicious, upright, and accomplished man, is one of the richest

blessings in community, and one of the most honourable employments.

Over his acquaintances, the influence of “the Doctor” is greater,

when we include all classes, than that of any other profession;

consequently, in the cause they espouse, physicians can wield an

influence more powerful than many imagine. It is with pleasure I

remark, that among the signers of the Declaration of Independence we

find a goodly number from this highly honourable and useful profession.

Among them was Dr. JOSIAH BARTLETT, who was the son of Stephen

Bartlett, of Amesburg, Massachusetts. Josiah was born in November,

1729. He early manifested a strong and vigorous mind, which was

cultivated by an academical education. Possessing a retentive memory,

he acquired the Latin and Greek languages, and finished the course

assigned him at the early age of sixteen. He then commenced the study

of medicine under Dr. Ordway, and pursued it assiduously for five

years. He then commenced a successful practice at Kingston, where he

soon became generally and favourably known and highly esteemed. Two

years after he commenced his professional career, he was reduced so

low with a fever that his physician gave up all hopes of his recovery.

By an experiment of his own his life was saved. He induced those

who were attending upon him to furnish him with cider, small and

frequent quantities of which he took, a perspiration ensued, the fever

was checked, and he recovered. From this time forward, he closely

watched in his patients the operations and wants of nature, and often

successfully deviated from the stubborn rules that were laid down in

books written in other countries and climates. With a physician of an

acute and discerning judgment, matured by skill and experience, this

practice is safe. Dr. Bartlett was the first who discovered, in that

section of country, that the _angina maligna tonsillaris_, or canker,

was _putrid_, instead of _inflammatory_, and the first who administered

the successful remedy of Peruvian bark for this disease. He also

introduced the successful practice of using antiphlogistic remedies for

the _cynanche maligna_, or sore throat; by which disease hundreds of

children were suddenly torn from the arms of their fond parents, three

or four being frequently buried in one grave from the same family.

Under the skilful hands of Dr. Bartlett this disease was checked in its

career.

Enjoying the unlimited confidence of his numerous acquaintances he was

promoted to several important stations, both civil and military, under

Governor Wentworth, discharging his duty with ability and approbation.

In 1765 he was elected to the legislature of New Hampshire, where

he soon became prominent from his steady and firm opposition to the

infringements of the crown upon the rights of the colonists. Republican

in all his views and feelings, he watched, with an eagle eye, the

movements of the British ministry and the royalists around him. In

granting charters to towns, the royal governors had uniformly reserved

to themselves, and for the use of episcopal churches, the _cream_ of

the location. This injustice roused the indignation of the advocates

of justice and equal rights, among whom Dr. Bartlett stood in the

foremost rank. The burdens of taxation by the mother country were

also severely felt and strenuously resisted. In effecting their early

settlements, the colonists had been left unaided and unprotected to

struggle with the stubborn wilderness and cruel savage. They were now

unwilling to allow themselves to be stripped of their hard earnings to

gratify the extravagant luxuries and avarice of the creatures of the

crown. Resistance was natural—it was right. Taxation and representation

are inseparable principles; without the one the other should not,

cannot exist with an enlightened people. Power is not always a

creature of justice, and often adopts the principle that “might makes

right.” Upon this corrupt and sandy foundation the British ministry

based their conduct towards the colonies. Starting upon these false

premises, their harsh measures recoiled upon them with a force that

levelled their superstructure to the dust. For a time the cords of

oppression were partially slackened, the stamp act was repealed, a

spirit of conciliation seemed to pervade the heart of the king, but

his old preceptor, lord Bute, in conjunction with lord North, soon

induced him to sanction measures more oppressive and arbitrary than

those previously complained of. The tax on tea was received with more

indignation than the stamp act, and the popular rage soon rose to a

foaming fury.

Governor Wentworth thought to secure Dr. Bartlett by appointing

him a member of the judiciary; but he could not be seduced by any

trappings from the crown, and continued to oppose the innovations of

the royalists. The minority in the legislature, to which the doctor

belonged, was fast increasing, and to prevent a majority against his

own views, the governor obtained the king’s writ for three new members

from townships not entitled to an additional representation. This

act of injustice disgusted many of the members who had not espoused

the cause of liberal principles, and determined them to enlist under

the banner of freedom. Opposition grew bolder under every act of

oppression; private meetings were held, committees of correspondence

and safety were appointed, a concert of feeling was produced through

most of the colonies, and plans of resistance were rapidly taking

the place of petitions to the king. Governor Wentworth several times

dissolved the assembly at the commencement of its sessions, until he

so exasperated the members and people as to virtually dissolve his

own authority, and was obliged to seek safety on board the man-of-war

Forney. The three new members had been expelled from the legislative

body, a warfare commenced between the adherents of the crown and the

friends of equal rights; Dr. Bartlett and others were deprived of all

authority within the control of the governor, the line of demarcation

was drawn, and the tocsin of war was sounded.

Dr. Bartlett was one of the members elected by the eighty-five

delegates convened for the purpose at Exeter, on the first of July,

1774, to meet the general Congress at Philadelphia. In consequence of

the recent destruction of his house by fire he was compelled to decline

the appointment at that time, but in September of the year following he

took his seat in that patriotic body. Simultaneous with his election to

Congress, he was appointed to the command of a regiment of provincial

troops. In Congress he performed his duties with great zeal, industry,

and ability. He was uniformly placed on the most important committees,

whose duties occupied their time until a late hour at night. Congress

met at nine in the morning, and sat until four in the afternoon. After

this hour the arduous duties of the committees were performed. When we

contemplate the labours of the Continental Congress, surrounded as they

were by difficulties on every side, a tremendous storm bursting over

their heads, retreating from place to place before a victorious foe;

their country bleeding at every pore, without resources, their army

almost annihilated, the only rational conclusion to be drawn how they

were sustained is derived from the fact, that many of its members were

consistent and devoted Christians, firmly relying upon Him who rules

the destinies of nations to support them and crown their efforts with

victory and success. Nor did they trust in vain.

In 1776, Dr. Bartlett was again elected to Congress and took a

conspicuous part in the discussion of separating from the mother

country. Amongst the patriots there were many who doubted the propriety

of this determination in consequence of their weakness. A concert of

feeling was eventually produced and a decided majority declared in

favour of emancipation. On the fourth of July the final question was

put to each member. Commencing with the most northern colony, Dr.

Bartlett was the first who was called. Firmly relying on the justice of

the cause, with his eyes raised to heaven, he responded YEA and AMEN;

and laid the first stone in the base of the fair fabric of liberty,

now towering in majesty over our happy land. Next to the president,

the venerable John Hancock, Dr. Bartlett was the first who signed

that invaluable instrument which gave our nation birth, and at one

bold effort burst the chains of slavery and dissolved the power that

had been swayed, with an iron hand, over the oppressed and bleeding

colonies.

Worn down with the fatigue of arduous duties, Dr. Bartlett found his

health declining and was not able to take his seat in Congress after

the close of this session, until 1778. He was, however, enabled to

be useful to his native state in her civil departments, and also

aided greatly in raising troops for the northern army. When Congress

assembled at York Town Dr. Bartlett again resumed his seat. Although

re-elected to the succeeding term, this was the last of his attendance

in that body. His domestic concerns had suffered from his absence

in the public service, and he obtained leave to remain at home. His

services were immediately required by his fellow citizens of New

Hampshire. He was appointed chief justice of the common pleas and

muster master of the troops, then enlisting for the continental

service. In 1782 he was appointed a justice of the superior court, and

six years after, chief justice.

The usefulness of Dr. Bartlett did not close with the war. Although

victory had crowned the efforts of the patriots, and their independence

had been achieved, much remained to be done. Numerous conflicting

interests were to be reconciled, a system of government was to be

organized, an enormous debt was to be paid, many abuses and corruptions

were to be corrected, a concert of feeling and action to be produced,

and the art of self-government to be learned. In my view the wisdom of

the patriots and sages of the revolution shone more conspicuously in

perfecting our system of government, than in driving the foe from our

shores. It is a task of no small magnitude to reduce a nation from a

seven years’ war to a civil and quiet government, entirely different

from the one to which it has been accustomed. It often requires more

sagacity and wisdom to retain and enjoy, than to obtain an object.

Thus, with regard to our independence, after it was obtained, storms

arose that threatened utter destruction and ruin. It required the

combined wisdom of the wisest legislators to preserve it. Long and

arduous were the labours that effected a confederated consolidation.

During the time this subject was under discussion, many of the states

were shook to their very centre by internal commotions. That concert

of action and feeling that had carried the people triumphantly through

the revolution, was now, with a great mass of the community, lost in

the whirlpool of selfishness. Fortunately for our country and the

cause of liberty, those who stood at the helm during the storm of war

still remained at their posts. Their labours resulted in the adoption

of that constitution under which we have enjoyed a prosperity before

unknown. Dr. Bartlett was a member of the convention of his native

state for the adoption of the consolidating instrument, and gave it

his warm and efficient support. In 1789 he was chosen a member of the

national senate, the next year president of New Hampshire, and in 1793

he was elected the first governor of the state. He enjoyed universal

confidence and esteem, and discharged his duties with so much wisdom

and integrity, that slander and envy could find no crevice for an

entering wedge. Worn down by years of arduous toil, old age fastening

its wrinkled hand upon him, and the confines of the eternal world just

before him, he resigned his authority and closed his public career

on the 29th of January, 1794, covered with laurels of immortal fame,

without a spot to tarnish the glory of his bright escutcheon.

Governor Bartlett now retired to private life, anticipating the

enjoyments that are peculiarly pleasing to men who accept of public

stations from a sense of duty rather than a desire to acquire

popularity for the sake of advancement. But his fond anticipations

were soon blasted. Disease fastened its relentless grasp upon him, his

amiable wife had died six years before, the world had lost its charms,

and, on the 19th of May, 1795, his happy spirit left its tenement of

clay, ascended to Him who gave it, leaving a nation to mourn the loss

of one of its brightest ornaments, one of its noblest patriots.

In the life of this estimable man, we behold one of the fairest

pictures spread on the pages of history. His public career was of

that discreet and solid character, calculated to impart enduring and

substantial usefulness. Without dazzling the eyes of every beholder,

his course was onward in the cause of philanthropy and human rights.

He could look back upon a life well spent; he stood acquitted and

approved at the dread tribunal of conscience. He had nobly acted his

part, fulfilled the design of his creation, discharged his duty to his

country and his God, and filled the measure of his glory.

In his private character he was all that we could desire in a patriot,

a citizen, a friend, a husband, a father and a Christian. No man was

more highly esteemed by all who knew him—no man more richly deserved

it.

ARTHUR MIDDLETON.

Those who are familiar with the history of England, with her

constitution, with her great Magna Charta, and with the usurpations of

men in power upon the rights of British subjects at various periods,

can readily conceive why so many men of high attainments and liberal

minds immigrated to America. Disgusted with oppression at home they

sought liberty abroad. The cause that prompted them to leave their

native land, impelled them to action when imported tyranny invaded

their well-earned privileges. The mind of every immigrant patriot

was as well prepared to meet the crisis of the revolution, as that

of a native citizen. The feelings created by remembered injuries,

which drove them from the mother country, rendered them as formidable

opponents to the unjust pretensions of the crown as those who had never

breathed the atmosphere of Europe.

In tracing our own history back to the early settlements, we find an

almost constant struggle between the people and the officers sent by

the king to govern them; the former claiming their inherent rights, the

latter frequently infringing them.

Among those whom at an early period boldly espoused the cause of

freedom was Edward Middleton, the great grandfather of the subject of

this brief sketch, who immigrated from Great Britain near the close of

the seventeenth century, and settled in South Carolina. His son, Arthur

Middleton, imbibed all the feelings of his father, and in 1719, when

the crown officers became insolent beyond endurance, he stood at the

head of the opposition that boldly demanded and obtained their removal.

His son, Henry Middleton, the father of Arthur, whose biographette is

my present object, also inherited the same bold patriotism, and took

a conspicuous part in rousing his fellow citizens to action at the

commencement of the revolution.

ARTHUR MIDDLETON, the subject of this memoir, was born in 1743, at

Middleton place, on the banks of Ashley river, where his father owned a

beautiful plantation. His mother was a Miss Williams, the only child of

a wealthy and reputable planter. Arthur was the eldest of his father’s

children, and received all the advantages of an early education. At

the age of twelve years he was placed in the celebrated seminary of

Hackney, near London, and two years after, was transferred to the

classic seat of learning at Westminster. He applied himself with great

industry to his studies, excelling in all he undertook, and gained

the esteem and respect of those around him. In his nineteenth year he

became a student at the University of Cambridge, and four years after,

graduated with the degree of bachelor of arts, a profound scholar and

a virtuous man. Trivial amusements and dissipation, which had ensnared

many of his classmates, had no charms for him. Although an heir to

wealth and liberally supplied with money, economy was his governing

principle, wisdom his constant guide.

After he had completed his education he spent nearly two years in

travelling, making the tour of Europe. Familiar with the Greek and

Roman classics, he enjoyed peculiar satisfaction in visiting Rome

and other ancient seats of literature. He possessed an exquisite

taste for poetry, music, and painting, and was well versed in all the

technicalities of sculpture and architecture. After completing this

tour he returned home. Soon after his arrival, he led the amiable and

accomplished Miss Izard, daughter of Walter Izard, to the hymeneal

altar.

About a year after, he embarked with his wife for England. After

enjoying a pleasant season with their friends and connexions there,

they visited France and Spain, and in 1773, returned home and located

on his native spot, which his father bestowed upon him, placing him at

once in possession of an ample fortune.

Having resided so long in Great Britain, possessed of an observing

mind, tracing causes and results to their true source, he was well

qualified to aid in directing the destiny of his country through the

approaching revolution. Rocked in the cradle of patriotism by his

father, tracing its fair lines in the history of his ancestors, he

acted from the genuine feelings of his heart when he boldly espoused

the cause of liberal principles and human rights. The Middletons were

the nucleus of the opposition in South Carolina. Unlike many others

who mounted the stage of public action for the first time, untried and

almost unknown, this family had been proved and their influence was

felt throughout the colony, and was known in the mother country. Hence

the importance of their services at the commencement of the doubtful

struggle, and for the same reason they were peculiarly obnoxious to the

creatures of the crown. Aristocracy, too often the attendant of riches,

found no resting place in their bosoms. The very marrow of their bones

was republican, and to defend their country’s rights they freely

pledged “their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honours.”

Arthur Middleton was a member of the different committees that were

appointed by the people to devise means of safety. On the 17th of

April, 1775, he was one of the committee of five, in South Carolina,

that determined to have recourse to arms, and under whose direction the

royal magazine was entered, in defiance of the king’s officers, and its

contents put into the hands of the people for their defence.

On the 14th of June following, the provincial Congress of this state

appointed a council of safety, consisting of thirteen persons, of

whom Arthur Middleton was one. They were fully authorized to organize

a military force, and adopt such measures as they deemed necessary

to arrest the mad career of the royalists. Mr. Middleton was one of

its boldest and most decided members, and appears to have been much

chagrined at the temporizing spirit of some of his colleagues.

That he possessed a penetrating sagacity as well as a firm patriotism,

appears from the following circumstance.

During the session of the first provincial Congress of South Carolina,

the new governor, Lord William Campbell, fresh from his majesty,

arrived to enter upon the duties of reducing the rebellious subjects

to subordination. He was all mildness and did not pretend to justify

the oppressions of which the people complained. To prove his sincerity,

Captain Adam M’Donald, one of the council, was introduced to Lord

William as a tory from the upper country, who seemed anxious to have

some means devised to put down the rebels. The plan succeeded. The

governor desired him and his friends to remain quiet for the present,

as he expected troops in a short time that would put a quietus upon the

_new fangled_ authorities.

When the report of this interview was laid before the council, Mr.

Middleton, although nearly related to the governor by marriage, made a

motion to have him immediately arrested and confined. This measure was

too bold for his timid companions, a majority of whom voted against

it. Soon after, his excellency retired on board a British sloop of war

and did not venture to return until accompanied by Sir Henry Clinton

and Sir Peter Parker, who showed more bravery than judgment in their

unsuccessful attack on Fort Moultrie. In this engagement Sir William

was severely wounded, and Sir Peter had his silk breeches badly

mutilated by the unceremonious course of a rebel cannon ball.

On the 11th of February, 1776, Mr. Middleton was one of the committee

that drafted the first constitution of his native state. Soon after

this he was elected a member to the Continental Congress, taking a

conspicuous part in its deliberations. Bold in all his movements,

he advocated, and by his signature sanctioned the declaration of

independence, then called by many the death-warrant of the fifty-six,

but ultimately proving the warrant of LIBERTY, the morning star of

FREEDOM. Mr. Middleton was a man of few words in debate—these few

words were to the point, and gave him a substantial influence in every

legislative body of which he was a member. He stood at the head of the

delegation of his state. He possessed a strong mind, a clear head, and

a good heart. He exercised plain common sense, attending diligently

to the business of his constituents and his country. He was on the

most intimate terms with John Hancock and was by him highly esteemed.

He remained in Congress until the close of the session of 1777. The

following year he was elected governor of South Carolina, not knowing

that he was a candidate until his election was announced. The mode

was by secret ballot by the members of the assembly, who had not then

learned the art of intrigue and caucusing—merit was the only passport

to office—management and corruption dared not show their hydra heads.

For the same reasons that induced Governor Rutledge to resign a few

days previous, Mr. Middleton declined accepting the proffered honour.

These reasons were founded in objections to a new constitution, then

before the legislature for adoption, and which required the sanction of

the chief magistrate of the state before it could go into operation.

Mr. Rawlins Lowndes was then elected, who approved the new form of

government on the 19th of March, 1778. Political candour and honesty

were marked traits in the character of Arthur Middleton. No inducements

could swerve him from the path of rectitude. He weighed measures, men,

and things, in the unerring scales of reason and justice. He went

with no man when clearly wrong, he concurred with all whom he believed

right. Patriotism, pure and unalloyed, governed his every action.

Discretion, the helm of man’s frail bark, guided him in the path of

duty. Philanthropy and love of country pervaded his manly bosom. He

was sound at the core. His mind was pure and free as mountain air; his

purposes, noble, bold, and patriotic.

In 1779, when the British spread terror and destruction over South

Carolina, Mr. Middleton took the field with Governor Rutledge, and

cheerfully endured the privations of the camp. He was at Charleston

when General Provost attacked that place, and was found in the front

ranks acting with great coolness and courage. Knowing that the

plundering enemy would visit his plantation, he sent word to his lady

to remove out of danger, but took no means to remove his property,

which fell a sacrifice to the mercenary army. They did not burn but

rifled his house, and several large and valuable paintings that they

could not carry away they defaced in the most shameful manner.

At the surrender of Charleston in 1780, Mr. Middleton was among the

prisoners sent to St. Augustine, and endured the indignities there

practised upon the Americans with heroic fortitude. In July of the

following year he was included in the general exchange, and arrived

safe at Philadelphia. He was shortly after appointed a member of

Congress, and again assumed the important duties of legislation. Soon

after this, the last important act of the revolutionary tragedy was

performed at Yorktown, where the heroes of the revolutionary stage

and of our nation took a closing benefit at the expense of British

pride and kingly ambition. With the surrender of Lord Cornwallis the

last hope of the crown expired in all the agonies of mortification.

Had a spirit of retaliation predominated in the bosom of Washington,

awful would have been the doom of his barbarian, desolating foe. But

he possessed a noble soul that soared above revenge. He sunk his enemy

into the lowest depths of humiliation by kindness and generosity.

In 1782, Mr. Middleton was again elected to Congress, where he

continued until November, when he visited his family, from whom he

had long been separated. At the declaration of peace he declined a

seat in the national legislature, believing the interests of his own

state required his services at home. He was highly instrumental in

restoring order, harmony, and stability in the government of South

Carolina. He was several times a member of its legislature, and used

every exertion to advance its prosperity. During the intervals of his

public duties he spent his time in improving his desolated plantation,

the place of his birth, and of the tomb of his venerable ancestors.

He once more participated in the enjoyments of domestic felicity and

fondly anticipated years of happiness. But, alas! how uncertain are

all sublunary things. In the autumn of 1786, he was attacked with an

intermittent fever, which paved the way for disease that terminated

his life on the first of January, 1787, leaving a wife, two sons and

six daughters, to mourn their irreparable loss. By the public he

was deeply lamented. His memory was held in great veneration by his

contemporaries. He had a strong hold upon the affections of his fellow

citizens. Those who knew him _best_ esteemed him _most_. In his private

character he was a consolation to his friends, an ornament to society,

a consistent, honest, and virtuous man. His wife lived until 1814,

highly respected and beloved. The example of a good man is visible

philosophy; the memory of departed worth “lives undivided, operates

unspent.”

JAMES WILSON.

Among the strange freaks of human nature is that of inconsistency,

showing itself in as many shapes and forms as are exhibited by the

kaleidescope, but of a contrary character. One of its most odious

features is persecution, prompted by jealousy and promulgated by

slander and falsehood. Great and good men are often the victims of

unprincipled and designing partisans, who stop at nothing and stoop to

every thing calculated to accomplish their unholy desires. In recurring

to the eventful period of the American revolution, we would naturally

suppose that party spirit found no place in the bosoms of any of those

who advocated the principles of liberty; that all were united in the

common cause against the common enemy. This is the impression upon the

minds of many, perhaps all who are not familiar with the history of the

local politics of that period. But far otherwise was the fact. Many of

the best men of that trying time were scourged and lacerated, and their

noblest exertions for a time paralyzed by the reckless hand of party

spirit. No one, perhaps, suffered more from this source, and no one

gave less room for censure than JAMES WILSON.

He was born of respectable parents, residing near St. Andrews,

Scotland, in 1742. His father was a farmer, in moderate circumstances,

which he rendered still more limited by rushing into the whirlpool

of speculation, a propensity which unfortunately seems to have been

transmitted to his son. After receiving a good classical education,

having been a worthy student at St. Andrews, Edinburgh, and Glasgow,

James was finished under the master hand of Dr. Blair, in rhetoric,

and of Dr. Watts, in logic. Thus fitly prepared, he immigrated to

Philadelphia in 1766, with letters of high recommendation, and soon

obtained the situation of usher in the college of that city. His moral

worth, combined with fine talents and high literary attainments, gained

for him the esteem and marked respect of Dr. Richard Peters, Bishop

White, and many others of the first rank in society. Indeed, those who

knew him best admired him most.

He subsequently commenced the study of law under John Dickinson, Esq.

and when admitted to the practice, settled permanently at Carlisle, in

Pennsylvania, where he exhibited powers of mind surpassed by no one at

that bar, and equalled but by few in the province.

A powerful display of his legal knowledge and Ciceronean eloquence at

the trial of an important land cause between the Proprietaries and

Samuel Wallace, gained for him an early celebrity in his profession.

Mr. Chew, who was then attorney-general, is said to have fixed his

eyes upon him soon after he commenced his speech, and to have gazed at

him with admiring astonishment until he concluded. He was immediately

retained in another important land case, and from that time forward

he stood second to no one at the Pennsylvania bar. He removed from

Carlisle to Annapolis, in Maryland, where he remained a year, and then

removed to Philadelphia, where he obtained a lucrative practice.

Notwithstanding the liberal patronage of the public, his circumstances

frequently became embarrassed by unfortunate speculations, to which

he frequently became a victim. Amidst his severest adversities he

frequently sent remittances to his mother, in Scotland, his father

having died and left her poor. To the day of her death he manifested

an earnest and commendable solicitude for her comfort, and used every

means within his power to alleviate her wants and smooth her downward

path to the tomb.

With the commencement of British oppression the political career of Mr.

Wilson began. He freely spoke and ably wrote in favour of equal rights

and liberal principles. He was an early, zealous, and able advocate of

the American cause. Of a consistent and reflecting mind, he sometimes

censured the rashness of those who were less cool, which laid the

foundation for many unjust and malicious slanders against him, which,

in the dark fog of party spirit, several times enabled his enemies to

obtain a momentary triumph over him, but which were always fully and

satisfactorily confuted.

In 1774, a short time previous to the meeting of the Continental

Congress, the provincial convention of Pennsylvania convened to concert

plans for the redress of wrongs imposed by the mother country, of

which Mr. Wilson was a bold and efficient member. So conspicuous were

his talents and so pure his patriotism, that he was nominated by the

same convention one of the delegates to the national assembly. His

appointment was opposed by Mr. Galloway, who had long been his bitter

enemy; but on the sixth of May, 1775, he was appointed a member of that

august body. At the commencement of hostilities he was honoured with

the commission of colonel, and was one of the commissioners to treat

with the Indians. He was continued a member of Congress until 1777,

when his enemies again succeeded in their machinations against him.

On the 4th of July, 1776, Mr. Wilson, with a bold and fearless hand,

guided by love of country and motives pure as heaven, gave his vote

in favour of independence, and subscribed his name to that matchless

instrument which records the birth of our nation and liberty. That act

alone was sufficient to confute the base slanders circulated against

him, in the minds of all whose eyes were not covered by the baneful and

deceptive film of party spirit. At the shrine of this dread Moloch,

our country’s glory has been too often sacrificed. No purity of heart,

no brilliancy of talent, no pre-eminence of worth, can save a man from

the vile attacks of party spirit. Even Washington, the father of his

country, often writhed under its withering lash. Some men seem born

_demagogues_, and live under the influence of Gog and Magog during

their whole lives.

As a member of the Continental Congress, Mr. Wilson acted well his

part, and was esteemed as one of its most active and useful delegates.

Coolness and consistency, marked characteristics of the Scotch nation,

were the crimes of Mr. Wilson, on which his enemies based an accusation

that he was not a pure patriot, and that he opposed the declaration of

independence. But those who knew him well soon convinced the people of

the falsity of the slander, and the character of this great and good

man shone with renewed brightness.

On the twelfth of November, 1782, he was again elected to the national

legislature, and the same year was appointed one of the counsellors and

agents of Pennsylvania to attend the court of commissioners at Trenton,

to which was referred the final determination of the protracted

controversy between Connecticut and the Commonwealth relative to

certain lands claimed by the latter within the limits of the former,

situated in Wyoming valley.

The luminous and unanswerable arguments of Mr. Wilson, which lasted for

several days, contributed, in no small degree, to influence that court

to determine in favour of Pennsylvania, and put at rest for ever an

angry litigation of years.

During the interim in which he was not a member of Congress he held

the office of Advocate General for the French nation, which led him to

the close investigation of national and maritime law. At the close of

his services, the French king rewarded him with ten thousand livres.

He was at the same time a director of the bank of North America, and

had the full confidence of Robert Morris as a safe and able adviser in

financial matters.

As an active, clear headed, and discreet member of the most important

committees, Mr. Wilson stood in the front rank. He weighed every

subject with a mathematical judgment, and traced all its bearings with

the compass of wisdom.

He arrived at the desired goal with less parade but with more

certainty than many others, whose zeal was more impetuous but not more

pure than his. He sought more to bestow lasting benefits upon his

bleeding country than to excite the huzzas and gaze of the multitude.

Substantial usefulness is not always found in the foaming froth of

popularity. It lives and is admired long after that transient vapour

has disappeared and left its subject to repose in the peaceful

shades of oblivion. Those who become inflated and rise by the power

of party, vain pride and flattery, may soar aloft in the political

atmosphere, followed by the eyes of thousands, but rely upon it, in

a large majority of instances, their every action is dependent upon

these subtile gases, and they will ultimately prove to be a mere bag

of wind. Modest worth avoids etherial excursions; the terra firma of

deep thought, calm reflection, and sound discretion, constitute its

most congenial clime. It consents to launch into the revolving vortex

of party with great reluctance, and nothing but a sense of duty to his

country and fellow citizens, can induce a man of genuine merit to enter

the vexatious arena of politics. How many such men are now in public

stations, guarding the rights and directing the destiny of our nation,

is a subject worthy of anxious and careful inquiry. If the people are

not true to themselves, demagogues may easily ride into office who

_will not_ be true to them.

Mr. Wilson was one of the most useful members of the convention that

formed our national constitution. He warmly opposed the appointment

of delegates to Congress by the legislatures of the several states,

and was powerfully instrumental in placing their election in the

hands of the people. He was one of the committee which framed that

important document, as first reported to the delegates. When this

model of wisdom received its finishing stroke, Mr. Wilson warmly

advocated its adoption. He was the only member from Pennsylvania of

the national convention that framed the constitution who had a seat in

the convention of that state convened to consider its provisions. His

closing remarks in favour of its acceptance are worthy the attention of

this enlightened age. They manifest a thorough acquaintance with human

nature and with the circumstances that prompted many to dissent from

its ratification.

“It is neither unexpected nor extraordinary, that the constitution

offered to your consideration should meet with opposition. It is the

nature of man to pursue his own interest in preference to the public

good; and I do not mean to make any personal reflection when I add,

that it is the interest of a very numerous, powerful, and respectable

body, to counteract and destroy the excellent work produced by the late

convention. All the officers of government and all the appointments for

the administration of justice and the collection of the public revenue

which are transferred from the individual to the aggregate sovereignty

of the states, will necessarily turn the influence and emolument into a

new channel. Every person, therefore, who either enjoys or expects to

enjoy a place of profit under the present establishment, will object to

the proposed innovation;—not in truth, because it is injurious to the

liberties of his country, but because it affects his schemes of wealth

and consequence. I will confess, indeed, that I am not a blind admirer

of this plan of government, and that there are some parts of it which,

if my wish had prevailed, would certainly have been altered. But when I

reflect how widely men differ in their opinions, and that every man—and

the observation applies likewise to every state—has an equal pretension

to assert his own, I am satisfied that any thing nearer to perfection

could not have been accomplished. If there are errors, it should be

remembered that the seeds of reformation are sown in the work itself,

and the concurrence of two-thirds of the Congress may, at any time,

introduce alterations and amendments. Regarding it, then, in every

point of view, with a candid, disinterested mind, I am bold to assert,

that IT IS THE BEST FORM OF GOVERNMENT WHICH HAS EVER BEEN OFFERED TO

THE WORLD.”

Mr. Wilson was also a member of the convention to alter the

constitution of Pennsylvania, where he acted a very conspicuous part

in defending the elective franchise, as belonging exclusively to the

sovereign people. The last vestige of aristocracy trembled beneath his

powerful eloquence, and the last whisper of slander against his pure,

unsophisticated democracy, was forever silenced and hushed.

The boldest features of liberal principles in the old revised

constitution of Pennsylvania were penned by James Wilson; and, could

_his_ views have been fully incorporated in that instrument, I doubt

much if a convention would ever have been called for its revision.

That the talents and integrity of Mr. Wilson were held in high

estimation by Washington, appears from the fact, that he was appointed

one of the first Judges of the Supreme Court of the United States,

in which office he continued until his death, discharging its duties

with great ability, integrity, and justice. His manner was dignified,

urbane, and pleasing.

In 1790, he was appointed the first professor in the law college of

Philadelphia, and the following year, when the college and university

of Pennsylvania were united, he was called to fill the chair. In 1791,

he was appointed by the legislature of that state to revise its laws,

but a disagreement of the two houses relative to the disbursements

necessary to prosecute the work, frustrated the plan. As a learned and

eloquent lawyer, he stood at the head of the Philadelphia bar. He was

honoured with the degree of LL.D. and, during the first year of his

professorship, delivered a course of lectures to the students. Towards

them he was reserved and distant, another marked characteristic of the

Scotch literati. His writings were vigorous and logical, and did much

to disseminate just conceptions of a republican form of government.

As early as 1774, he wrote an essay, portraying, in language bold and

strong, the assumptions of the British parliament not warranted by

their constitution, and painted, in fascinating colours, the blessings

arising from a republican form of government and the enjoyment of equal

rights. To a person unacquainted with the bitterness of party feeling,

it must seem mysterious that any one could have been found so base as

to accuse him of being an aristocrat. A purer patriot and an abler

advocate for the cause of freedom did not exist among the statesmen

and sages of ’76. He several times passed through the ordeal of severe

and relentless persecution, but truth-telling time, in every instance,

forced his enemies to retrace their steps, covered with shame and

disgrace.

The private character of this truly great man was, in all respects,

amiable and untarnished. It always stood beyond the reach of slander,

a pure, unsullied sheet. As a friend, he was warm-hearted and

benevolent; as a husband, kind and affectionate; as a father, discreet

and exemplary; consistently indulgent, and faithful in imparting that

instruction and advice to his children calculated to prepare them for

future usefulness and respect.

In 1798, on the 28th of August, this venerable sage, eminent lawyer,

able statesman, and profound judge, took his exit “to that country from

whose bourne no traveller returns,” in the fifty-sixth year of his

age. He died whilst on his circuit, of stranguary, in the hospitable

mansion of his colleague, Judge Iredell, in Edenton, North Carolina,

where his ashes rest in peace beneath the clods of the valley.

In reviewing the life of this worthy man, no one can doubt his

patriotism and purity. No one can doubt his devotedness to the American

cause and his firm and uniform opposition to British oppression.

Influenced, as he was, by the noblest motives; guided, as he was, by

liberal principles, it is painful to reflect, that he was often wounded

in the house of his professed friends, and placed under the castigating

lash of persecution by those who had sworn to support the same cause he

so ardently and ably espoused. The solution of the problem may be found

in the present state of things, without travelling back to that time,

of all others, when party should have hidden its hydra head.

At the present day, the dark intrigues of party are proverbial.

Low cunning is practised by men in the same ranks, to over-reach

an approaching rival, and all the machinery of slander put in

requisition to destroy him. Is he a man of superior talents and

worth? Means proportionably base must be resorted to, in order to

insure his destruction and drive him from the course. Disgusted at

such corruption, the very men best calculated to advance our dearest

interests and add new lustre to our national glory, are those who most

dread the political arena and shrink from the public gaze. How small a

proportion of such men as James Wilson, Benjamin Franklin, and others

of the same stamina, are now to be found in our legislative halls. We

pay large sums of money every year for _party_ legislation, and but a

small proportion of business is accomplished, calculated to benefit our

country. Let the people, the YEOMANRY, awake to this subject, and no

longer be led blindfold towards the vortex of destruction. Unless we

are true to ourselves, we need not expect purity in our legislators.

The genuine salt grows less and less as time advances, and a dangerous

carelessness is annually manifested in selecting men of proper industry

and purity of moral and republican principles to transact our public

business. Some of them are victims of the artful and designing, or are

mere partisans, legislating for themselves and their immediate friends

more than for the advancement of public good and national glory. These

are facts that are self-evident to every reflecting, observing man,

facts that demand our serious attention and timely correction, before

the unholy leaven extends its baneful influence so far as to destroy

our beautiful fabric of LIBERTY, and prostrate, at one bold stroke, the

hopes of FREEMEN.

CHARLES CARROLL, OF CARROLLTON.

The fond and faithful parents who have guided to manhood a family of

sons whose every action is a source of pleasure and delight, who walk

in wisdom’s ways, who prove themselves to be bold, generous, brave,

virtuous, and patriotic; whose lives shed new lustre upon the world,

and whose achievements, on the battle field or in the senate chamber,

place them on the loftiest, proudest pinnacle fame can rear, enjoy a

rich, a heavenly consolation, pure as the etherial skies and cheering

as the zephyrs of spring. More especially do their souls become

enraptured with gratitude, if these, their sons, deliver them from the

iron grasp of a merciless tyrant, disenthral them from the chains of

slavery, and make them free and independent.

All this was done for our country by her valiant sons, who graced the

memorable era of ’76. Like a meteor bursting from the clouds amidst

the gloom of midnight darkness, they illuminated the world with glory,

raised the star spangled banner, and planted the tree of LIBERTY deep

in the soil of FREEDOM. Sages and heroes of the American revolution!

noble sons of Columbia’s new world! your names will be held in grateful

remembrance through the rolling ages of time, and millions yet unborn

will rehearse your brilliant achievements and triumphant victories,

with admiration and praise.

Among the sons of noble daring who stood forth the champions of their

injured and bleeding country, was CHARLES CARROLL, of Carrollton, in

the state of Maryland.

This good man, accomplished gentleman, finished scholar, and bold

patriot, was born at Annapolis, on the 20th of September, 1737. He

was the grandson of Charles Carroll, son of Daniel Carroll, of King’s

county, Ireland, the former of whom immigrated to Maryland about 1686,

and located at Carrollton. The elder Carrolls were always found in the

foremost rank of those who espoused the cause of liberal principles,

and taught their sons to go and do likewise. Nor did the seed sown by

them fall on a barren soil. Imitating the examples and obeying the

precepts of his patriotic sire, young Charles proved himself worthy of

the high source from whence he sprang. At the early age of eight years,

his embryo talents shone so conspicuously that his father determined

on giving them an opportunity to bud, blossom, and expand, amidst the

literary bowers, and under the cultivation of a master’s hand in Europe.

He was accordingly sent to France, where his advantages of acquiring an

education were far superior to those then enjoyed in any of the infant

seminaries of the colonies in America. His unremitting application

to his studies and urbanity of manners, obtained for him a finished

education and the esteem of his teachers and classmates. At the age of

twenty, he entered upon the study of law in London, where he ripened

into manhood, and returned to his native state in 1764, with a rich

and enduring fund of useful knowledge, prepared to act well his part

through future life.

The subject of American oppression by the British ministry was

freely discussed in England during his stay, and had prepared his

mind for the exciting crisis that awaited the colonies. In Charles

Carroll, of Carrollton, the friends of freedom and equal rights

found an unflinching and able advocate, and the enemies of liberty

an uncompromising but manly opposer. He possessed a clear head, a

good heart, and a discriminating mind. In action, he was cool and

deliberate, firm and decisive. As a lawyer, he was learned, lucid,

and logical; as a statesman, bold, discreet, and industrious; as a

patriot, pure, disinterested, and zealous; as a Christian, devoted,

exemplary, and consistent; and as a gentleman, urbane, accomplished,

and courteous. His talent for writing was also of a high order. This

was fully developed in 1772, in a controversy between the people and

the king’s governor, who had issued a proclamation derogatory to their

inalienable rights. In a series of communications published in the

public papers, Mr. Carroll boldly, ably, and triumphantly espoused

the people’s cause, answering conclusively and confuting completely

the combined arguments of the governor’s cabinet in favour of the

pretensions of their master. So fully were the people convinced by the

essays of Mr. Carroll that they were clearly right, that they hung

the proclamation upon a gallows, and bid defiance to the minions of

despotism. Before it was known who was the writer, the citizens of

Annapolis instructed their representatives to record a vote of thanks

to the author, and when they subsequently ascertained that Mr. Carroll

was the champion who had bearded the British lion, they repaired in a

body to his house, and made the welkin ring with heartfelt thanks and

plaudits of praise.

From that time forward he became a prominent leader of the liberal

party, an espouser of American rights, and a stern opposer of

parliamentary wrongs. His benign influence radiated its genial rays

upon the hearts, and confirmed the wavering minds of many in the

glorious cause of liberty. He went for his country and his whole

country. He portrayed, in bold and glowing colours, the oppressions

of the king, the corruptions and designs of his ministers, and the

humiliating consequences of tame submission to their arbitrary demands.

He was among the first to kindle the flame of patriotic resistance, and

light the torch of independence. He was among the first to sanction the

declaration of rights, and the last of that noble band of patriots who

signed this sacred instrument, that bid it a long, a final farewell,

and took his exit to “that country where the wicked cease from

troubling and the weary are at rest.”

On the 18th of July, 1776, he was elected to the convention of

Maryland, and on the 2nd of August following, took his seat in the

Continental Congress, and affixed his name to the chart of liberty.

His talents and zeal were highly appreciated by the members of that

august body. He had previously endeared himself to them by a voluntary

mission to Canada, in conjunction with the Rev. John Carroll, Benjamin

Franklin, and Samuel Chase. The object of this mission was to persuade

the people of Canada to unite with the colonies in bursting the chains

of slavery, and throw off the yoke of bondage that had been forced upon

them by the mother country. The Messrs. Carrolls being of the Roman

Catholic faith, then most prevalent among the Canadians, and the other

two gentlemen entertaining that universal charity for others, that, if

exercised at the present day, would crumble to dust the sectarian walls

of partition that are now the greatest barriers against the advancement

of the Redeemer’s kingdom, it was fondly hoped that their influence

might induce the people of that country to join against the common

enemy. The defeat and death of Montgomery, and the dark prospects of

future success, caused them to determine on a contrary course. The

consequences of that course are at this time developing themselves most

fearfully, amidst the dying groans and streaming blood of the oppressed

citizens of Canada.

On his return from this mission, Mr. Carroll found, to his great

surprise, that the delegates from Maryland then in Congress, had

been instructed to vote against the declaration of independence. He

immediately repaired to the convention, and, by his eloquence and

cogent reasoning, convinced the members of their error, who immediately

rescinded the former and gave contrary instructions.

Although an active and efficient member of Congress, Mr. Carroll

occasionally returned to Maryland, and aided in the formation of its

constitution and laws. In 1778, he left the national legislature, and,

for several years, was a member of the senate of Maryland. From 1788 to

1791, he was a member of the United States’ senate, when his services

were again demanded by his native state, where he served as a senator

until 1801, when he retired from the great theatre of public action,

where he had acted a conspicuous and glorious part, that stamped

his name with unfading glory, his memory with lasting gratitude and

enduring fame.

In private life, Mr. Carroll lost none of the laurels that decked his

brow when in the service of his beloved country. Of an amiable and

kind disposition, he was highly esteemed by his friends and respected

by all. Temperate in all things his course was consistent, charitable,

and systematic. He was an exemplary Christian, and was ever opposed

to a spirit of persecution by one sect against another for opinion’s

sake. He was among the few who reason correctly and act wisely upon

this important subject. It is a fact, unknown perhaps to many, and

admitted by fewer still, that the Roman Catholics of Maryland were

the first who proposed and passed into a law religious toleration in

America. [See laws of the general assembly of that state, 1647.] It is

also a fact which is equally true, that the Protestants were the first

who introduced proscription, and obtained an order from Charles II.,

after his restoration in 1661, to disfranchise all Roman Catholics from

holding any office, taking the loaves and fishes exclusively into their

own keeping, in violation of the charter granted to Lord Baltimore by

Charles I., and in violation of reason, common sense, and the laws of

God. Sectarianism is not religion, nor a child of heaven.

The Protestants having become the bride of state, and having the power

in their own hands, carried on their principles of proscription under

the authority of William III. The Roman Catholics were taxed to support

the religion of their oppressors, and by an act passed in 1704, the

celebration of mass or the instruction of youth by a Catholic, insured

him a transportation to England.

During the excitements produced by this unhallowed connection of church

and state, which several times resulted in bloodshed, the Carrolls used

their best exertions to produce a reconciliation between the parties.

This was never fully effected until the revolution compelled all

persuasions to unite in the common cause against the common enemy.

For thirty years Mr. Carroll enjoyed the cheering comforts of “sweet

home,” and survived to hear the funeral knell of all the other signers

of the Declaration of Independence.

He enjoyed the rich reward of seeing the fruits of his labour, in

conjunction with his compatriots of the revolution, prospering under

the direction of an all wise Providence and a free and independent

people. He beheld, with increased delight, the onward march of his

favoured country, to which he had contributed largely in giving it a

name and character among the nations of the earth, at once admired and

respected.

He beheld, with increasing gratitude to Heaven, the asylum he had

aided in preparing for those whom the oppression of kings and tyrants

drive from their native shores. As one of the signers of the chart of

freemen, he stood alone, like a majestic oak that has long withstood

the raging tempest, calmly awaiting the time when he should be riven

and gathered to his fathers. Already had his mind ascended the golden

chain of faith, reaching from earth to Heaven: already had the world

lost its former charms; already had his mind become fixed on scenes

of future and purer bliss; already had he reached out his hand to

receive a crown of immortal glory; already had he anticipated the

joyful welcome he should receive from his Lord and Master; when, on the

14th of November, 1832, his spirit was summoned from its trembling,

tottering tenement of clay to realms of joy beyond the skies. Calm

and resigned he entered Jordan’s flood; angels escorted his soul to

Immanuel’s happy shores, whilst his grateful country mourned _deeply_

and felt _strongly_ the loss of one of her noblest sons and purest

patriots.

In the life of Charles Carroll, we have an example worthy the

imitation of youth, of manhood, of old age; of the lawyer, the

statesman, the patriot and the Christian. His career was guided by

virtue and prudence; his every action marked with honesty, frankness,

and integrity; richly meriting, and freely receiving the esteem and

veneration of a nation of FREEMEN.

WILLIAM WILLIAMS.

Great designs require the deep consideration of strong and

investigating minds. Great events open a wide field for virtue and

fame, and bring to view powers of intellect, that, under ordinary

circumstances, would never unfold their beauties to mortal eyes. Hence

the brilliancy of talent that illuminated the glorious era of the

American revolution. Many who became eminent statesmen and renowned

heroes during that memorable struggle, in times of peace, would have

remained within the sphere of their particular occupations—lived

retired from the public gaze, and died without a full developement of

their mental powers. That many of the sages of that eventful period

were men of unusual talents and acquirements, I freely admit; that the

momentous transactions that engaged their attention served to add a

more vivid lustre to their names than the common routine of life would

have given them, is equally true. The perils that encompassed them,

the dangers that threatened them, the dark clouds that hung over them,

the noble patriotism that influenced them, and the mighty work they

conceived, planned, and consummated, all combined to shed a sacred halo

around them.

Among those whose natural desires did not lead them into the public

arena, was WILLIAM WILLIAMS, the son of the Rev. Solomon Williams,

D. D. He was a native of the town of Lebanon, Windham county,

Connecticut, and was born on the 8th of April, 1731. His paternal

ancestors were Welsh, one of whom immigrated from Wales in 1630. They

were remarkable for piety and a love of liberty. His father was the

highly esteemed and able pastor of the first congregational church in

Lebanon, during the long period of fifty-six years. Deeply impressed

with the importance of storing the youthful mind with a good education,

virtuous principles, and moral truth, he spared no pains in furnishing

his sons and daughters with the means of exploring the fields of

science. His own mind imbued with liberal principles and expansive

views, his children naturally imbibed the same feelings. His own

soul enraptured with the beauties of genuine and practical piety, he

desired and had the happiness to see his offspring, one after another,

consecrate themselves to the Lord of glory by a public profession

of the Christian faith. At an early age William Williams became a

member of the church over which his father presided, and adorned

his profession through life. After he had completed his preparatory

studies, he entered Harvard College and graduated in 1751. He sustained

a high reputation for correct deportment, untiring industry, and

scholastic lore. His father then directed his theological studies in

order that he might be prepared, if so inclined, to enter the sacred

desk. His talents were of a variegated character, combining a taste for

the classics, mechanics, architecture, mathematics and general science.

Feeling an inclination to travel beyond the confines of his juvenile

perambulations, in 1755 he accepted a commission in the staff of

Colonel Ephraim Williams, a kinsman of his, and founder of the college

of that name at Williamstown, Massachusetts. A detachment, put under

the command of Colonel Williams, consisting of eleven hundred men,

was sent by Sir William Johnson, who commanded the English troops, to

reconnoitre the army under Baron Dieskau, composed of a large body of

French and Indians. After proceeding about four miles, Colonel Williams

was attacked by a superior force lying in ambuscade. He commenced a

spirited defence, but fell in the early part of the action, bravely

fighting for the mother country. The detachment then fell back upon the

main body in good order, which advanced and repulsed the enemy.

The French war, in which the colonies were not interested, the

acquirements of which are still held by Great Britain, cost much

American blood and treasure. The pilgrim fathers were long treated

and used as mere vassals of the English crown. During that campaign,

William Williams became disgusted with the hauteur of the British

officers and with the manner they treated native Americans, who were by

far the most efficient in conducting the Indian mode of warfare. Being

ardent in his feelings and of a warm temperament, he resolved never

again to submit to their indignities, and returned home and commenced

the mercantile business.

Soon after, he was elected town clerk, a member of the assembly, and

appointed a justice of the peace. These were not solicited honours, but

awarded to him by his fellow citizens as the reward of merit. Similar

demonstrations of confidence were continued to him for more than fifty

years. For a long time he was either clerk or speaker of the house of

representatives in his native state, in which he served nearly one

hundred sessions.

When the revolutionary storm began to darken the horizon of public

tranquillity, Mr. Williams freely confronted its raging fury. He was

an able debater, an eloquent speaker, and a bold advocate of his

country’s rights. Extensively and favourably known, his influence had a

wide range. When the tocsin of war was finally sounded, he closed his

mercantile concerns and devoted his whole time to the glorious cause

of equal rights and rational liberty. His learning, piety, experience

in public affairs, honesty of purpose, and energy of action, combined

to give great weight to his character. He was an active member of the

council of safety, and on the second Thursday in October, 1775, was

appointed a representative of the Continental Congress. He entered

zealously into the deliberations of that revered body, and became

prominent and useful. He was ever ready to go as far as any one in

promoting the liberation of his bleeding country from the serpentine

coils of oppressive tyranny. He was in favour of bold and vigorous

measures, and advocated the declaration of rights from its incipient

conception to its final adoption. He was instrumental in removing the

timidity and wavering doubts of many, whose motives and desires were as

pure, but whose moral courage was less than his. Whenever he rose in

debate he was listened to with profound attention. He possessed a fine

figure of the middle size, dark hair, piercing black eyes, an aqueline

nose, an open and ingenuous countenance, and a stentorian voice,

combined with a clear head, a Roman heart, a sound judgment, an acute

perception, and a logical mind. He was well versed in the principles of

international law, the different forms of government and the duties of

legislation.

He was re-elected to Congress the two succeeding years, and when the

final vote upon the charter of our rights was taken, the voice of

William Williams responded a thundering—“AYE”—that told his boldness

and his zeal. That vote stands confirmed by his signature upon the

record of immortal fame, a proud memento of his unalloyed patriotism, a

conclusive proof of his moral firmness.

He was free from an aspiring ambition based on self and nurtured

by intrigue. From the pure fountain of an honest heart his motives

emanated; to promote the glory of his country was his anxious desire.

Upon the altar of liberty he was willing to sacrifice his property and

his life; in vindicating the cause of freedom he was willing to spend

his latest breath. Honesty of purpose, self-devotion, and persevering

action were among his marked characteristics. To rouse his countrymen

to a sense of danger, and to induce them to enlist in the common cause

against the common enemy, he used every honourable exertion.

Just before Congress was compelled to fly before the victorious foe

from Philadelphia, Mr. Williams, at the risk of being captured himself,

rescued his colleague, Colonel Dyer, from the fangs of the British, who

had planned and were on the point of effecting his arrest. They both

made a hair-breadth escape.

When the government treasury was drained of its last hard dollar, this

patriot threw in what he termed his “mite” of specie, amounting to more

than two thousand dollars, and took continental money in return, which

soon died in his hands. In the cause of equal rights his property was

nearly all expended, and he gloried in being able to add to his mental

aid a portion of “the sinews of power.”

For forty years he was a judge of probate, a select-man of his native

town during the war, commissioner of the public school fund, and held

almost every office within the gift of his constituents, discharging

the duties of all with so much industry, ability and integrity,

that slander found no crevice in his uninterrupted and unblemished

reputation for the smallest entering wedge, by which to impugn his

private or public character. He was remarkably active and fortunate

in obtaining private donations of necessaries to supply the army. He

went from house to house among his friends, obtaining small parcels of

any and every article that would alleviate the wants of the destitute

soldiers. He forwarded to them at different times more than a thousand

blankets. During the winter of 1781, he gave up his own house for the

accommodation of the officers of the legion under Colonel Laurens, and

used every effort to render them comfortable. His industry was equal

to his patriotism, seldom retiring until after twelve at night, and

rising at early dawn.

He was a member of the convention of his state when the federal

constitution was adopted, and was a warm advocate for that instrument.

He was never permitted to enjoy full retirement from public service

until disabled by disease, which terminated his useful career on the

2nd of August, 1811. He had lived the life of a good man, his last end

was peaceful, calm and happy. During his last years he was considerably

deaf, and spent much time in Christian devotion. But few men have

served their country as much, and no one more faithfully than did

WILLIAM WILLIAMS.

SAMUEL HUNTINGTON.

No quality of the human mind sheds over it more lustre than

consistency. “Be consistent,” was a Roman motto, and once a Roman

virtue that influenced the hearts and actions of its republican sages,

heroes, and literati. Consistency is one of the brightest jewels in the

escutcheon of a name. It is the crowning glory of meritorious fame, and

implies a course of life that ennobles and dignifies man. It is based

upon true wisdom and sound discretion, the pilot and helm of the bark

of life in navigating the ocean of time. Without it, the buffetings of

chaos, the sand-bars of folly, and the rocks of disaster, cannot be

avoided. Without it, the brightness of other talents and attainments

of a high order are often eclipsed by the clouds of error and obscured

by the mists of ridicule. With it, mediocrity shines and enables the

plough-boy of the field to reach the pinnacle of substantial and

enduring fame, when his classic friend who has no share in consistency,

but is in all other respects his superior, sinks into oblivion.

It is a propensity susceptible of cultivation, and where its

developements are small in youth, parents and instructors should

nurture it with great attention and peculiar care. It is of more

importance than classic lore and the most powerful elocution. Dr. Young

has truly said, “With the talents of an angel a man may be a fool.”

The sages of the American revolution were remarkable for consistency.

Many of them rose from the humble walks of life by the force of their

own exertions, guided by this darling attribute, and became eminently

useful in the cause of liberty.

Among this class the name of SAMUEL HUNTINGTON stands conspicuous. He

was a native of Windham, Connecticut, born on the 2nd of July, 1732.

His father, Nathaniel Huntington, was a plain honest farmer, and gave

this son only a common English education. Three of his brothers enjoyed

the advantages of Yale College and became gospel ministers, all of them

adorning their profession, and one of them, Joseph, becoming an eminent

divine and an able writer. Their pious mother was the happy instrument

that led them to the pure font of religion, and had the happiness to

see her numerous offspring all walking hand in hand in the ways of

wisdom and virtue. Samuel followed the plough until he was twenty-two

years of age. He was of middle stature, dark complexion, keen eyes,

countenance expressive, with a deportment that commanded respect, love

and esteem. He was remarkable for industry and integrity, and from

his early youth had been a close observer of men and things, and an

attentive reader. His native talents were strong and of a grave cast,

his judgment was clear and his reflections deep. From his childhood to

his grave he was remarkable for consistency in all things. This was his

strong forte, and exalted him to a lofty eminence. In his twenty-third

year he commenced reading law at his father’s domicile, from books

loaned to him by Zedediah Elderkin, Esq. a member of the Norwich bar.

Like Roger Sherman, he soon mastered the elementary principles of

that intricate science, was admitted to the practical honours of the

profession, and immediately opened an office in his native town. His

reputation as an honest man, possessing a clear head and a good heart,

already rested on a firm basis. His fame as an able advocate and safe

counsellor, soon added new grace to this superstructure. He was not

celebrated for Ciceronean powers; he imitated more closely Socrates

and Solon. His manner was plain and unvarnished, but marked by that

deep sincerity and candour that seldom fail to impress the minds of a

court and jury favourably, and often foil the most brilliant and happy

displays of Demosthenean eloquence. To his other strong qualities he

added punctuality, which is the very life of business. He soon obtained

a lucrative practice and the confidence of the community. In 1760,

he removed to Norwich, where a wider field was open before him; and

two years after, he emerged from the lonely regions of celibacy with

Martha, the accomplished daughter of Ebenezer Devotion, and entered

the delightful bowers of matrimony, thus giving him an importance in

society that, single blessedness never confers. The choice he made was

consistent; his partner proved to be an amiable companion, uniting the

accomplishments of a lady and the piety of a Christian, with laudable

industry and strict economy. “Marriage, with peace, is this world’s

paradise.”

The professional fame of Mr. Huntington continued to rise and expand,

and when the all-important subject of American rights and British

wrongs was agitated, he exerted his extensive influence and noblest

powers in favour of the cause of equal rights. In 1764, he was elected

to the general assembly, and the next year was appointed king’s

attorney, the duties of which office he continued to ably discharge

until the pestiferous atmosphere of monarchial oppression drove him

from under the dark mantle of a corrupt and impolitic ministry. He was

appointed to the bench of the Superior Court in 1774, and the next

year a member of the council of his native state. In October, 1775,

he had the honour of being associated with the patriots and sages of

the Continental Congress then assembled at Philadelphia, of which body

he became a prominent and useful member. In January following he

again took his seat in that venerable assembly, and advocated boldly,

fearlessly, and with undisguised sincerity, the necessity of severing,

at one gigantic stroke, the cords that bound the colonies to England.

The solemnity of his manners, the deep tone of his reasoning, the lucid

demonstration of his propositions, and the purity of his patriotism,

were well calculated to carry conviction to the heart and impart

confidence to the wavering and timid. He was present on the memorable

4th of July, 1776, at the birth of our independence, and became a

subscribing witness to the imposing solemnities of that eventful day.

He was continued a member of Congress until 1781, when ill health

compelled him to retire, for a season, from the halls of legislation.

He was a man of great industry, clearness of perception, honesty of

purpose, and profound research; united with an extensive practical

knowledge of human nature, general business, and political economy,

which rendered him worthy of unlimited confidence and gave him a

place on the most important committees. So highly was Mr. Huntington

esteemed, that on the resignation of Mr. Jay, in 1779, who was

appointed minister to Europe, he was elected president of Congress,

the duties of which high and dignified station he discharged with so

much consistency and ability, that on his final resignation in July

1781, that august body passed and communicated to him a vote of thanks

for the able manner he had filled the chair and promoted the execution

of public business. So anxious were the members that he should resume

his seat, that they waited considerable time before they supplied the

vacancy permanently, hoping that his health might be restored and

enable him to return. During this interim of his congressional career,

when he was able, he served his own state on the bench and in her

council. In 1783, he resumed his seat in the national legislature,

during which year he closed his services in that body and declined a

re-election. He had aided in completing the mighty work of national

freedom; the star spangled banner was floating in the breeze of

liberty; his country had triumphed over a merciless foe; her political

regeneration had been consummated; America was disenthralled; he then

desired retirement from the arena of public life. His rest was of brief

duration. In 1784, he was appointed chief justice of his native state;

the ensuing year, lieutenant-governor; and the year following that, he

was elected governor of Connecticut, which responsible and important

office he filled until the 5th day of January, 1796, when he sunk under

a complication of diseases, and closed his eyes in death. He died

the death of a righteous man, having long adorned the profession of

religion by a life of consistent and exemplary piety.

In the life of this good and useful patriot, we find much to admire

and nothing to condemn. His superior virtues and uniform consistency

eclipsed every frailty of his nature. In the performance of all the

duties of public and private life, he was a model worthy of the highest

praise and of the closest imitation. From the plough in the field,

through his bright career to the presidential chair in Congress, and

from thence to the chief magistracy of his native state, so great

were his consistency, wisdom, prudence, discretion, and even-handed

justice, that envy, malice, and slander, shrunk from the torpedo

touch of his moral purity. As a lawyer, a judge, a statesman, and a

chief magistrate, he stood admired, approved, and honoured. He was a

stranger to pomp and show; republican in his manners as well as in his

principles; temperate and frugal in his habits; scrupulously honest in

the discharge of every duty; calm and deliberate in all his actions;

urbane and affable in his intercourse with mankind; completely master

of all his passions; systematic and punctual in private and public

business; emphatically a son of consistency, liberty, order, and law.

His fame is based upon substantial merit; his name is surrounded by a

sacred halo that renders it dear to every freeman; his examples will

shed a salutary influence over the mind of every reader capable of

receiving the congenial impression of angelic consistency.

GEORGE WALTON.

Knowledge is the treasure of the mind; virtue is the parent of earthly

happiness. In this enlightened age and in our free country, ignorance

is a voluntary misfortune arising from idleness, the parent of want,

vice, and shame. Under the benevolent arrangements of the present

day, every child, youth, woman and man can have access to books, and

generally to schools. At no era of the world has the mantle of science

been so widely spread as at this time. All who will may drink at the

pure fountain of intelligence, and go on their way rejoicing in light.

By a proper improvement of time, the apprentice of the workshop may lay

in a stock of useful information that will enable him, when he arrives

at manhood, to take a respectable stand by the side of those who have

been illumined with the full blaze of a collegiate education. In his

own hands are the materials of future fame, oblivial obscurity, or

shameless infamy. He is the architect of his own fortune, and will rise

in the scale of being just in proportion with his mental exertions.

Youth of America, if you desire to remain free, store your minds with

knowledge. Several bright examples have already been spread before the

reader, in this review of the lives of the signers of the declaration,

of men who raised themselves by the force of their own powers and

industry to the loftiest pinnacle of enduring fame.

In tracing the career of GEORGE WALTON, another instance of the same

kind is presented. He was a native of Frederic county, Virginia,

born in 1740. Without any school education he was apprenticed to a

morose carpenter at an early age, who was so penurious as to deny him

a candle to read by, after having faithfully performed his task of

labour. So great was his desire to become familiar with books, that he

would collect pine knots, which afforded him the only light for the

prosecution of his studies during his boyhood and youth. He served out

his time in strict accordance with his indentures, and when manhood

dawned upon him, his mind was stored with a rich stock of useful

intelligence and practical information. This he had acquired alone

by the dint of industry during those hours of the night when a large

proportion of other boys and youth were either reposing in slumber, or

were wasting their time in corrupt and vicious company, demonstrating

most clearly _that ignorance is a voluntary misfortune_.

When he arrived at his majority he went to Georgia and commenced

the study of law with Henry Young, Esq., under whose instruction he

rapidly acquired the elements of the profession, and was admitted to

the bar in 1774. During his investigation of the principles laid down

by Blackstone and other able writers, he was most forcibly struck with

the gross violation of the chartered and constitutional rights of the

colonies. His indignation became roused, he communicated his views and

feelings to other kindred spirits, and was among the first to oppose

British oppression in his adopted state. The interests of the crown

were sustained in Georgia longer than in either of the other provinces.

A temporizing spirit pervaded the minds of many of those who desired

liberty, but believed its attainment beyond their reach. For some

time they preferred enduring their present sufferings, lest a severer

fate should overtake them. They knew their own weakness, they dreaded

the physical power of England. But George Walton and a few other bold

patriots were not to be intimidated by a display of military force.

They considered that to die in the cause of liberty was more glorious

than to wear the chains of a tyrant. They were determined never to bow

the knee to Baal, or offer a sacrifice at the altar of monarchy. They

resolved to be free or nobly perish in the attempt.

In order to test the public mind, Messrs. Walton, Noble, Bullock, and

Houston, over their proper signatures, published a notice for a meeting

of their fellow citizens to be held at the Liberty Pole, Tondee’s

tavern, Savannah, on the 27th of July, 1774, in order to take into

consideration the constitutional rights and liberties of the American

subjects of the British empire. This was the first liberty pole planted

in that state; this was the first meeting that put the revolutionary

ball in motion in Georgia. A large number of citizens assembled at the

time and place appointed, and were eloquently addressed by Mr. Walton,

who, from that time, became a prominent and able leader of the popular

party. A committee was organized for the purpose of rousing the people

to a sense of impending danger and to a vindication of their injured

rights. Governor Wright, with the hireling phalanx of the crown, used

great exertions to obtain from the inhabitants of every parish a

written pledge to sustain them in executing the nefarious designs of

the mother country, and to submit their necks more implicitly to the

yoke of bondage. Fascinating promises of redress were held out, and the

people were in a measure lulled into quietness by a renewal of their

petitions to the throne for the repeal of the unconstitutional laws of

parliament. But the fire of patriotism had commenced its insulating

course. From Mr. Walton and his compatriots its holy flame continued to

spread from heart to heart, from sire to son, from parish to parish,

at first slowly, but finally illuminating the horizon of liberty with

cheering refulgence. The struggle of many of the more timid patriots in

that province, between policy and duty, was long suspended on the pivot

of indecision. Present self-interest and self-preservation influenced

many to remain inactive for a season, who subsequently became the bold

advocates of liberal principles. In January, 1775, the members of the

assembly were so equally divided upon the all-important subject of

the revolution, then rolling upon them, that they adjourned without

any definite action relative to it. The same wavering spirit was

manifested at the public meetings and by the committee of safety. To

restore the public mind from this political paralysis, was the province

of Mr. Walton and a few other noble spirits. All the other colonies

had united in the common cause against the common enemy and had sent

delegates to the Congress convened at Philadelphia the previous year.

That Georgia should be the last to hug the chains and kiss the rod of

oppression, was to him a source of mortification and regret. But he

determined not to desert his post. His exertions became equal to the

herculean task before. His powers of mind rose with the magnitude of

the occasion; his eloquence and logic bore down all opposition, and

when the cry of blood—of murder—from the heights of Lexington was

heard, the people started from their reverie, rose in the majesty of

their might, buckled on the armour of opposition, burst the cords

that bound them, and bid defiance to British power. In May, 1775, the

parish of St. Johns sent Lyman Hall to the Continental Congress, and

in July, a convention of the province sanctioned his election, joined

the confederacy, and sent four other delegates to aid him. The council

of safety was re-organized, and vigorous measures adopted to aid the

cause of rational liberty. In these measures Mr. Walton was one of the

leading men. In January of the next year the legislature appointed

Mr. Bullock, a bold and active patriot, president of the executive

council by a large majority. British authority was at an end. Governor

Wright threatened the members with bayonets, the next hour he was their

prisoner, and permitted only the liberty of his own house on his parol

of honour. This he violated, fled on board of the armed fleet in the

harbour, commenced an attack upon the town, was shamefully defeated,

and retired from the vengeance of an enraged, insulted, and injured

populace.

In February, 1776, Mr. Walton was elected to Congress, and entered

upon the important duties of legislation. He at once took his seat and

proved a bold, energetic, and efficient advocate for every measure

calculated to advance the cause of independence. He warmly supported

the declaration of rights and most cheerfully gave it his vote and

signature. He continued to be annually elected a member of the national

legislature until 1781, excepting 1779, when he was governor of

Georgia, he rendered essential service on various committees. When

Congress was compelled to retire to Baltimore on the 13th of December,

1776, in consequence of the approach of the British army, Messrs.

Morris, Clymer, and Walton, were left as a committee of superintendence

with $200,000, to be expended for the use of the army. Mr. Walton was

also a member of the treasury board and marine committee, and ably

discharged every duty that devolved upon him. In addition to his civil

honours, his brow was decked with the epic wreath. In 1778, he was

commissioned colonel of militia, and bravely sustained himself at the

battle of Savannah between the American troops under General Howe and

the British under Colonel Campbell. The battalion under his command

made a desperate resistance until he received a shot in his thigh, fell

from his horse, and was captured by the enemy. So long as his wound

confined him he was held under a parol of honour; when he recovered,

he was sent to Sunbury and confined with the other prisoners. He was

soon after exchanged, and again entered into the service of Congress,

having been absent during the session of 1778. In January, 1783, he

was appointed chief justice of Georgia. He was subsequently again

elected governor of the state, and also a member of the United States

senate, and served several sessions in the state legislature. He was

a judge of the superior court, when he closed his laborious life on

the 2nd of February, 1803, which had been almost entirely devoted to

the service of his country. He was also one of the commissioners that

effected a treaty with the Cherokee Indians in Tennessee. His high

reputation as an able and faithful public servant, imposed upon him

numerous and onerous duties, all of which he discharged in a manner

that did honour to his name and his country. The only difficulty in

which he appears to have been involved during his public career, was

as singular as it proved harmless, and lost none of its odd features

in its final adjustment. During the war, a jealousy existed between

the civil and military powers in Georgia. At the head of the first was

Mr. Walton; at the head of the latter, General M’Intosh. In 1779, when

the former was first elected governor of the state, a forged letter,

purporting to be from the legislature, then in session at Savannah, was

forwarded to Congress, requesting the removal of the latter to some

other field of action. The governor was charged with a knowledge of

the transaction; but few, if any, believed it, and he declared himself

ignorant of the whole matter. The documentary proofs were laid before

the house in January, 1783, and whilst under discussion, Mr. Walton was

appointed chief justice of the state; the next day a vote of censure

was passed upon him for participating in the forged letter, and the

attorney-general directed to institute proceedings against him in the

very court over which he presided, and the only one that had cognisance

of the charge against him. The vote of censure may have healed the

wounded feelings of General M’Intosh; it certainly never injured chief

justice Walton, and was never afterwards agitated. It was more like a

political compromise of the present day than any revolutionary farce

that has come under my notice.

During the latter part of his life, Judge Walton confined his public

duties to the bench of the superior court; and during the intervals of

its session, enjoyed the comforts of domestic life with his family,

consisting of one son, and his amiable and accomplished companion,

the daughter of Mr. Chamber, whom he had married in 1777. He was not

wealthy, was free from avarice, and was contented with a competence

which was afforded by his public emoluments and the produce of a small

plantation. He indulged in good living, and suffered much from the gout

at various times. He was a close student during his whole life. He

continued to add to his experience a general knowledge of the sciences,

and became an ornament to the judiciary of his state. He was also a

ready writer, and possessed a peculiar talent for satire, which he

occasionally resorted to as a correction of error and folly. He was

of a warm temperament, easily excited, resenting every indignity, but

highly honourable and just, moving within the orbit of propriety under

all circumstances, showing clearly that the inflammable passions may be

governed and controlled by a wise discretion. He was open and frank, a

stranger to disguise, ardent in his attachments, firm in his purposes,

stern and reserve in his manners in general society, but very familiar

in the private circle with his friends. He was an indignant but manly

opponent; his enemies knew just where to find him. He was fond of

brevity and despatch in conversation and in business, and systematic in

all his proceedings and arrangements both public and private. Taken as

a whole, he was one of the most useful men of his day and generation,

and has left examples worthy of the imitation of the apprentice, the

student, the lawyer, the judge, the magistrate, and the statesman. By

the force of industry and perseverance he rose from the humblest walks

of life to the most dignified stations in the community. Let every

youth whose eyes meet this brief sketch, be stimulated to embrace

every opportunity for improvement, and drink often and freely at the

crystal fountain of knowledge now accessible and open to all. Soon the

affairs of a mighty nation will devolve upon you; without intelligence

you cannot be prepared to guard its dearest interests and counteract

the corrupting and baneful evils that are often put in motion by wild

ambition, sordid selfishness, and dark intrigue.

GEORGE CLYMER.

The mental powers of man are as diversified as the soils of the earth.

Upon the minds of some we pour the classic stream in vain; like the

desert of Sahara, they are barren of fruit or flower. Upon the minds

of others, laborious efforts produce an improvement, but never enrich

them. Their substance is too light and their substratum too porous to

long retain the fructifying substances lavished upon them. Others,

by good culture, yield a liberal harvest and become valuable by use.

Others again, like the alluvial prairie, are adorned with spontaneous

fruits, and only require the introduction of seed to afford all the

rich varieties that may be desired. Expose them to the genial rays of

the sun of science and the germs of genius will immediately spring up,

the embryo forms will bud and blossom like the rose.

The mind of GEORGE CLYMER was composed of a prolific and deep mould,

capable of producing the richest foliage. Fortunately for our country,

it was not appropriated entirely to ornamental flowers and blooming

shrubbery, but to the substantial fruits that invigorate and support

life.

He was born in Philadelphia in 1739. His father removed from Bristol,

England, to that city, and died when this son was but seven years of

age. George Clymer was then taken under the guardian care of William

Coleman, his uncle, who treated him as a son and made him heir of most

of his property. Himself a literary man, Mr. Coleman conferred upon his

nephew a good education. He possessed a splendid library, and had the

gratifying consolation of seeing it often and fully explored by George

Clymer, who manifested an early taste for reading, and investigated

critically every subject that came before him, never leaving it until

he traced it through all its meanderings to its primeval source. This

trait in his character rendered him vastly useful in the momentous

concerns that occupied his subsequent life. It is of the first

importance to dig deep and lay firmly the foundations of an education,

that the superstructure may rest upon a substantial basis.

From the seminary, Mr. Clymer went into the counting-house of his

uncle, and made himself acquainted with the mercantile business, in

which he subsequently embarked. The precariousness and uncertainty of

this calling rendered it unpleasant to him. He was opposed to sudden

gains or losses, because the one was calculated to elate the mind

too much, and the other to depress it too low, thus destroying the

equilibrium calculated to impart the most happiness to a man and render

him most useful to himself, to his family, and to the community. He

contended that a virtuous equality in life is more conducive to the

comfort and prosperity of a nation, than to have a majority of the

wealth wielded by a favoured few. He was the friend of equal rights

and free principles. He was a republican of the Roman school, a

patriot of the highest order, a philanthropist of the noblest cast,

and opposed to all monopolies. His genius was of that original order,

that, like some comets, illuminate our world only at long intervals.

It seemed to traverse the circuit of human nature, of metaphysics,

of philosophy, and of general science, without an apparent effort,

drawing from each conclusions peculiarly its own. He was a virtuoso,

an amateur, and at the same time a deep logician and mathematician. A

love of liberty and equal rights was with him an innate quality. His

mind was richly stored with the history of other times and nations; he

was well versed in the principles of law and government, and understood

well the chartered rights of his country, and felt most keenly the

increasing infringements upon them by the very power that was bound by

the laws of nature, of man, and of God, to protect them. His course

at the commencement of the revolution can readily be imagined. True,

his entire property was vested in commercial business; Reese Meredith,

his father-in-law, was his partner in trade, and for him to oppose

the interests of the crown, seemed certain destruction to his own,

so far as pecuniary matters were concerned. But his mind moved in an

orbit limited only by the confines of freedom. He was among the first

to resist the oppressors of his country and proclaim to his fellow

citizens the principles of liberty. At the “_tea meeting_,” held by the

citizens of Philadelphia on the 16th of October, 1773, his reasoning,

sincerity, zeal and enthusiastic patriotism, commanded great attention

and admiration. Free from pedantry and naturally retiring his powers of

mind were known only to his friends. From that time they were claimed

as public property. He was compelled to surrender possession to the

rightful owners, without certiorari or appeal, and was engaged in all

the important measures of the day. When the final crisis arrived for

action; when forbearance had ceased to be a virtue; when the war-cry

resounded from the heights of Lexington, Mr. Clymer took command of

a company under General Cadwalader and repaired to the tented field.

He was at the same time a member of the council of safety, and had

served on all or most of the preliminary committees of his native

city appointed to prepare petitions, remonstrances and measures

of defence. He was soon called from the field of epic glory, and

appointed by Congress, on the 29th of July, 1775, in conjunction with

Michael Hillegas, to take charge of the public treasury. He subscribed

liberally to the loan raised for the public service, and poured all

the specie he could raise into the government chest and took in return

paper, which was virtually ephemeral in its value. His examples and his

patriotic enthusiasm had a powerful influence upon his friends, many

of whom came boldly to the rescue. In July, 1776, he took his seat in

the Continental Congress _after_ the adoption of the declaration of

rights, to which he most cheerfully subscribed. A part of the preceding

delegation from Pennsylvania when they found their colleagues were

in favour of cutting loose, left their station and retired, perhaps

that they might avoid the wrath of the king on the one hand and the

indignation of the patriots on the other, or believing the time had not

yet arrived for so bold a step. The people promptly filled their places

with men who _dared_ to be free, by men who had already nobly resolved

on _liberty_ or _death_.

In September of that year, Messrs. Clymer and Stockton were sent by

Congress to regulate the northern army and to confer with Washington

in making arrangements for future action. In December of the same

year Congress retired to Baltimore in consequence of the threatened

approach of the British army, then spreading consternation, destruction

and death through New Jersey. Mr. Clymer was one of the committee

left in Philadelphia to superintend the public interests and brave

the perils that were rolling onward like a tornado. He was faithful

in the discharge of every duty, devoting his time and fortune to the

advancement of the glorious cause he had espoused. He was returned

to Congress the next year, and in April was again appointed upon a

committee to repair to the army and confer with Washington upon all

subjects that required their attention, which were neither few nor

small. In the autumn of that year an additional momentum was given

to the patriotism of Mr. Clymer. He had removed his family and goods

to Chester county, and immediately after the defeat of the Americans

at Brandywine, the tories led the British to his house; his family

escaped, but his property, to a large amount, was totally destroyed.

This sacrifice at the altar of freedom seemed to strengthen his

political faith and impart fresh vigour to his exertions.

In December, 1779, he was one of a board of commissioners sent by

Congress to Fort Pitt, to counteract, if possible, the hostility of

the savages, who were committing murders upon the western frontiers of

Virginia and Pennsylvania, and to effect, if practicable, a treaty with

the several tribes, and if unsuccessful in the accomplishment of these

designs, to make arrangements for offensive operations. The mission was

boldly executed, principally by Mr. Clymer alone, who narrowly escaped

the tomahawk during his absence. The commissioners returned in April

and reported the necessity of carrying the war into the Indian country.

During the next year Mr. Clymer was not in Congress, but devoted his

time in raising loans and supplies for the army, then destitute of

almost every necessary of life and of the munitions of war. In 1780,

he was again elected to the national legislature and served until

November of the ensuing year, when he and John Nixon were appointed to

organize the Bank of North America, which was instrumental in reviving

the prostrate credit of the government. In May, 1782, he was associated

with Mr. Rutledge on a mission through the southern states, for the

purpose of inducing them to meet more promptly the requisitions of

Congress for supplies. During the entire period of the revolution he

devoted his whole time to the service of his country, and discharged

every duty assigned him to the entire satisfaction of his constituents

and colleagues. He stood high as an able and faithful co-worker in

the vineyard of liberty, and retired from the field when the harvest

was ended covered with the honours of enduring fame. At the close of

the war he removed to Princeton, for the purpose of resting from his

toils and educating his children. The ensuing year his services were

requested in his native state, and he returned to Philadelphia. He

was elected to the Pennsylvania legislature, and contributed largely

in divesting her old constitution and laws of the obnoxious branches

of tyranny that were still attached to them. He introduced the

amelioration of the penal code and was the originator and warm advocate

of abolishing death in all cases, except murder in the first degree. He

was the father of the much admired penitentiary system of that state,

which has but recently been organized fully upon the plan proposed by

him—that of solitary confinement at hard labour. It may not be known to

the young reader, that in former times, prisoners, after conviction,

were compelled to labour in chains often in the most public places. The

superiority of solitary confinement over all other modes of punishment

has been fully demonstrated, and is in a course of adoption throughout

the civilized world. The arguments of Mr. Clymer in favour of these

philanthropic measures manifested a deep and thorough knowledge of

human nature, and were based upon the firm pillars of equal justice,

lucid reason and sound policy. He devised and prepared the humane

report of the committee that remodelled the penal code of Pennsylvania,

which has been fully and successfully tested, and stands an admired

monument of judicial reformation, and an enduring praise to the name of

its author.

The mind of Mr. Clymer was peculiarly prolific and happy in the

conception of plans of usefulness and utility. To benefit his country

and better the condition of mankind, afforded him the highest pleasure.

To effect this, he saw the necessity of reducing every department of

government to system and order. American independence was achieved; to

preserve it by reducing to harmony the conflicting local interests,

jealousies and inconsiderate clamours of the malevolent, was an

herculean task yet to be performed. The convention that formed the

federal constitution was therefore hailed with joy by Mr. Clymer, who

was one of its members. The result of the labours of that body was

fraught with deeper interest than the war struggle for victory over a

foreign foe. It involved the fate of our infant republic, which was

then verging on dissolution and fast retrograding towards the awful

gulf of primeval chaos. The conflict was between members of the same

family, and required the deepest sagacity, the profoundest wisdom,

the most acute judgment, the most disinterested patriotism, the most

exalted charity, and the purest spirit of conciliation, to bring it

to a peaceful and satisfactory termination. Happily for our country

this was done, and Mr. Clymer contributed his full share in the

accomplishment of the glorious work.

He was elected a member of the first Congress convened under that

saving instrument, he was a stern republican and opposed to tacking

any titles to the name of any public man except that of his office.

Excellency, honourable, &c., he conceived to be the mere shadows of

a shadow, too vain and trifling for a freeman. He was opposed to

the right of instruction from his constituents, because they must

necessarily decide without hearing either evidence or argument. He was

unwilling to be made a mere passive machine of puerile power, a mere

automaton of party spirit.

In the organization of the general government through all its

ramifications he took a deep interest and an active part. Every

subject that was presented to Congress for consideration he analyzed

with the skill of a sage, a statesman and a philosopher. In 1790, he

closed his legislative career and declined again entering upon its

arduous duties. Under the act of Congress of 1791, imposing a duty on

domestic distilled spirits, Mr. Clymer was appointed to superintend

its collection in his own state. The tax was then called, by way of

opprobrium, the _excise_. This law gave great dissatisfaction in many

places, and in Pennsylvania produced what was termed the _whiskey

rebellion_, which required the military to restore order. Unpleasant

as it was, Mr. Clymer proceeded to perform his duty by appointing the

required collectors in each county, endeavouring to persuade the people

to submit to the law whilst in force, and pursue the constitutional

remedy for its repeal if they believed it wrong. During the height

of the excitement he hazarded his life among the malecontents where

but few other men would have been spared if clothed with the same

office. He finally resigned this station, and was soon after appointed

a commissioner, with Colonels Pickens and Hawkins, to negociate a

treaty with the Cherokee and Creek Indians in Georgia, which was

effected on the 29th of June, 1796, and closed his long, faithful and

arduous public career. He had perilled his life, his fortune and his

sacred honour for his country; he had been her unyielding and fearless

advocate amidst the storms of revolution, civil discord and open

rebellion; he now saw her peaceful, prosperous and happy, with the

illustrious Washington presiding over her destinies. He could therefore

retire to enjoy the fruits of his labours and his toils, without any to

disturb or make him afraid.

But he remained an active man during his whole life. He felt an

interest in every kind of improvement, and to many he extended a

fostering care. As early as 1785, he aided in establishing the

Philadelphia Agricultural Society, and when the Academy of Fine Arts

was founded in that city he was one of its liberal patrons. He aided

also in establishing the Philadelphia Bank. Of the former, he was vice

president, and of the two latter, president when he died. He was a

friend to all the labouring classes, and made himself acquainted with

the principles of farming and the mechanic trades. His private papers

exhibit a great variety of draughts and plans of bridges, canals,

water-works, machinery and implements of husbandry, and numerous

recipes relative to the arts. Like the philosophic Franklin, he

extended his researches to almost every subject within the grasp of

man, and treasured in his mind the essential oil of each. He always

sought for solid substance that could be applied to substantial use.

His mind and his manners were opposed to pedantry and pomp. He was

what, in common parlance, would now be called a plain, old fashioned,

blunt man. His bluntness was not of an offensive kind; it consisted in

laconic truth, dressed in republican simplicity, a garb that was much

admired during the times of pure unsophisticated patriotism. Although

he originated many important measures in the national and state

legislature, he seldom spoke in the forum, and was often unknown to

the public as such, when the author of the most salutary propositions.

He was ambitious only to do good, and was not anxious that his name

should be wafted on the breeze of popular applause or be emblazoned in

the high places of the earth. To know that he had been instrumental in

benefitting the human family was the ultimatum of his soul. When the

importance of a subject induced him to rise in debate he was listened

to with profound attention, and was an example worthy of imitation.

Without any pretensions to refined elocution, he expressed in strong

language the sentiments he strongly felt. He came directly to the

point, adhered closely to it in a strain of keen, cutting, pithy and

laconic reasoning; was always brief, often casting into the shade, by

his remarks of a few moments, the laboured and gaudy speeches of his

opponents that had cost them weeks to prepare and hours to deliver. He

effected this, not by personal recrimination or irony, but by aiming

his blows at the strong points, the syllabus of their superstructure,

which he often demolished at one bold stroke with the damask blade of

sound logic, drawn from the scabbard of plain common sense, and wielded

by the vigorous arm of lucid reason. He was opposed to every shade

of aristocracy and every thing anti-republican, both in theory and

practice. His views were broad and liberal, his purposes were honest

and patriotic. He was an attentive reader, and wrote numerous essays,

which are forcible, logical, and extremely sarcastic.

In the private walks of life his character was a model of human

excellence. All its relations he discharged with the most scrupulous

fidelity and integrity. He was proverbial for punctuality in all

things, if only to take a walk with a friend or present a promised

toy to a child. In conversation he was agreeable and instructive,

illuminating and enlivening the social circle with apothegms,

aphorisms, and pungent anecdotes, imparting pleasure and intelligence

to all around him. In all this he was modest, chaste and discreet,

avoiding any appearance of superiority, carefully guarding against

personal allusions, even to his most bitter enemies. He spoke ill of

no individual, and checked slander in others whenever he discovered

it. His morals were of the purest order, his philanthropy was of the

loftiest kind. As a public servant, a private citizen, a kind husband,

a faithful father, a warm friend, an honourable enemy and a noble

patriot, the name of GEORGE CLYMER stands pre-eminent.

He was of the middle size, well formed, fair complexion, with a

countenance attractive, intelligent, expressive of a strong mind,

pleasing and ingenuous. He closed his long and useful career on the 23d

of January, 1813, at the residence of his son at Morrisville, Berks

county, in his native state, most deeply mourned by those who knew him

best.

CARTER BRAXTON.

It often happens that those who forget right and abuse power undermine

the foundation of their own citadel, and prepare the way to be shorn of

their present enjoyments by an improper course to enhance them. Thus

it was with England. Previous to the causes that produced the American

revolution, the idea of a separation from the mother country, and of

forming an independent government, had probably never entered the

minds of but few of the patriots who were engaged in its consummation.

When the impolitic measures towards the colonists were first

commenced, relying upon their chartered rights, based upon the British

constitution as they were, they believed their grievances would and

must be redressed by the king, when properly requested by petitions.

These were repeatedly forwarded to him, couched in the most respectful

and eloquent language, to which he turned a deaf ear. Parliament

was appealed to in vain. Remonstrances formed the next link in the

chain. They also were treated with contempt. A formal demand to desist

from oppression in bold, but still in respectful language, breathing

allegiance to the king in every word, was the next resort—but all to

no purpose. The ministerial cry, _give_—_give_—_give_—resounded from

Albion’s shore, and pierced afresh the sensibilities of the imploring

suppliants. Resolutions of non-importation followed; these produced

menaces from the British military, a preparation for resistance by

the colonies succeeded; American blood was spilt; the tocsin of war

was sounded; millions rushed to the conflict; the struggle was long,

doubtful, and bloody; the patriots triumphed; the power of Britain was

dissolved; Columbia was free and patriots rejoiced.

Among them stood CARTER BRAXTON, the son of George Braxton, a wealthy

planter, who resided on the north bank of Mattapony river, where he

owned a valuable plantation, situated in the county of King and Queen,

Virginia. At that beautiful place Carter was born, on the 10th of

September, 1736. His paternal and maternal connections were highly

respectable and wealthy, and several of them officers of the crown at

various periods. He was liberally educated at the college of William

and Mary, and reared amidst all the splendours of opulence, without

the tender care of a mother to correct his childish foibles, or of a

father to guard him against the errors of youth; the former having died

when he was but seven days old, and the latter when he was quite young.

When but nineteen years of age, he married the beautiful and amiable

Judith Robinson, who was very wealthy, and entered into full possession

of his large estate, which, united with that of his wife, constituted

a princely fortune. She survived but a short time, leaving him two

daughters, the youngest but a few hours old.

To assuage his grief, he sailed for England, where he remained for

nearly three years, during which time he added greatly to the store

of knowledge he had previously acquired, and became familiar with

the feelings, views, and designs of that kingdom towards his native

country. His rank and fortune gave him access to the nobility, from

whom he obtained much valuable information relative to the ministerial

conclave then concocting plans to raise money in America to support

royalty in Great Britain.

Although his family connections were favourites of the king, and every

thing around him was calculated to foster aristocracy in his bosom, Mr.

Braxton became a warm friend of liberal principles and equal rights.

Soon after his return from Europe, in 1760, he was elected a member

of the house of burgesses, and, in 1765, was an ardent supporter in

that body of the bold resolutions offered by Patrick Henry, relative

to the stamp act. From that time forward he was a zealous advocate

in the cause of freedom. He was one of the house in May, 1769, when

the proceedings of the members excited the ire of the royal governor

Bottetourt to such a degree that he dissolved them without ceremony.

They immediately repaired to a private room in Williamsburg, and

entered into a solemn agreement not to import any articles from the

mother country until their chartered rights were restored. The same

members were elected to the next session, and, being aware of the kind

of materials he had to manage, the smooth and shrewd governor lulled

them into a more quiet mood by the syren song of promises, assuring

them that at the next session of parliament the offensive revenue taxes

would be removed. Still cherishing hopes that their rights would be

recognised, they waited in respectful but watchful silence. Mr. Braxton

was an active member of committees and an agreeable speaker. In the

house of burgesses there were six standing committees, one on courts of

justice, one on public claims, one on elections and privileges, one on

trade, one on grievances and propositions, and one on religion. Of the

three last, then by far the most important, Mr. Braxton was uniformly

a member. In 1771, governor Bottetourt died, and was succeeded by

Lord Dunmore, who, being fresh from the fountain of high notions and

ministerial corruption, dissolved the turbulent assembly then in

commission, and issued his proclamation for a new election. Mr. Braxton

was then sheriff of his county, and could not serve in the house. The

people continued to live on promises and hang on hope until the 27th

of May, 1774, when the house of burgesses again took a bold stand

against oppression, and was peremptorily dissolved by Lord Dunmore.

He then dissolved the gordian knot virtually; the people became

enraged; eighty-nine of the members, immediately alter the dissolution,

formed themselves, with many other patriots, into an association of

resistance, and the fire of freedom began to rise in curling flames. In

August, a convention of the friends of liberty met in Williamsburg, of

which Mr. Braxton was an active member. They elected seven delegates

to meet the Congress at Philadelphia, and bound themselves to act in

concert with the people of Boston, in the common cause against the

common enemy. Governor Dunmore had a new house of burgesses elected;

not being pleased with their proceedings he prorogued it several times,

until he prorogued himself, on the night of the 7th of June, 1775,

on board the armed ship Fowey, never again to assume his power over

the turbulent rebels of America. The Virginia convention met again in

March, 1775, and took every precaution necessary to put their state in

a condition of defence. In April following, Lord Dunmore had caused the

powder to be removed from the magazine, under pretence that it would

probably be needed in another part of the colony, to repel an expected

insurrection of the blacks. This enraged the people, who assembled in

large numbers, but were persuaded to return to their homes by Peyton

Randolph. Not fully satisfied, a Spartan band soon after collected,

headed by Patrick Henry, and proceeded towards Williamsburg, determined

on having the powder or its equivalent. An armed force was sent from

the Fowey to sustain the governor; this only enraged the patriots; the

spilling of blood seemed inevitable. At that juncture Mr. Braxton and

others interceded; the powder was paid for by the receiver-general; Mr.

Henry gave a receipt for the money, and his troops returned home.

The flight of the governor was the dissolution of British power in

Virginia. For a time the government was managed entirely by the

committee of safety, of which Mr. Braxton was a member. On the 15th

of December, 1775, he was elected to the Continental Congress, and

entered upon the duties of his new station with great zeal and vigour.

He had already seen much public service, and was prepared to act well

his part. He advocated, voted for, and signed the declaration, the

instrument that formally dissolved the maternal ties that bound the

pilgrim fathers to chains and slavery. On the return of Mr. Braxton

from Congress the next autumn he took his seat in the first Virginia

legislature convened under their republican constitution, having been

elected the May previous. A formal vote of thanks to him and Thomas

Jefferson, for their faithful services in Congress, is upon the records

of that body, dated the 12th of October, 1776. From that time to his

death, he was often a member of the legislature of his state, sometimes

in one branch and sometimes in the other. He was a member of council

when he died, and was in his seat only four days previous to his

decease.

During the war, he had lost a large portion of his fortune by the

British, and after its close he was extremely unfortunate, and was

reduced to indigent and perplexing circumstances. For a time, he led

his friends into speculative projects in order to resuscitate his

adverse circumstances, all of which proved abortive, injuring them

without benefiting him, and he finally sunk under a load of affliction,

which produced an excitement that was followed by paralysis, a second

attack of which ended his useful and eventful career at Richmond,

Virginia, on the 10th of October, 1797. Under all these trying

circumstances, his reputation did not suffer, he lost none of his well

earned fame as an able and faithful public servant, and an honest and

worthy man. His private character was of the most amiable kind; he

was a perfect gentleman and fulfilled all the relations of life with

fidelity. His name is justly placed high upon the list of enduring

fame, as a man who was a faithful sentinel in the cause of equal

rights, who contributed largely in consummating that independence we

now enjoy, that freedom of which we boast, that liberty which we are

bound to cherish, protect, preserve, and perpetuate.

JOHN MORTON.

Courage and fortitude, unaided by wisdom, often lead men into

unforeseen and unexpected difficulties. Combined, they form a power for

action equal to the lever, the fulcrum and the screw. Some men possess

a brave and dauntless spirit that knows no fear, but not possessed of

the helm of wisdom to plan and discretion to act, can never become

successful leaders. Guided by a wise prudence, blended with a talent

to conceive and a boldness to execute, the weak become strong and

effect wonders, at which they themselves look with astonishment after

the mighty work is completed. To the unparalleled wisdom of the sages

of the American revolution we owe the blessings of the liberty we

now enjoy, more than to the physical strength of our country at that

time. Compared with the fleets and armies of the mother country at the

eventful era of the birth of our nation, the available force of the

colonies dwindles into significance. The one a Goliah clad in armour;

the other, a boy with a puerile sling. The one, a giant in the vigour

of his glory; the other, an infant bursting into life. To the wisdom of

the revolutionary sages, then, under God, we must ascribe the success

of the noble work they conceived, planned and executed.

As a cool, deliberate and prudent man, the name of John Morton is

memorable. He was born in Ridley, Delaware county, Pennsylvania, about

four miles from Chester, in the year 1724. His ancestors immigrated

from Sweden at an early period, and settled along the Delaware not far

from Philadelphia. The father of John Morton, of the same christian

name, married Mary Richards when he was very young, and died before

his son was born, and before he arrived at his majority. The widow

was subsequently married by John Sketchly, an intelligent Englishman,

who proved a good husband and a kind step-father. Mr. Morton was

principally indebted to him for his education, having enjoyed the

advantages of a school but three months. Himself a skilful surveyor

and well versed in mathematics, he made his step-son master of that

important science. No branch of education is as well calculated to lead

the mind into the path of precision of thought and action as this.

Based upon invariable truth and lucid demonstration, never resting

on false premises, always arriving at incontrovertible conclusions,

it gives a tone to the mental powers calculated to produce the most

beneficial results.

Young Morton continued with his parental guardian until manhood dawned

upon him, aiding in the management of the farm and in surveying,

constantly storing his mind with useful and substantial knowledge,

blending and testing theory with practice. In 1764, he was commissioned

a justice of the peace, and shortly after was elected to the assembly

of his native state. He soon became conspicuous, and was subsequently

speaker of the house during several sessions. He took a deep interest

in the welfare of his country, and was a member of the Congress

assembled at New York in 1765 to concert measures for the repeal of

the odious stamp act. He concurred in the strong and bold measure of

that body, which virtually kindled the fire of the revolution, which,

although smothered for a time, was never extinguished until it consumed

the last vestige of British power in America. In 1767, he became the

sheriff of his county, which station he ably filled for three years. He

was then appointed president judge of his district, and rose rapidly

in the estimation of his fellow citizens. He also endeared himself to

society by a matrimonial connection with Miss Anne Justis of the state

of Delaware, an amiable and accomplished lady, who contributed largely

to his happiness in life. Soon after the clarion of war was sounded

from the heights of Lexington, the indignation of the people in his

neighbourhood was so roused that they raised a battalion of volunteers

and elected judge Morton colonel. He was under the necessity of

declining the proffered honour, having recently been appointed a judge

of the supreme court of Pennsylvania. In July, 1774, he was appointed

by the assembly of that state a member of the Congress that convened

in Philadelphia in September following. The object of that Congress

was to effect peace and reconciliation between the two countries, and

contract, instead of enlarging, the breach of amity. Men of wisdom

and deep thought, fired by a holy patriotism, were selected for the

all-important deliberations on which depended the future destiny of

themselves and unborn millions. When they assembled, a deep and awful

solemnity pervaded every mind. The proceedings were opened by prayer,

and every soul seemed to commune with the spirits of another world, as

by vesper orisons. After the address to the throne of grace was closed,

a protracted silence ensued; nought but the flitting of the purple

stream and the throbbing of anxious hearts was heard. The trembling

tears and quivering lip told the emotions of many a bosom, too strong

to be endured, too full to be expressed, too deep to be fathomed. At

length the mighty spirit of Henry burst forth in the majesty of its

native glory, and broke the magic spell. In bold and glowing colours,

strongly shaded with dignified sincerity, and painted upon the canvass

of eternal justice and truth, he presented American rights and British

wrongs. When he closed, every patriot responded a hearty—Amen. Their

mouths were opened, their burdens lightened, and they could breathe

more freely.

In May of the next year, judge Morton again took his seat in Congress,

and in November following was re-elected, although then speaker of the

assembly of his state. In July, 1776, he attended that august body for

the last time, and placed an enduring seal upon the bright escutcheon

of his name, by signing the chart of liberty, the manifesto of freemen

against the usurpations of tyranny.

During the time he was in Congress, he rendered very efficient

services, and was highly esteemed as a cool, deliberate, discerning

man; purely patriotic, firm in his principles, and anxious to do all

in his power to promote the righteous cause of his bleeding country.

With all these feelings resting upon his mind, he was among those

who weighed deeply the consequences of severing the bonds that bound

the colonies to the mother country. Unsustained, the step was death

or a more cruel slavery. To all human appearance the patriots must

be crushed by the physical force of their enemies then pouring in

upon them. There were five delegates from his state, two of them

had determined on going against the measure, which left him to give

the casting vote. The responsibility he considered of the greatest

magnitude. On it depended the enhanced misery or the happy deliverance

of his country. The former he feared, the latter he hoped for. When the

time arrived for final action, his patriotism preponderated over his

doubts, and he cast his vote in favour of the important instrument that

was to prove either the warrant of death or the diploma of freedom.

Some of his old friends censured him strongly for the bold act, and

would not be reconciled to him, even when he lay upon the bed of

death; so strong were the feelings of men during the revolution. His

dying message to them showed that his conscience approved the work his

hand had done. “Tell them that they will live to see the hours when

they shall acknowledge it to have been the most glorious service that I

have ever rendered to my country.” The truth of his prophecy has been

most happily verified.

When the articles of confederation were under discussion by Congress,

judge Morton was frequently chairman of the committee of the whole, and

performed the duty with great dignity and ability.

In April, 1777, he was attacked with a violent fever, highly

inflammatory, which terminated his life in a few days, in the midst of

his usefulness, with fresh honours awaiting him as time advanced. His

premature death was deeply mourned by his bereaved companion, eight

children, a large concourse of intimate friends, by the members of the

bar, by his associate judges, by the state legislature, by Congress,

and by every patriot of his country.

As a private citizen, he possessed an unusual share of esteem. He was

endowed with all the amiable qualities that enrich the domestic and

social circle, and, as a crowning glory to his fair fame, he professed

and adorned the Christian religion, and died triumphing in faith. His

dust reposes in the cemetery of St. James’ church, in Chester; his name

is recorded on the enduring tablet of fame. His examples are worthy of

imitation; his brief career admonishes us of the uncertainty of life;

his happy demise is an evidence of the truth of real piety.

RICHARD HENRY LEE.

A strong propensity exists in every investigating, reflecting mind, to

explore the labyrinthian abysm of the past. The classic reader dwells

with rapture upon oriental time. Its remoteness sheds around it a

sacredness that increases veneration, and leaves the fancy to wonder

and admire. Human foibles descend with the body to the tomb, and are

covered by the mantle of oblivion. Human faults, not enrolled on the

black catalogue of crime, are often eclipsed by transcendant virtues,

find no place upon the historic page, and leave after generations to

gaze at a picture of native beauty, which, as time rolls over it,

assumes deeper and holier shades, until it commands the reverence of

all who behold it. The names of Demosthenes, Cicero, Socrates, Solon,

Cincinnatus, and many others, over whose dust centuries have rolled,

are referred to with as profound respect as if angel purity had stamped

their every action with the impress of divinity. The same bright

portrait awaits the name of every good and great man. That of each of

the signers of the declaration of independence has long attracted the

earnest gaze of admiring millions, and becomes more sacred as time

advances.

Upon the tablet of enduring fame, stands the name of RICHARD HENRY LEE,

in bold relievo. He was the son of Thomas Lee, and born in Westmoreland

county, Virginia, on the 20th of January, 1732. His ancestors were

among the early settlers of the Old Dominion, and among those who

guided the concerns and directed the destinies of the colony. They

were the friends of liberal principles, and at all times resisted

every encroachment upon their rights. The arbitrary power exercised

by Charles the first over his European subjects, which hurled him

from his throne, was successfully resisted by the Lees of Virginia.

When Cromwell assumed the crown, his power was not recognised by this

colony, and the mandate that first proclaimed the second Charles king,

originated with Lee and Berkley of the Old Dominion.

The plan of ultimate independence seems to have been long cherished

and nursed by the elder Lees. Through the bright vista of the future

they contemplated the millennium of freedom in America. So strongly

impressed was the father of the present subject with this idea, that

he fixed in his mind the location of the seat of government, and in

view of this, purchased lands in the vicinity of Washington. By some

historians this is called a paradox which philosophy has been perplexed

to explain. To my mind the solution is involved in no mysterious

perplexity. A man of deep reflection does not draw his conclusions from

present appearances alone. He compares the past with the present, from

which he makes deductions for the future. The historic map of the old

world is covered with the rise, progress, and downfall of kingdoms and

nations. Judging from the causes that produced them, and the results

that followed, it was the natural conclusion of a penetrating mind,

that the expansive territory we now possess, with all the bounties

of nature lavished upon it, and with intelligent and enterprising

immigrants pouring in upon it, must eventually be so densely populated

that its physical force would become too strong for any European power

to maintain a dominion over it. Its geographical centre, with reference

to the settlements then in progress, was equally plain. The “prophecy,”

as it has been termed, was the result of deep thought, arriving at

conclusions drawn from the laws of nature, and shows that Mr. Lee

possessed an analyzing mind that moved in a broad circumference.

Richard Henry Lee commenced his education at Wakefield, Yorkshire,

England, and remained in that kingdom until he completed it. He

returned a finished scholar and an accomplished gentleman, with a

reputation untarnished by folly or vice. From his youth his integrity

and morality were of the purest order; he delighted in reposing under

the ethic mantle. During his absence his innate republicanism did not

become tinctured with the farina of European courts, or the etiquette

of aristocracy. In classic history he found the true dignity of man

portrayed, and his inalienable rights delineated. In the philosophy

of Locke he saw the rays of light reflected upon human nature, and

the avenues of the immortal mind opened to his enraptured view. In

the elements of Euclid the laws of demonstration were exhibited to

his understanding, and aided in maturing his logical powers. He was

prepared to enter upon the great theatre of public action, and to

adorn the circle of private life. Endowed with these qualifications,

his services were naturally required by his country. His first public

act was to raise a body of troops and tender his services to General

Braddock. That proud Briton considered the provincials puerile, and

declined the proffered aid. His fate is a matter of history. In 1757,

Mr. Lee was appointed a justice of the peace and president of the

court. Shortly after, he was elected to the house of burgesses, where

he made himself thoroughly acquainted with the laws of legislation, the

ramifications of the government, the various interests and policy of

the colony, and with the rules of parliamentary proceedings.

Retarded by an almost unconquerable diffidence, he took very little

part in debate at first, and it was not until he became excited by a

subject in which he felt a deep interest, that his Ciceronean powers

became developed. A bill was before the house imposing a duty upon the

importation of slaves into Virginia, so heavy as to virtually amount

to a prohibition. It met with strong opposition, and then it was

that Richard Henry Lee became roused, and poured upon his astonished

audience a flood of eloquence against the importing traffic of human

beings, that raised him at once to the pinnacle of fame as an eloquent

orator. He was proclaimed the Cicero of America. He painted, in vivid

colours, the cruelties of Cortes in South America, of the Saracens

in Spain, and then pointed his colleagues to the darker and more

barbarous practices that marked and branded with lasting infamy the

unhallowed slave trade. He also pointed them to the bloody scenes of

other times, when the physical force of those held in bondage had

enabled them to rise in their might and crush their masters at one

bold effort. By stopping the traffic the evil already entailed upon

them might be provided for, and the certain and dreadful consequences

of a constant influx from Africa be warded off. His eloquence was

applauded, but his doctrines of philanthropy were voted down. The trade

was then sanctioned by the government of Great Britain, now so loud

in complaints against us, for not providing for an evil entailed upon

America by the mother country.

The exposure of base corruptions practised by Mr. Robinson, then

treasurer of the colony, was the next important service rendered by Mr.

Lee. As this was participated in by the aristocracy of the house it

required much boldness, energy, and persevering sagacity to introduce

the probe successfully. This he effected in a masterly manner, and

proved clearly that the treasurer had repeatedly re-issued reclaimed

treasury bills to his favourite friends to support them in their

extravagance, by which means the colony, in paying them a second time,

was robbed of the amount. This act placed Mr. Lee on a high eminence in

view of every honest man.

When Charles Townshend laid before the British parliament the odious

and more extensive plan of taxing the American colonies, which was

seized upon as a _philosopher’s stone_ by Mr. Grenville, Mr. Lee was

among the first to sound the alarm to his countrymen. Within one month

after the passage of the preliminary act in parliament followed by a

revolting catalogue of unconstitutional and oppressive laws, Mr. Lee

furnished a list of arguments against it to his London friends, that

were sufficient to convince every man of the injustice and ruinous

policy of the measure proposed, who was not blind to the dictates of

reason and madly bent on enslaving his fellow men. When Patrick Henry

proposed his resolutions in 1765, against the stamp act, which brought

out the full force of his gigantic mind for the first time, Mr. Lee

gave them the powerful aid of his eloquent and unanswerable logic.[C]

Associations began now to be organized to resist the oppressions of the

crown of which he was a prominent and efficient member. The collector

of stamps was compelled to relinquish his office and deliver up his

commission and the odious paper, and the people were advised not to use

it on any occasion.

[C] See them at large in the life of Henry.

The _pen_ of Mr. Lee was also ably used and produced many keen,

withering, logical, patriotic and sarcastic essays, that contributed

largely in producing a proper tone of enthusiastic patriotism in the

public mind. He also corresponded with the patriots of New York and New

England, and was the first one according to the testimony of Colonel

Gadsden, of South Carolina, and the public documents of that eventful

era, who proposed the independence of the colonies, which tends to

strengthen the allusion to his ancestors, who had for a century before

predicted this event. The idea had probably been handed down from sire

to son. In a letter from Richard Henry Lee to Mr. Dickinson, dated

July 25th, 1768, connected with the statement of Colonel Gadsden,

he proposes upon all seasonable occasions to impress upon the minds

of the people the necessity of a struggle with Great Britain “_for

the ultimate establishment of independence_,” and “that a private

correspondence should be conducted by the lovers of liberty in every

province.” His early proposition in Congress to sever the maternal

ties, was considered by most of the friends of liberty premature and

rash; but he had long nursed this favourite project in his own bosom

and was anxious to transplant its vigorous scions to the congenial

hearts of his fellow patriots.

Soon after the house of burgesses convened in 1769, Mr. Lee, as

chairman of the judiciary committee, introduced resolutions so

highly charged with liberal principles, sapping the foundation of

the Grenville superstructure, that they caused a dissolution of

the house, and concentrated the wrath of the British ministry and

its servile creatures against him. The fruits of their persecution

were the formation of non-importation associations, committees of

correspondence, committees of safety, and the disaffection of the

English merchants towards the ministers, in consequence of their

impolitic measures, which were calculated to prostrate the exporting

trade to America.

Lord North now assumed the management of the grand drama of oppression,

and laid more deeply the revenue plan. By causing a repeal of the

most offensive acts, he hoped to lull the storm of opposition that was

gathering, disarm the colonists of the spirit of resistance, and, in

the meantime, prepare for more efficient action. Had the Boston port

bill been omitted, his dark designing treachery might have had a more

triumphant reign. This roused the indignation of the people and fanned

the burning flame of patriotic resentment to a _white_ heat.

The Philadelphia Congress of 1774 was now planned, in which Mr. Lee

took his seat. At that memorable meeting he acted a conspicuous part.

After Patrick Henry had broken the great seal that appeared to rest on

the lips of the members as they sat in deep and solemn silence, he was

followed by Richard Henry Lee in a strain of belles lettres eloquence

and persuasive reasoning that took the minds of his audience captive,

and restored to a calm the boiling agitation that shook their manly

frames as the mountain torrent of the Demosthenean Henry rushed upon

them.

He was a member of the committee appointed to prepare an address to the

king, the people of Great Britain, and to the colonies. That document

was written by him and adopted with a few amendments. He was also upon

the committee that prepared the address to the people of Quebec, and

upon the committee of rights and grievances, and of non-intercourse

with the mother country. In the warmth of his ardour, he proposed

several resolutions that were considered premature at that time, and

were rejected; not because his purity of purpose was doubted, but

because many of the members still hoped that peace might be restored

by a timely redress of the grievances they had strongly and clearly

set forth in their petition and address to the king and his advisers,

and were not willing then to take any action to widen the breach

between the two countries. The proceedings of this Congress were highly

applauded by Lord Chatham, as being without a parallel for solidity of

reasoning, force of sagacity and wisdom of conclusion.

In 1775, Mr. Lee was unanimously elected to the Virginia legislature

and continued to act with undiminished zeal. He received a vote of

thanks from that body “for his cheerful undertaking and faithful

discharge of the trust reposed in him during the last Congress,” and

was immediately appointed a delegate to the next. A more congenial

field was now opened for the ardent spirit of this devoted patriot.

Temporizing was no longer the order of the day. Vigorous action had

become necessary, and the zeal and industry of Mr. Lee had ample scope.

With all his might he entered upon the good work. Upon committees,

in the house, every where, he was all activity. In 1776, he was

again a member of the national legislature, and in obedience to the

instructions of the Virginia legislature and of his own conscience,

on the 7th of June of that year, he offered the resolution for the

adoption of a Declaration of Independence, and enforced it by one

of the most brilliant and powerful displays of refined and forcible

eloquence ever exhibited by man. On the 10th of the same month he was

called home by the illness of his family, which prevented him from

taking his place as chairman of the committee upon his resolution

agreeably to parliamentary rules. Mr. Jefferson was selected in his

stead. The wrath of British power was now roused against him. During

his short stay at home, an armed force broke into his house in the

night, and by threats and bribes endeavoured to induce his servants

to inform them where their master could be found. They persisted in

affirming that he had started for Philadelphia. He was not in his house

at the time, but a few miles from it with a friend.

In August he returned to Congress and most cheerfully affixed his

name to that instrument which his imagination had dwelt upon for

years. He served until June, 1777, when he returned to Virginia in

order to confute a base slander, charging him with unfaithfulness to

the American cause, in consequence of his having received rents in

kind instead of continental money. He was honourably acquitted by the

assembly and a vote of thanks for his valuable services was passed by

that body. During the two ensuing years his health did not permit him

to sit in Congress but a part of the time, but in all the vast concerns

that occupied the attention of that body he took a deep interest and

aided by his counsel.

The portals of military fame were now opened to Mr. Lee. The enemy,

defeated in the north, made a rush upon the southern states. He was

appointed to the command of the militia of his native county, and

proved as competent to wield the sword and lead his men to the field

of epic glory, as he was to command the admiration of his audience by

his eloquence. He annoyed the operations of the enemy in his vicinity

whenever they approached, and made admirable arrangements for the

defence of the country under his charge. In 1780–1–2, he served in

the legislature of Virginia. The propositions of making paper money

a legal tender, of paying debts due to the mother country, and of

raising a tax to support the clergy, or a general assessment to support

the christian religion, were then before the house and excited great

interest. Mr. Lee advocated them, Mr. Henry opposed them. Upon the

sacredness of contracts he based his arguments in support of the two

first; from the principles of ethics he drew conclusions in favour of

the last. He considered good faith in the former necessary to secure

peace and respect, and an adherence to the latter necessary to correct

vice and purge the body politic from moral corruptions, the bane of any

government. He remarked, “Refiners may weave reason into as fine a web

as they please, but the experience of all times shows religion to be

the guardian of morals.” He contended that the declaration of rights

was aimed against restrictions in the _form_ and _mode_ of worship, and

not against the legal compulsory support of it.

In 1784, Mr. Lee was again elected to Congress and chosen president of

that body. At the close of the session he received a vote of thanks for

the faithful and able performance of his duty, and retired to the bosom

of his family to rest from his long and arduous public toils. Under the

federal constitution he was elected to the first senate of the United

States, and fully sustained the high reputation he had before acquired.

Infirmity at length compelled him to bid a final farewell to the public

arena, and, with the honours of a most flattering resolution of thanks

for his many valuable services, passed by the Virginia legislature

on the 22nd of October, 1792, he retired to the peaceful shades of

Chantilly, in his native county, covered with laurels of lasting fame.

There he lived esteemed, beloved, respected and admired, until the 19th

of June, 1794, when the angel of death liberated his immortal spirit

from its prison of clay, and seraphs from heaven wafted his soul to

realms of bliss beyond the skies, there to enjoy the rich reward of a

life well spent.

Mr. Lee was a rare model of human excellence and refinement. He was

a polished gentleman, an accomplished scholar, orator and statesman.

In exploring the vast fields of science he gathered from them the

choicest flowers and the most substantial fruits. The classics, belles

lettres, the elements of civil, municipal, national and common law, and

the principles of every kind of government, were all familiar to his

mind. He was ardently patriotic, pure and firm in his purposes, honest

and sincere in his motives, liberal and republican in his general

principles, frank and open in his designs, and highly honourable in his

course. As an orator the modulation of his voice, manner of action, and

mode of reasoning, were a fac simile of his great prototype, Cicero, as

described by Rollin.

His private character was above reproach. He possessed and exercised

all those amiable qualities calculated to impart substantial happiness

to those around him. To crown with enduring splendour all his rich and

varied talents, he was a christian and an honest man. Whilst his dust

reposes in peace let his examples deeply impress our minds and excite

us to imitation.

STEPHEN HOPKINS.

Party spirit when based on selfishness, unhallowed ambition and venal

corruption, is a gangrene in the body politic. Its history is red with

blood—blackened by the darkest crimes, its career has been marked with

all the terrific horrors that demons could plan and wicked men execute.

It rides upon the whirlwind of faction; it is wafted on the tornado of

fanaticism; it is fanned by fell revenge and delights in human gore. It

has been the mighty conqueror of nations; its burning lava has consumed

kingdoms and empires; the fairest portions of creation have been

blighted by its rankling poison; countless millions have fallen by its

murderous hand; and, fearful thought! its end has not yet come.

A few rare instances are recorded where parties have arrayed themselves

against power, prompted alone by pure motives and elevated patriotism,

guided by reason and sound policy. To be successful and not violate the

laws of wisdom and justice, the leaders of a party must be men who are

influenced alone by a desire to promote the general good, aiming at

holy ends to be accomplished by righteous means. The brightest example

of this kind spread upon the pages of history was exhibited by the

sages of the American revolution. No convention of men ever assembled

to consult upon a nation’s rights and a nation’s wrongs, graced with

as much splendour of talent, sterling integrity, self-devotion and

disinterested patriotism, as that of the Continental Congress of

America.

Among them, the patriarch, STEPHEN HOPKINS, took a conspicuous place.

He was a native of Scituate, Rhode Island, and born on the 7th of

March, 1707. He was the son of William Hopkins, a respectable farmer,

whose father, Thomas Hopkins, was one of the earliest settlers of that

province. The juvenile education of the subject of this biographette

was limited to the elementary English branches, then but superficially

taught in the common schools. From that embryo beginning, he reared,

from the force of his own exertions, a towering and beautiful

superstructure. Remarkably attached to books, he spent all his leisure

hours in the acquisition of knowledge. A farmer in easy circumstances,

he devoted a portion of the day and his quiet evenings to the

improvement of his mind.

No profession not literary, affords so good a chance for mental

exercise and reflection as that of agriculture. It is their own

fault if the independent tillers of the soil are not enlightened and

intelligent. The time was when ignorance was winked at. That dark age

has passed away, and now common sense and reason command all to drink

at the scholastic fountain.

Blessed with strong intellectual powers, Mr. Hopkins acquired a

thorough knowledge of mathematics at an early period and became an

expert surveyor. At the age of nineteen he married Sarah Scott,

whose paternal great grandfather was the first Quaker who settled in

Providence. After becoming the mother of seven children she died, and

in 1755, Mr. Hopkins married the widow Anna Smith, a pious member of

the society of Friends.

In 1731, he was appointed town-clerk, soon after which he was appointed

clerk of the court and of the proprietors of the county. The ensuing

year he was elected to the general assembly, and was continued for six

successive years. In 1735, he was elected to the town council, and for

six years was president of that body. The next year he was appointed

a justice of the peace and a judge of the common plea court, and in

1739 was elevated to the seat of chief justice of that branch of the

judiciary. During the intervals of these public duties he spent much of

his time at surveying. The streets of his native town and of Providence

were regulated by him, and a projected map made of each. The next year

he was appointed proprietary surveyor for the county of Providence,

and prepared a laborious index of returns of all the lands west of

the seven mile line, then laid out, which still continues a document

of useful reference. Beauty and precision marked all his draughts and

calculations. In 1741, he was again elected to the assembly. The next

year he removed to Providence, and was elected, soon after his arrival,

to the same public body, and was chosen speaker of the house. In 1744,

the same honour was conferred upon him, as also that of justice of

the peace for Providence. In 1751, he was appointed chief justice of

the superior court, and elected for the fourteenth time to the general

assembly. In 1754, he was a delegate to the colonial Congress held at

Albany, for the purpose of effecting a treaty with the five nations of

Indians in order to gain their aid, or at least their neutrality in the

French war. A system of union similar to the confederation subsequently

entered into by the Continental Congress, was recommended and submitted

at that time, but was vetoed by England and not adopted by the colonies.

In 1755, when the triumphant victories of the French and their

savage allies spread consternation over the frontier settlements, a

requisition for troops was made by the earl of Loudoun, then commander

of the king’s forces. The quota from Rhode Island was four hundred and

fifty, and no one was more active than Mr. Hopkins in raising them.

The next year he was elected chief magistrate of the colony. In 1757,

the fall of fort William Henry and the sad reverses of the English

army, made it necessary that the colonists should raise an efficient

force for self-protection. A company of volunteers, composed of the

most respectable gentlemen of Providence, was organized and Mr. Hopkins

appointed to command it. The timely arrival of troops from the mother

country dispensed with the necessity of their services. The ensuing

year, this useful man was again elected chief magistrate, and served as

such seven out of the eleven following years.

In 1767, party spirit was rolling its mountain waves over Rhode Island

so fearfully, that it threatened the prostration of social order and

civil law. Anxious for the welfare of the colony, this patriotic Roman

put forth his noblest efforts to check its bold career. In his message

to the assembly he expressed his deep solicitude for the restoration of

harmony, and offered to retire at once from the public arena, if, in

the opinion of that body, it would contribute in the slightest degree

to heal the political breach. To show his sincerity he soon after

retired from the public service, contrary to the wishes of his friends.

His picture of that era so much resembles the political drama of the

present time, in some sections of our republic at least, that I cannot

forbear presenting it to the reader.

“When we draw aside the veil of words and professions, when we attend

to what is _done_ and not to what is _said_, we shall find in the

present age of our country, that liberty is only a cant term of

faction, and freedom of speaking and acting, used only to serve the

private interests of a party. What else can be the cause of our unhappy

disputes? What other reason for the continual struggle for superiority

and office? What other motive for the flood of calumny and reproach

cast on each other? Behold the leading men meeting in cabals, and from

thence dispersing themselves to the several quarters, to delude and

deceive the people. The people are called together in tippling houses,

their business neglected, their morals corrupted, themselves deluded;

some promised offices for which they are unfit, and those who have

disputes with their neighbours are assured of their causes whether

they be right or wrong. Those with whom these arts will not prevail,

are tempted with the wages of unrighteousness, and are offered a bribe

to falsify their oath and betray their country. By these scandalous

practices, elections are carried and officers appointed. It makes

little difference whether the officer, who in this manner obtains

his place, is otherwise a good man or not; for, put in by a _party_,

he must do what _they_ order, without being permitted to examine the

rectitude even of his _own_ actions. The unhappy malady runs through

the whole body politic; men in authority are not revered, and therefore

lose all power to do good; the courts of judicature catch the infection

and the sacred balance of justice does not hang even. All complain of

the present administration, all cry out the times are hard and wish

they might grow better. But complaints are weak, wishes are idle, cries

are vain, even _prayers_ will be ineffectual, if we do not universally

amend. Will no friend, no patriot, step in and save the commonwealth

from ruin? Will no good Samaritan come by and pour in the wine and oil

into the bleeding wounds of his country?” Again, from his essay on the

duties of freemen: “Permit me, therefore, to remind my countrymen of

the blood, the sufferings, the hardships and labour of their ancestors

in purchasing the liberty and privileges they might peaceably enjoy.

How can they answer it to fame, to honour, to honesty, to posterity, if

_they_ do not possess those inestimable blessings with grateful hearts,

with purity of morals, and transmit them with safety to the next

generation? Nothing is desired but that every man in the community may

act up to the dignity of his own proper character. Let every freeman

carefully consider the particular duty allotted to him as such by the

constitution; let him give his suffrage with candour for the person

he sincerely thinks _best_ qualified; let him shun the man who speaks

to him to persuade him _how_ to vote; let him despise the man who

offers him an office, and spurn the sordid wretch that would give him

a bribe; let him think it his duty to give his vote according to his

conscience, and not depend on others to do his duty for him. Let him

know that as duty is not local, so neither is capacity or fitness for

office confined to this or that town or place. Officers and magistrates

I would humbly entreat to consider, that their turn has arrived to

serve the _commonwealth_ and not themselves; that their own discreet

and exemplary behaviour is their chiefest and best authority to do

good in their offices; that it is vain to command others to practise

what we ourselves omit, or to abstain from what they see us do; that

where moderation and example are insufficient to suppress vice, power

ought to be used, even to its utmost severity, if necessary; and, above

all, that justice should be, in all cases and under all circumstances,

equally, impartially and expeditiously administered.”

This plain but lucid exposition of the duties of freemen, merits the

highest consideration of the private citizen, the able statesman,

and the profound judge. It is the effusion of a clear head, a good

heart, and a noble mind. It exhibits briefly and fully, in language

of unvarnished but sublime simplicity, the only sure foundation of a

republican government. It strikes at the very root of alarming evils,

that at this moment hang over our beloved country like an incubus.

It is naked truth plainly told, and by us should be strongly felt and

implicitly obeyed.

Owing to the great reputation of Mr. Hopkins as a mathematician, he was

called in June, 1769, to aid in taking observations upon the transit

of Venus over the disk of the sun. So highly prized were his services

on that occasion, that the pamphlet published upon the subject was

dedicated to him. This rare phenomenon occurred in 1739–61–69, and will

occur again in 1874 and 1996, if the planetary system is not before

dissolved, or changed in its primitive revolving course.

Governor Hopkins had incurred the displeasure of the British ministry

previous to the revolution, by licensing vessels from Rhode Island

to trade with the French and Spanish colonies. So long as it did not

violate any act of parliament he continued to exercise the privilege,

and disregarded the authority assumed but not delegated, of directing

the local concerns of the colony. He had long been convinced that the

mother country cared more for the fleece than the flock she claimed

in America, which had often been left to contend alone against a

merciless foe. With convictions like these upon his mind, a republican

to the core, and valuing liberty above life, he was fully prepared to

resist the first scintillations of the unconstitutional claims made

by corrupt and corrupting ministers. When the stamp act was passed,

his voice and his pen were arrayed against it. He showed clearly, that

this and other acts of parliament had no foundation in justice, and

were contrary to the spirit of the constitution of Great Britain. In

1772, the mountain torrent of local party spirit having subsided in the

colony, and its effervescence submerged in the more absorbing question

of British oppression, Mr. Hopkins again took his seat in the assembly

and continued a member for the three succeeding years. In 1774, this

patriarch statesman was elected to the national Congress, and entered

with a calm but determined zeal upon the responsible duties of that

august convention. The same year he proposed and obtained the passage

of a bill by the assembly of Rhode Island, entirely prohibiting the

slave trade in that colony; and, to show that he strongly felt what

he earnestly advocated, he emancipated all his negroes, some of the

descendants of whom still reside in Providence. He had incorporated

their freedom in his will dated some time previous.

In 1775, he was appointed chief justice of the colony, was a member of

the assembly and member of Congress; holding, simultaneously, a trio

of offices. The ensuing year he was one of the immortalized fifty-six

by whose exertions a nation was born in a day, and who signed, scaled,

and delivered the certificate of legitimacy to their grateful country.

The same year he was president of the board of commissioners of the New

England states that convened at Providence to consult and devise plans

for the promotion of the glorious cause of freedom. The next year he

presided over a similar board at Springfield, Massachusetts. In 1778,

he was a member of Congress for the last time, and the next year closed

his long, useful and arduous public career in the assembly of his

native state, and retired covered with the rich foliage of unfading

honours, the growth of nearly half a century. The proud escutcheon of

his public fame and private worth was without a spot to obscure its

brilliant lustre. As a municipal officer, as a judge on the bench, as a

legislator in the assembly, as the chief magistrate of the colony and

as a member of the Continental Congress, he discharged all his duties

ably, honestly, faithfully and with a single eye to the glory of his

country.

As a public speaker he made no pretensions to elocution, but was

listened to with profound attention. His reasoning was strong, always

to the point in question, and his speeches short. His was a vigorous,

clear, inquiring, analyzing mind, that surmounted every barrier with

the same fortitude, energy and determined resolution that carried

Bonaparte over the Alps, Sherman to the pinnacle of fame, and Franklin

to the summit of science.

He was a laborious and extensive reader and a friend to education. He

was one of the principal founders of the Providence Library in 1750,

and when it was destroyed by fire ten years after, he contributed

largely to a new supply of books. He also framed and obtained the

passage of an act to establish free schools, and did all in his power

to promote the cause of literature.

He was a friend to unshackled religion, breathing charity for all whose

deportment gave the impress of divine grace—the only genuine touchstone

of true piety. He admired most the creed of the society of Friends,

which frequently held meetings at his house. All gospel ministers were

made welcome to his hospitable mansion, which was not unaptly called by

some “the ministers’ tavern.” He was plain in all things and opposed to

pomp and show.

In addition to his multifarious public duties, he was extensively

engaged in commerce, manufactures and agriculture. He was a systematic,

thorough business man, scrupulously honest, honourable and liberal.

He never became wealthy, but enjoyed a competence through life. He

was often placed in the crucible of domestic affliction. Of the seven

children by his first wife, not one survived him. One son was murdered

by the Indians, another died in Spain, and the youngest, who was the

fourth sea captain of the family, was lost at sea as was supposed,

his vessel having never been heard from after leaving the port of

Providence.

In the relations of husband, father, kinsman, friend, gentleman,

benefactor, philanthropist, Christian, neighbour and citizen, this

public spirited man and pure patriot was a model of human excellence.

His eventful career was closed on the 13th of July, 1785, after

enduring the course of a slow and lingering fever with the same calm

fortitude that had marked his whole life. He had lived respected and

esteemed; he died peaceful and happy. To the last moments of his

earthly pilgrimage he retained full possession of his mental powers,

and approached the confines of eternity with a seraphic smile that

augured heaven. He had long laboured under physical infirmities of a

nervous nature; for many years it had been difficult for him to write

his name. He was interred at Providence two days after his decease.

His demise produced a mournful sensation throughout the country, and

many from an unusual distance joined the numerous procession that

followed his remains to the silent tomb. Let us all imitate his bright

examples, that we may be useful in life, triumphant in death, and

exalted beyond the grave.

ROBERT TREAT PAINE.

The love of liberty and the oppressions of those in power, first

induced the pilgrim fathers to plant their standard on the granite

shores of New England. They were not a band of visionary unprincipled

speculators, but a band of intelligent, virtuous, pious, patriotic

and enterprising citizens, who were, from the commencement, willing

to risk their lives and fortunes in the cause of human rights. The

early forms of government adopted by many of those infant settlements,

were remarkably similar to those now in operation. The principles that

actuated the patriots of the revolution were recognised and taught

by many of the earliest immigrants. Although, in consequence of the

charters emanating from the king, an allegiance was recognised, yet

the people never intended to have those chains riveted upon them from

which they had fled, nor surrender tamely the rights and privileges

given them by the God of nature, and rendered more dear by years of

toil and fountains of blood. To understand, appreciate, and guard

these blessings, they correctly deemed _intelligence_ the first grand

requisite. Upon this principle they started, upon this principle they

lived, and their happy example soon spread its benign influence far and

wide. Hence, we find more intelligent, wise, reflecting, consistent,

cool and deliberate men embarked in the cause of the American

revolution than in any other recorded on the pages of history.

Holding a conspicuous place among them, was ROBERT TREAT PAINE, a

native of Boston, born in 1731, of highly respectable and religious

parents. His father performed the duties of a clergyman until his

health became impaired, when he embarked in the mercantile business.

His mother was the daughter of an eminent divine, the Rev. Mr. Treat,

of Eastham. From these pious parents he received those principles of

virtue that enabled him to be useful through future life. Were there

no other blessings flowing from religion than its salutary influence

upon the order and harmony of society, mankind would be richly paid for

adhering to its principles. This consideration alone should close the

_mouth_ of every infidel opposer, whatever may be the conclusions of

his _mind_ with reference to its origin and reality.

At an early age, Mr. Paine was placed under Mr. Lovell, a classical

teacher in Boston, where his embryo talents rapidly expanded into a

rich and luxuriant growth. At fourteen he became a student at Harvard

College. After closing his studies at this ancient seat of learning,

his parents, not only unable to aid him in business, required his

assistance to render them comfortable. He, therefore, before commencing

the study of a profession, employed his time for some months in

teaching a public school, a business as honourable as it is useful, and

which in point of dignity and compensation is now far inferior to the

days of Greece and Rome. Isocrates, for a single course of lectures on

rhetoric, received from one hundred of the Athenian scholars, fourteen

thousand eight hundred dollars. No wonder the ablest talents were

employed in advancing literature in classic Greece.

Mr. Paine continued this business at intervals, which enabled him to

contribute to the support of his worthy parents and a maiden sister,

whose healths were impaired, and also to pursue the studies of his

profession. He commenced the study of theology, but ultimately read

and entered upon the practice of law. He first appeared at the Boston

bar, and from there removed to Taunton, in the county of Bristol. He

there acquired a firm and substantial eminence as an acute, sound and

discreet lawyer and able advocate. He enjoyed the confidence and esteem

of his numerous acquaintances. He was among the earliest patriots

who opposed the innovations of the crown and boldly advanced liberal

principles. He was a member of the conventions of 1768, called by the

citizens of Boston, to take measures for the preservation of their

sacred rights, and which Governor Bernard vainly attempted to disperse

before they completed their deliberations.

He was employed, at the instance of Samuel Adams, by the people of

Boston to conduct the prosecution against Captain Preston, for ordering

his men to fire upon the populace on the 5th of March, 1770, which

duty he discharged with great zeal and ability. During the gathering

storm of the revolution, Mr. Paine was uniformly upon the important

committees of the people, and many of the boldest resolutions that were

adopted at the meetings and conventions of that trying period were

from his pen. In 1773, he was chosen a representative to the general

assembly, and was one of the members who conducted the impeachment of

Peter Oliver, chief justice of the province, who was accused of acting

under the direct influence of the crown instead of the assembly. In

this trial, Mr. Paine manifested strong talent, and showed himself

master of his profession.

In 1774, he was again elected to the assembly, and boldly warned the

people against the dangers to be apprehended from the appointment of

Governor Gage to succeed Governor Hutchinson. It was plainly seen that

the designs of the British ministry were to be enforced at the point of

the bayonet. An awful, an alarming crisis was approaching. A committee,

larger than at any previous time, was convened at Boston, which advised

and proposed the plan of a General Congress. Governor Gage sent a

messenger with an order for them to disperse, to whom they refused

admittance until they finished their deliberations, which resulted in

the appointment of five delegates, one of which was Mr. Paine, to meet

those from the other colonies at Philadelphia. This measure originated

in Massachusetts, and had been proposed as early as 1765, and was

strongly urged in a circular three years after. The set time had now

arrived—the galling yoke had become painful—and the colonies generally

acceded to the proposal. The ostensible object in convening this

Congress was, not to effect a separation, but to obtain a relaxation of

the severities imposed by the crown. It is believed a large majority of

the members when they assembled had never contemplated a declaration

of independence; but among them were bold and ardent spirits, noble

and patriotic hearts. As one of those, Mr. Paine stood conspicuous.

Their language continued to be respectful to the crown, but their

chartered rights they were determined to defend and protect. They did

not attribute their sufferings to a bad heart in their king, but to

the ambitious avarice of a corrupt ministry. Their proceedings were

calm as a summer morning, but firm as the rock of ages. They appealed

to their sovereign, to the British nation, to the American people,

and to a gazing world for the justice of their claims and the equity

of their demands. But to Britain they appealed in vain. The cords

of coercion were drawn with a stronger hand—their remonstrances and

petitions were answered by legions of foreign soldiers in all the

panoply of war—and servile submission or open resistance were the

only alternatives left. Mr. Paine was also a member of the Provincial

Congress of Massachusetts, convened at Concord, in October, 1774, and

was the principal in preparing a spirited address to the people of

England, which did much to open the eyes of many in the mother country,

and rouse the colonists to a just sense of the injuries of the British

parliament.

The following year he was again elected a member of the Continental

Congress, and was placed upon many important committees. He was as

indefatigable in his labours as he was zealous in the cause of human

rights. He was chairman of the committee for the encouragement of the

manufacture of arms and for furnishing the army. He used to say, “I

fear we shall become slaves, because we are not industrious enough to

be free.”

Mr. Paine was appointed on the committee to prepare a constitution

for Massachusetts, and has the credit of framing that instrument. He

was again elected to Congress, and in April, 1776, was appointed on a

committee with Messrs. Jefferson and Rutledge to report rules to govern

Congress in their deliberations, and upon the committee to inquire

into the causes of the disasters of the campaign in Canada.—When the

glorious 4th of July, 1776, dawned upon Columbia’s sons like smiling

heaven, and the eagle of LIBERTY soared in peerless majesty over their

blood-stained soil, Mr. Paine was at his post. With a buoyant heart

and a firm hand he affixed his name to that matchless instrument which

is a terror to tyrants and the pride of freemen. He did much to rouse

his friends to action by his letters, which he poured upon them in

the most happy style. In his native state he stood on the pinnacle of

fame—in the national legislature he was universally esteemed. He was

still continued a member of Congress, and, when he could be spared,

took a part in the legislative proceedings of Massachusetts. In 1777,

he was speaker of the House of Representatives, and the same year was

appointed attorney-general, by the unanimous vote of both branches

of the legislature. He was a prominent member of the committee who

formed the “regulating act” reducing the price of labour, goods, &c.

to a standard of equality. In 1779, he was elected a member of the

executive council, which, in conjunction with his other appointments,

imposed upon him constant and arduous duties. At the adoption of the

constitution, he was re-appointed attorney-general of his native state,

and continued in that office until 1790, when he declined, in order to

pursue some more lucrative business that he might provide for the wants

of a large and destitute family. He had been a faithful public servant

and had expended all but a bare and scanty support in the cause of his

country.

He was then appointed a judge of the superior court, which situation

he held until 1804, when his health compelled him to resign. He

discharged the duties of this office with great justice and ability,

and did much to advance the interests of religion, social order and a

sound state of society. On his resignation, he was elected a counsellor

of the commonwealth, and continued to impart his salutary advice and

influence to his fellow-citizens until death closed his career on the

11th of May, 1814, when, calm and resigned, he fell asleep in the arms

of his glorious Redeemer, reposing full confidence in His merits,

and possessing a full assurance of a welcome entrance into realms of

transcendent bliss beyond the skies, there to enjoy the rich reward of

a crown of unfading glory through the rolling ages of eternity.

In the life of Judge Paine, we have a picture which the christian,

the patriot, the legislator, and the statesman, may contemplate with

pleasure and delight. From the stations he occupied as the prosecutor

for the commonwealth, and as the administrator of its laws, he obtained

the reputation amongst some of being harsh, but no one dared to accuse

him of injustice. His integrity was above the reach of slander. From

his solicitude to confine a wayward son in the paths of rectitude,

he was accused of being unkind to his family, an accusation as false

as the heart was base that originated it. To his family he was all

kindness and affection. No stronger proof need be adduced than his

extreme anxiety for their welfare and usefulness. He was a friend to

literature, and the founder of the American Academy of Massachusetts

in 1780. The degree of LL.D. was conferred upon him by the Cambridge

University. He was a striking example of the happy results of

perseverance and industry, having acquired his fame without the aid

of patronage in early life, rising by his own exertions, unaided

by any, and administering to the comfort of his aged and destitute

parents. His career in public and private life was marked with the

purest integrity, the strictest morality, the utmost consistency and

the noblest patriotism. His life was a continued round of usefulness;

his labours were a blessing to mankind; his death was surrounded by

a sacred purity that reached from earth to heaven—his examples will

be held in veneration by the great and good to the remotest period of

truth-telling time.

GEORGE TAYLOR.

A purely confederate republican government to answer fully its

beautiful theory, must be healthful and sound in all its parts, and be

wielded by enlightened rulers whose hearts are free from all guile,

whose judgments are strong and matured, whose characters are in all

respects irreproachable, whose conduct is in all things consistent,

whose patriotism and virtue extinguishes self and soar above all

temptation to digress from the most exalted honesty and rigid moral

rectitude, whose minds are stored with useful knowledge and large

experience, and whose souls are imbued with wisdom from above.

In such a condition and in such hands this kind of government is

calculated to elevate the mental powers of man, to spread before the

mind correct and liberal principles, and to promote social order and

general happiness by extending its radiant light, its genial rays and

its benign influence to the remotest bounds of the inhabited globe. In

such a condition and in such hands it would become the solar fountain

of intellectual improvement, the polar star of expanding science, and a

shining light to the human family. Its refulgent beams would enrapture

the ignorant, the oppressed, and the forlorn—its harmonious links would

form a golden chain that would reach the confines of earth. It would

be a messenger of peace, pointing and inviting the weary pilgrims of

bondage in every clime to a reposing asylum of peaceful and quiescent

rest. This is the kind of government intended by the sages of the

American revolution—this is the kind of government they desired to form

and perpetuate.

Among those who laid the foundation and commenced the superstructure

of our admired and expanding republic was GEORGE TAYLOR, a native of

Ireland, born in 1716. His father was a clergyman and bestowed upon

him a good education. He then placed him with a physician, under whose

direction he commenced the study of medicine. Not fancying the idea

of becoming a son of Æsculapius he flew the course, and finding a

vessel bound for Philadelphia and ready to sail, without consulting his

friends and without money, he entered on board as a redemptioner. Soon

after he arrived in this country his passage was paid by Mr. Savage,

of Durham, Bucks county, Pennsylvania, a few miles below Easton, for

which he bound himself as a common labourer for a term of years. This

gentleman was the owner of iron works where he lived, and assigned

to his new servant the station of _filler_, his business being to

throw coal into the furnace when in blast. He soon found this work

to differ widely from that of handling books and the pen. His hands

became cruelly blistered, but being resolute and ambitious to gain

the approbation of all around him, he persevered without a complaint.

The workmen, observing his condition, named the circumstance to Mr.

Savage, whose humanity induced him to provide some less laborious

employment for the young foreigner. On conversing with him he

discovered his intelligence, education and talents, and immediately

promoted him to clerk in the counting room of the establishment. He

proved fully competent to his new situation, and gained the friendship

and esteem of all around him. Nor did he neglect the improvement of

his mind. He applied to practical use the theories he had acquired

at school. His reflecting and reasoning powers became developed. He

made himself familiar with the formula of the business, the customs

and the government of his adopted country. He became esteemed for

his correct deportment, and admired for his clearness of perception

and soundness of judgment. To add to his importance in society, the

wife of Mr. Savage became a widow and was subsequently married by Mr.

Taylor, by which he became sole proprietor of a large property and the

husband of a worthy and influential woman. By persevering industry

and good management he continued to add to the estate constantly, and

in a few years purchased a tract of land on the bank of the Lehigh,

in Northampton county, upon which he built a splendid mansion and

iron works, and made it his place of residence. He was not prospered

in business at his new location, and at a subsequent period removed

back to Durham. During his residence in Northampton county he became

extensively and favourably known, and in 1764, was elected to the

provincial assembly at Philadelphia, and took a prominent part in its

deliberations.

He had not been an idle spectator or careless observer of passing

events or of subjects discussed. He had examined the principles upon

which various governments were predicated, and became enraptured with

the federal republican system. He had watched, with a freeman’s eye,

the increasing advances of British oppression. He was too patriotic and

too bold to tamely submit to the yoke of bondage. So well was he then

known as a discerning and discreet man, that he was placed upon the

important committee of grievances. He also took a bold stand against

the corruptions of the proprietary government, and advocated strongly

an alteration of the charter, so that peculation should be diminished

and abuses corrected.

The ensuing year he was again elected to the assembly, and was one

of the committee that prepared the instructions of the Pennsylvania

delegation to the Congress that convened in New York in 1765, to adopt

measures for the restoration and preservation of colonial rights. This

document combined caution and respect with firmness of purpose and

deliberation of action. It instructed the delegates to move within the

orbit of constitutional and chartered privileges, and to respectfully

but clearly admonish the king and his advisers not to transcend the

limits of the same circle.

The stamp act was repealed shortly after, and Mr. Taylor was one of the

committee that prepared a congratulatory address to the king on the

happy event. So ably did he discharge his public duties that his name

was uniformly placed upon several of the standing committees of the

highest importance, assigning to him an onerous burden of legislative

service. Upon the committee of grievances, assessment of taxes, the

judiciary, loans on bills of credit, navigation, to choose a printer of

the public laws, and others of importance the name of George Taylor was

generally found and often the first. For six successive years he was

constantly a member of the assembly. In 1768, he was upon a committee

appointed by that body to prepare an address to the governor censuring

him for a remissness in duty, in not having brought to condign

punishment certain offenders who had openly and barbarously murdered

several Indians, thereby provoking retaliation. It was respectful

and manly, but keen and cutting as a damask blade. It was a lucid

exposition of political policy, sound law, and public duty.

In October, 1775, Mr. Taylor was again returned to the assembly and

added fresh laurels to his legislative fame. In addition to others

he was placed upon the committee of safety, then virtually the organ

of government. An awful crisis had arrived, the dread clarion of

war had been sounded, American blood was crying for vengeance, the

revolutionary storm had commenced, and the mountain waves of British

wrath were rolling over the colonies. Firmness, sound discretion and

bold measures were required. Mr. Taylor possessed the former and

promoted the latter. He stood forth a faithful sentinel in the cause

of freedom, not a blazing luminary, but as solid as the granite rock.

He was in favour of prudence in all things, but was not affected by

the temporizing mania that at first paralyzed the action of many

who desired liberty but dreaded penalties. He continued to exercise

a powerful and salutary influence in the assembly of Pennsylvania

until the summer of 1776, when he became a member of the Continental

Congress, and sanctioned with his signature to the declaration of

rights, the principles of liberty he had boldly advocated. Although

Mr. Taylor did not tempt the giddy height of refined rhetoric, he

knew where and when to speak, what to say and how to vote—the highest

qualifications of a legislator.

In the spring of 1777, he retired from Congress and from public

life, covered with the honours of a devoted and ardent patriot, an

industrious and useful legislator, an enlightened and valuable citizen,

a worthy and honest man. On the 23d of February, 1781, he closed his

eyes upon terrestrial things, bid a final adieu to earth and its toys,

and bowed submissively to the king of terrors. He died at Easton, to

which place he had recently removed. From the character of Mr. Taylor

the reader may learn, that without the luminous talents of a Jefferson,

a Lee, or a Franklin, a man may be substantially useful and render

valuable and highly important services to his country and to the world.

FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE.

Virtue affords the only foundation for a peaceful and happy

government. When the wicked rule, the nation mourns. Not that rulers

must necessarily profess religion by being attached to some visible

church—but they must venerate it, and be men of the highest moral and

political honesty. Disease and corruption affect the body politic and

produce dissolution with the same certainty that they prostrate the

physical powers of man. If the head is disordered, the whole heart is

sick. If the political fountain becomes polluted, its dark and murky

waters will eventually impregnate every branch with their contagious

miasma. The history of the past proves the truth of these assertions;

the passing events of the present day afford too frequent demonstration

of the baneful effects of intrigue and peculation. Without virtue our

union will become a mere rope of sand, the victim of knaves and the

sport of kings. Self-government will become an enigma with monarchs,

rational liberty a paradox, and a republic, the scoff of tyrants.

Let every freeman look to this matter in time. Let him look back to

the sages who wisely conceived, nobly planned, and boldly laid the

foundations of the freedom we now enjoy, but which cannot, will not be

perpetuated unless we imitate their examples and obey their precepts.

They were virtuous, many of them devotedly pious, and all of them

politically honest.

Among their number the name and character of FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE

claims our present attention. He was the son of Thomas Lee, and born

in Westmoreland county, Virginia, on the 14th of October, 1734. He was

the brother of Richard Henry Lee, whose eloquence rose higher but whose

reflections were no deeper than those of Francis. In childhood he was

admired for his docility and amiable deportment, in youth he was the

pride of every circle in which he moved, and when manhood dawned upon

him he exhibited a dignity of mind and maturity of judgment that his

fellow citizens highly appreciated and delighted to honour.

He was educated by the Rev. Mr. Craig, a Scotch clergyman, of high

literary attainments and profound erudition. Under his tuition the

germs of knowledge took deep root in the prolific mental soil of

young Francis, and produced plants of a rapid and luxuriant growth.

The Scotch literati are remarkable for deep investigation, thorough

analyzation, and lucid demonstration. I have never met one who was

a pedant, a vain pretender, or a superficial scholar. Under such an

instructor the intellectual powers of Francis assumed a vigorous

and solid tone that placed him upon the substantial basis of useful

knowledge and enduring fame. He became delighted with the solid

sciences, and spent less time in the bowers of belles lettres than his

Ciceronean brother. The history of classic Greece and republican Rome

enraptured his mind with the love of liberty and liberal principles. He

read closely, thought deeply, and investigated fully. He prosecuted his

studies with untiring industry and became an excellent scholar, without

the advantages of European seminaries, to which most of the young sons

of wealthy men were then sent to complete their education. Imitating

the examples of his elder brothers, whose manners had received the

highest polish of English gentilesse and French etiquette he became

an accomplished gentleman. Raised in the midst of affluence, actuated

by moral rectitude, free from a desire to participate in the follies

of the world, living in the enjoyment of the refined pleasures that

promote felicity without enervating the body or vitiating the heart,

and a favourite among all his numerous acquaintances, his earthly

happiness was of the purest kind. With a mind richly stored with

scientific theory, with ethics and correct religious principles, he

entered the school of experience and became emphatically a practical

man. Possessed of an ample fortune he could devote his time to such

objects as he deemed most useful. Having early imbibed the love of

rational liberty, and having fully canvassed the conduct of the British

ministry towards the American colonies, Mr. Lee resolved to oppose the

encroachments of the king upon rights and privileges clearly guarantied

by the constitution of the mother country. He could not consent that

the trappings of the crown, the pomp of the court, the extravagance

of the ministry, and the expenses of the parliament of Great Britain

should be borne by the yeomanry of America, eloigned as they were from

the protection and good feeling of that power—deprived as they were

from being properly represented in legislation—subject as they were

to the caprice of every new cabinet created by the king—threatened as

they were to be dragged from their native soil to be tried by a foreign

jury—oppressed as they were by the insolence of hireling officers—and

driven as they were from under the mantle of constitutional rights.

In 1765, he was elected a member of the house of burgesses to represent

Loudoun county, where his estate was situated. He became an important

advocate of equal rights and took a bold stand in favour of natural

and chartered privileges. Blessed with a strong and investigating

mind, a deep and penetrating judgment, a clear and acute perception,

a pure and patriotic heart and a bold and fearless disposition, he

became one of the most efficient advisers in the house. He continued to

represent Loudoun until 1772, when he married the highly accomplished

and amiable Rebecca, daughter of Colonel Tayloe, of the county of

Richmond, where Mr. Lee then permanently located. The same year he was

elected to the house of burgesses from his new district, and continued

to render valuable services and exercise a salutary influence in that

body until he was appointed a delegate to the Continental Congress.

Amidst the gathering storm of the revolution and the trying scenes that

accumulated thick and fast around him, he stood undaunted, unmoved,

and undismayed. He advocated every measure calculated to promote

the independence of his country, and was prolific in plans for the

accomplishment of the desired object. As a member of committees he had

no superior. An extensive reader, he had made himself acquainted with

the principles of every form of government, and understood well the

minutiæ of magna charta and the British constitution. He was prepared

to act advisedly and safely, and determined to resist, even unto blood,

all the illegal advances of a base, designing and avaricious ministry.

He made no pretensions to oratory, seldom spoke in public, but when so

highly excited as to rise, he poured upon his opponents a flood of keen

and withering logic that often made them quail beneath its force.

On the 15th of August, 1775, Mr. Lee was elected a member of the

Continental Congress. A more expansive field was then opened before

him. To do or die, to live in chains or peril every thing for liberty

had become the dilemma. Columbia’s soil had been stained with the blood

and serum of Americans, shed by the very men who had been cherished by

their bounty and fed by the labour of their hands. The dim flickerings

of the hope of redress and conciliation were fast expiring in the

socket of forbearance. The great seal of the social compact had been

broken by the British ministry, the last petitions, remonstrances and

addresses to the king were to be prepared, and the final course to be

pursued by the colonies, determined. Inglorious peace or honourable

war were the two propositions. In favour of the last Mr. Lee put forth

the strong energies of his mind. Eternal separation from England and

independence for America could only satisfy and meet his views. Being

appointed upon many important committees, his exertions to obtain this

desideratum were unremitting, and his influence was strongly felt.

So highly were his talents appreciated that he was often chairman of

the committee of the whole. So convinced were his constituents of

his ability to promote the best interests of the glorious cause of

freedom, that they continued him in Congress until his retirement from

the public arena in 1779 to scenes more congenial to _his_ mind, but

less beneficial to the deliberations of the august body he had so much

benefitted.

When the proposition of final separation was submitted to Congress by

his brother, his soul was animated to the zenith of patriotic feeling,

and when the declaration of rights was adopted, his mind was in an

ecstacy of delight. His influence, his vote and his signature, told

how strong and pure were his desires in its favour. On that sacred

instrument, the chart of freemen and an eye-sore to kings, the name of

Francis Lightfoot Lee stands recorded—a lasting monument of his civic

fame.

He rendered essential aid in framing the articles of confederation

that carried the colonies through the revolution. This was a work

of great labour, and underwent, besides the time bestowed upon it

by the committee, thirty-nine distinct discussions in the house. He

contended ardently that the rights of contiguous fisheries and the

free navigation of the Mississippi river should be incorporated in the

claims of the United States upon Great Britain in all propositions

of peace. The wisdom and sagacity of his position is now fully

demonstrated although it then met with opposition by some, and was

considered as a matter of secondary importance by others.

A late writer has charged the “Lees of Virginia” with hostility towards

Washington, which, unqualified as it stands, includes Francis with

the rest. This hostile feeling, he asserts, arose from the sentence

of the court martial in 1778, that suspended General Charles Lee from

holding any commission in the American army for one year. Had the

writer consulted the records of Congress he might have avoided this

error. Francis Lightfoot Lee was the only one of the name in Congress

at that time. The sentence was acted upon and sanction by that body,

and Mr. Lee voted in its favour. He was ever a warm friend of the

illustrious Washington, and I have yet to learn that his brothers were

not also. General Lee was a native of North Wales, and, excepting a

short time during his youth, was not in America until 1773, and could

not have had the same claims of friendship upon the “Lees of Virginia”

as the father of our country. He was an accomplished and brave officer,

having served in Portugal under Burgoyne, and in the army of Poland,

and other places, from the time he was eleven years old until his

unfortunate dereliction from orders at the battle of Monmouth. He died

in Philadelphia in 1782. Another evidence that Mr. Lee held the hero of

the revolution in veneration is of a later date. After the adoption of

the federal constitution he was asked his opinion upon it. He answered,

with an air of seriousness, “I am old and do not pretend to judge

these things now, but one thing satisfies me it is all right—General

Washington is in favour of it and John Warden is opposed to it.” Mr.

Warden was opposed to American independence.

After he retired from Congress he enjoyed the domestic circle but for a

short season. He was elected to the legislature of his native dominion

contrary to his wishes, but promptly repaired to the post of public

duty. After aiding in the removal of the most perplexing difficulties

that embarrassed the government of the state, he again retired to the

peaceful shades of private life, where he remained until April, 1797,

when, calm and resigned, he obeyed the summons of the messenger of

death, bid an affectionate farewell to his friends and the world, and

took his departure “to that country from whose bourne no traveller

returns,” triumphing in faith, rejoicing in death, with the full

assurance of a crown of glory in a brighter and better world.

In public life Mr. Lee was eminently useful; his private worth and

excellence shone with equal brilliancy. Always cheerful, amusing

and instructive, he was the delight of every circle in which he

moved. Wealthy, liberal and benevolent, he was the orphan’s father,

the widow’s solace and the poor man’s friend. Kind, affectionate

and intelligent, he was a good husband, a faithful companion, and a

safe counsellor. Polished, urbane and gentlemanly, his examples were

calculated to refine the manners of those around him. Moral, discreet

and pious, his precepts had a salutary influence upon the minds of

all who heard them and were not callous to good advice. He died of

pleurisy, resulting from a heavy cold, and, within a few days of

each other, himself and wife were both laid beneath the clods of the

valley. They had no children to mourn their loss, but their graves

were moistened by the tears of numerous relatives and friends. Let the

shining examples of this good man be reflected forcibly upon our minds,

that our country may be benefitted by us in time, and that our final

exit from earth may be peaceful and happy.

THOMAS STONE.

A man who has a just sense of the responsibilities of a high public

office, will seldom seek one, unless impelled by impending dangers

that threaten to injure or destroy the best interests of his country.

The more clearly a modest unassuming man perceives the magnitude of a

public trust, the more he distrusts his own capacity to discharge its

duties, yet such a man is the very one to be safely trusted. It was

with great diffidence that Washington undertook the command of the

American armies, yet no one can be pointed out who possessed as fully

all the requisites to meet “the times that tried men’s souls.” John

Hancock quailed under his appointment as president of the Continental

Congress, yet no one could have manifested more firmness in the cause

of liberty, or have presided with more dignity.

It is only in times of danger that men of the _greatest_ worth become

_most_ conspicuous. They are then _sought_ out by the virtuous part of

the community, and sometimes become prominent by throwing _themselves_

in the breach of danger. In times of peace and prosperity, the same men

may be called to the councils of a nation without exciting astonishment

or unusual applause, and the names of noisy political partisans may

become more extensively known and be wider spread upon the wings of

venal party newspapers than theirs. It is in such times that men of

the greatest merit shrink from the public gaze, and it is in such

times that the canker worm of political intrigue carries on the work

of destruction in the body politic. It is in times of peril that men

of deep thought, cool deliberation and sterling honesty, become most

prominent and receive the full reward of merit. This fact was fully

demonstrated during the American revolution. Many were then called

to deliberate in the solemn assemblies of that eventful era who had

not been previously known as public men, and who retired as soon as

the mighty work of independence was completed. They were selected in

consequence of their strict integrity and sound discretion.

Of this class was THOMAS STONE, a descendant of William Stone, who

was governor of Maryland during the reign of Cromwell. He was born at

Pointon Manor, Charles county, Maryland, in 1743. He was well educated

under the liberal and classical instruction of a Scotch clergyman, and

studied the profession of law with Thomas Johnson of Annapolis. He

commenced a successful practice at that place, and was held in high

estimation by the community in which he lived. Modest, retiring and

unassuming in his manners, an industrious man of business, a close

student, a safe and judicious counsellor, he was beloved and admired

for his substantial worth and sterling merit. He possessed a clear

head, a sound judgment, and a good heart. His mind was vigorous,

analyzing, investigating, and patriotic. He was a friend to equal

rights, and delighted in seeing every person happy. He detested

oppression in all its varied shades. He was kind, noble and benevolent.

With feelings like these he was not a careless observer of the

infringements of the Grenville administration upon the constitutional

and chartered rights of his fellow citizens. When the stamp act was

promulged, he was a youth in politics, but the discussions upon its

odiousness deeply interested him. He was an attentive listener and

a thorough investigator. His opposition to it became firm; a holy

indignation pervaded his bosom and prepared him for future action.

Still he avoided the public gaze. With his friends in the private

circle he conversed freely, lucidly and understandingly upon the

subject of American rights and British wrongs, but could not be induced

to mount the rostrum of the forum and display his forensic powers until

a short time before he was called by his country to deliberate in her

national council.

When the Boston port bill was proclaimed, Mr. Stone surmounted the

barriers of diffidence and rushed promptly to the rescue. His example

had a salutary influence upon those around him. All knew that something

must be radically wrong, that some portentous danger hung over the

colonies when Thomas Stone was roused to public action. The influence

of such men as him, in times of peril, is of the highest value. The man

who is always or often a declaimer in popular meetings, must possess

Demosthenean or Ciceronian powers to command attention for a long time.

The cool, the reflecting, the calculating, the timid and the wavering,

are operated upon as by magic, where they see such a man as was Mr.

Stone go boldly forward and advocate, what to them seems a cause of

doubtful expediency.

On the 8th of December, 1774, he was elected a member of the

Continental Congress, and took his seat in that body on the 15th of

the ensuing May. The meeting of that convention of sages had been

deeply solemn and imposing the preceding year, but at that time an

increased responsibility rested upon the members. The cry of blood from

the heights of Lexington was ringing in their ears; the fury of the

revolutionary storm was increasing; the clash of arms and mortal combat

had already commenced; the vials of British wrath were unsealed, and

the fabric of civil government was falling before a foreign military

force. To meet such a crisis, it required the wisdom of Solomon, the

patriotism of Cincinnatus, the acuteness of Locke, the eloquence of

Cicero, the caution of Tacitus, the learning of Atticus and the energy

of Virginius. All these qualities were combined in the Continental

Congress to a degree before unknown. Mr. Stone commenced his duties

with vigour and prosecuted them with zeal. He was at first trammelled

by the instructions of the provincial assembly of Maryland, that body

being extremely anxious that peace should be restored without recourse

to arms. But the increasing oppressions of the crown eventually removed

this injunction and enabled him and his colleagues to join cheerfully

in all measures calculated to promote the cause of independence. He was

continued in Congress until 1777, when he declined a re-election. He

had been a faithful labourer in the committee rooms, and an influential

member in the house. He had bestowed much thought and time upon the

articles of confederation, and felt bound to remain in the public

service until they were fully formed and adopted. That important work

completed, he retired from the halls of Congress, carrying with him the

esteem and respect of that body, the approbation of a good conscience,

and the unlimited gratitude of his constituents.

In 1778, he was elected a delegate of the Maryland legislature, where

he became an important and influential member. During that session, the

articles of confederation that he had aided in framing the preceding

term in Congress, were submitted for consideration. They met with

violent opposition at first, and were the subject of warm discussion.

Having been present at their formation, Mr. Stone was prepared to

answer the objections raised against them by lucid, clear, logical and

convincing arguments. He contributed largely in gaining for them a

majority of votes in the legislature of his state.

In 1783, he again took his seat in Congress and became a highly

esteemed member. Devoted to the best interests of his country, free

from political ambition, honest, frank, republican and sincere in his

principles, he was safely entrusted with the responsibilities of every

station he was called to fill. He was present when Washington resigned

his commission and retired from the field of civic glory to the

peaceful shades of Mount Vernon, amidst the loud plaudits of admiring

millions, and the mingled tears of joy and gratitude that stood, like

pearly dew drops, on the cheeks of his countrymen and compatriots in

arms.

The ensuing year closed the labours of Mr. Stone in Congress, and

completed his public career. During the last session in which he

served, he presided, previous to its close, as president _pro tempore_,

and, had he consented to a re-election, would, as a matter of course,

been chosen the next president of the national legislature. As a

further mark of public esteem, he was elected a delegate to the

convention of 1787 that framed the federal constitution, but having

commenced a lucrative practice of law at Port Tobacco he declined the

honour of serving. On the 5th of October of the same year, he was

prematurely and suddenly called to the bar of God to render an account

of his stewardship, and closed his eyes in death, deeply lamented by

numerous friends, a grateful country, and millions of freemen. He was

cut off in the prime of life, in the midst of usefulness, whilst the

prospects of future honours were opening brightly before him. But he

had already earned a rich and honourable fame, imperishable as the

pages of history, lasting as human intelligence. From the time he

was first known as a public man to the present, neither the tongue

of slander nor the breath of detraction have attempted to cast a

stain upon his reputation as a patriot, a statesman, a lawyer, or

a private citizen. He was a rare specimen of discretion, propriety

and usefulness—a true specimen of the very salt of the body politic,

rendering efficient services to his country without pomp or show, and

without the towering talents of a Cicero or a Demosthenes. Such men are

always valuable, and may be relied upon in the hour of danger as safe

sentinels to guard the best interests of our nation.

LEWIS MORRIS.

A military depotism is a national curse. Laws that require the

bayonet to enforce them upon a civilized and enlightened people, are

of doubtful efficacy. Moments of excitement may occur in the best

organized communities, arising from some sudden local impulse, that

require a show of military power and even its force; but when a little

time is afforded for reflection, reason resumes her sway, the spirit of

mobocracy subsides, the soldier again becomes the peaceful citizen and

rests for security upon the arm of civil power. Quartering the military

among the citizens of a community, is calculated to produce numerous

and serious evils. Let that military, after having enjoyed the bounty

and hospitality of the citizens, be directed to _force_ the execution

of laws upon these citizens, oppressive in their nature and ruinous in

their effects, and an indignation is roused that is increased tenfold

from the circumstance of previous familiarity. Intimate friends often

become the most bitter enemies. Favours forgotten and ingratitude

displayed, add to the desperation of revenge.

Thus, previous to the American revolution, the military were often

quartered upon, or drew their support directly from the people. The

colonies had also contributed largely in money and blood to aid the

mother country in conquering her most inveterate foe in America—the

French in Canada. No return was asked but the enjoyment of privileges

granted and secured by the British constitution. This was eventually

denied. Petitions were treated with contumely—remonstrances were

laughed to scorn. Then it was that a band of sages rose to vindicate

the rights of their country, whose achievements have no parallel in

ancient or modern history.

Among the boldest of the bold was LEWIS MORRIS, who was born at

Morrisania, in the vicinity of the city of New York, in 1726. The

family documents of this Morris family trace their genealogy back to

Rhice Fitzgerald. Rhys or Rhice Fitzgerald was a Cambrian chieftain,

who carried his military operations and conquests into Ireland during

the reign of Henry the second. By his valour and success he obtained

the name Maur (great) Rhice, and the penultimate Fitzgerald was

dropped, and we now find the name as we have it above. In tracing

genealogy, we often find names as greatly changed as this. From this

original down to the present time, the various branches of the family

have been highly respectable, and have honourably filled many important

stations.

Lewis was the son of Judge Morris, of the same christian name, who

appears to have retained possession of the paternal estate formerly

purchased by his grandfather, Richard Morris, who was a leader under

Cromwell, and immigrated from Barbadoes about 1663, and purchased a

large tract of land near Haarlem, on York Island. He died in 1773.

He left an only son, Lewis, who was chief justice of New York, and

subsequently governor of New Jersey.

After passing through his preparatory studies, Lewis entered Yale

College at the age of sixteen. He became a good scholar and imbibed

from the president, Dr. Clap, a permanent relish for moral and

religious principles. In 1746, he took the degree of bachelor of arts,

returned to his estate and became extensively engaged in agriculture.

At that period the colonies were prosperous, free and happy. The mother

country had not yet contemplated the imposition of burdens upon her

distant children, and they were left to pursue their own course without

annoyance or molestation. Then they enjoyed the fruits of their labours

and reposed in peace.

In this happy retirement Mr. Morris continued to improve his farm and

his mind, and by his suavity and urbanity of manners, united with moral

rectitude and an honourable course, gained the confidence and esteem

of all who knew him. He became the nucleus of a circle of friends of

the highest attainments and respectability and was emphatically the

people’s favourite. His appearance was in every way commanding. A

noble and graceful figure, a fine and intelligent face, an amiable and

agreeable disposition, a warm and ardent temperament, a benevolent and

generous heart, an independent and patriotic soul, crowned with virtue,

intelligence and refinement, he was in all respects to be admired and

beloved.

The time approached rapidly when colonial repose was to be plucked by

the roots and wither beneath the scorching rays of British oppression.

The treasury of England had been drained by extravagance and war, and

her national debt had swollen to an enormous amount. The story of

prosperity and wealth in America was told to Mr. Grenville. The plan

of imperious taxation was devised. The stamp act was passed. The sons

of the pilgrim fathers were astonished and amazed. They loved their

king, but loved their country more. Legal remedies were resorted to.

A Congress was convened at New York. Able addresses to the throne and

the people of Great Britain followed, breathing the purest allegiance

conditioned on the restoration of constitutional rights. The stamp

act was repealed, but only to give place to a more voracious and

obnoxious family. In all these concerns of his country, Mr. Morris took

a deep interest, and from the beginning, opposed even the approach

of oppression, not at first as a leader but as an adviser. Although

Massachusetts took the lead in opposition, New York made a strong show

of resistance. In 1767, an act was passed by parliament compelling

the people of that province to furnish the British soldiers that were

quartered among them with provisions. By this order the burden fell

upon certain portions of the inhabitants exclusively and not pro rata

upon the whole. It was a direct invasion of personal rights and was

most severely felt by the citizens of the city of New York and its

vicinity. This measure brought Mr. Morris out. He publicly proclaimed

it unconstitutional and tyrannical, and contributed largely towards

influencing the legislature to place a veto upon it. Superior might

eventually overpowered this opposition and enforced the contribution

from the citizens. But spirits like that of Lewis Morris were not to

be subdued. An unquenchable fire was only smothered to gather strength

beneath the volcanic surface that then covered it. It was kept alive

by fresh fuel added by Mr. Grenville and his more subtle successor

Mr. North. The statute of Henry the eighth was revived, which doomed

malecontents to be sent to England for trial; the Boston port bill, its

handmaid, was passed and the cords of slavery were drawn more tightly.

The last petitions and remonstrances in the magazine of patience were

finally exhausted, and then it was that it was replenished with more

potent materials. Mr. Morris had now become a prominent man, a bold

and substantial whig, rather too ardent to send to the conciliatory

Congress of 1774. But the time soon arrived when the people required

just such a man, and in April, 1775, he was elected to the Continental

Congress. Even then the majority attributed their sufferings to the

ministers and not to the king, and still hoped he would cease to be

an automaton and prove himself a man worthy of the high station he

occupied. But hopes were vain, the juices of the olive branch became

absorbed by the sponge of venal power, and the virtues of the sword

were next to be tried. Already had the purple current stained the

streets of Boston and the heights of Lexington—already had the groans

of dying Americans, slain by the hands of those whom they had fed,

pierced the ears of thousands—already were widows and orphans weeping

for husbands weltering in blood and fathers covered with gore. Vigorous

measures of defence followed—legions of foreign troops flooded the

land—a dark and gloomy hour had arrived. Soon after his appearance

in Congress, Mr. Morris was placed upon a committee of which the

illustrious Washington was chairman, appointed to devise measures to

obtain a supply of the munitions of war. This was a desideratum not

readily acquired. Comparatively a sling and a few smooth stones were

all the patriots had with which to commence the combat with the British

Goliah. But with all these disadvantages, the battle of Bunker Hill

convinced the veterans of Europe that men determined on liberty or

death were not to be tamely subdued.

Mr. Morris became an active and efficient member of the national

legislature, and advocated strong measures. Although his enthusiastic

patriotism bordered on what was then considered rashness, in some

instances, the very path marked out by him in 1775 was the one

eventually followed. He became early convinced that an honourable

peace could not be obtained _under_ Great Britain, and was satisfied

that nothing but a triumph _over_ her would restore the equilibrium

of justice and chartered rights. During the interim between that and

the ensuing session, Mr. Morris was one of a committee appointed to

visit the frontier Indian tribes, to deter them, if possible, from

enlisting under the blood-stained banner of the mother country. He

also visited the assemblies of the New England states, in order to

perfect plans to raise supplies and prepare for a vigorous defence.

In 1776 he again took his seat in Congress, and was animated to find

a spirit more congenial with his views—a determination to sever the

gordian knot and proclaim an eternal separation from a nation that

had held power only to abuse it. He was placed on many and important

committees, and was active in and out of the house. In his native

neighbourhood Mr. Morris had no easy task to perform in rousing the

people to an efficient opposition. Governor Tryon, who was as wise and

poisonous too as a serpent, affected to be as harmless as a dove, and

exerted a powerful influence over the people of the city of New York

in favour of the crown. The commercial interests would be prostrated

by a war, the inequality of the two powers rendered the success of the

whigs problematical, and self interest, which was construed into self

preservation, operated for a long time against the cause of liberty in

that section. It required great exertions to surmount these obstacles.

Mr. Morris and his friends put forth their noblest energies in the

mighty work, and what _they_ could not effect, British oppression

and the powder and ball of General Howe soon accomplished. The able

addresses that he aided in preparing and circulating among the people

do great credit to his head and heart as a patriot, a statesman and a

scholar. They are chaste, forcible and luminous. When the declaration

of independence was proposed Mr. Morris became one of its ardent

supporters. At that very time his vast estate was within the power of

the enemy, and he well knew that if he signed the instrument proposed,

should it be adopted, it was giving to them a deed of sale, _alias_

of destruction, of all his property that was to them tangible. Most

rigidly did they use the delegated authority. Even his extensive

woodlands, of a thousand acres, were subjected to axe and fire, his

family driven from their home, and every species of destruction

resorted to that malice could invent, ingenuity design and revenge

execute. But liberty was dearer to this determined patriot than earth

and all its riches. He boldly sanctioned and fearlessly affixed his

name to the great certificate of our national birth, and rejoiced in

freedom illumined by the conflagration of Morrisania. His family and

himself suffered many privations during the remainder of the war, but

suffered patiently, without regret for the past and with brighter hopes

for the future.

In 1777 he resigned his seat in Congress and repaired to his native

state, in the legislature of which he rendered important services. He

also served in the tented field and rose to the rank of major-general

of militia. He was an excellent disciplinarian and contributed

essentially in the organization of the state troops. In every situation

he ably and zealously discharged all his duties, and never left the

post of service until the American arms triumphed in victory, and the

independence of his country was firmly established and acknowledged

by the mother country. Then he retired to his desolated plantation,

converted his sword into a pruning hook, his musket into a ploughshare,

and his farm into a delightful retreat, where his friends from the city

often visited him to enjoy his agreeable society, talk of times gone

by, and rejoice in the consolations of blood-bought liberty. Peacefully

and calmly he glided down the stream of time until January 1798, when

his immortal spirit left its frail bark of clay and launched upon

the ocean of eternity in a brighter and more substantial vessel. He

died serene and happy, surrounded by an affectionate family and kind

friends. His remains were deposited in the family vault upon his farm,

under the honours of epic fame and civic glory.

The examples of Mr. Morris illustrate the patriotism that impelled

to action during the revolution in a more than ordinary degree. He

had every thing that could be destroyed to lose, if the colonies

_succeeded_ in the doubtful struggle; and if they did not, the

scaffold, or death in some shape, was his certain doom. He was,

previous to the revolution, a favourite with the English; and, what

was more, his brother Staats was a member of the British parliament

and a general officer under the crown. But few made so great a

personal sacrifice, and no one made it more cheerfully. Like Marion,

he preferred a morsel of bread, or even a meal of roasted potatoes,

with liberty and freedom, to all the trappings and luxuries of a king

without them. So long as this kind of disinterested patriotism finds a

resting place in the bosoms of Columbia’s sons, our union is safe—let

this be banished and the fair temple of our liberty will perish in

flames kindled by its professed guardians and sentinels.

JOHN HART.

Agriculture, of all occupations, is the one best calculated to rivet

upon the heart a love of country. No profession is more honourable,

but few are as conducive to health, and, above all others, it insures

peace, tranquillity and happiness. A calling more independent in its

nature, it is calculated to produce an innate love of liberty. The

farmer stands upon a lofty eminence and looks upon the bustle of

mechanism, the din of commerce, and the multiform perplexities of

the literati, with feelings of personal freedom unknown to them. He

acknowledges the skill and indispensable necessity of the first, the

enterprise and usefulness of the second, and the unbounded benefits

flowing from the last; then turns his thoughts to the pristine quiet

of his agrarian domain and covets not the fame that accumulates around

the other professions. His opportunities for intellectual improvement

are superior to the two former, and, in many respects, not inferior to

the latter. Constantly surrounded by the varied beauties of nature

and the never-ceasing and harmonious operations of her laws, his mind

is led to contemplate the wisdom of the Great Architect of worlds and

the natural philosophy of the universe. Aloof from the commoving arena

of public life, and yet, through the medium of that magic engine,

the PRESS, made acquainted with the scenes that are passing there,

he is able to form cool and deliberate conclusions upon the various

topics that concern his country’s good and his country’s glory. In his

retired domicile he is less exposed to the baneful influence of that

corrupt and corrupting party spirit which is raised by the whirlwind

of selfish ambition and wafted on the tornado of faction. Before he

is roused to a participation in violent public action, he bears much,

reflects deeply and resolves nobly. But when the oppressions of rulers

become so intolerable as to induce the yeomanry of a country to leave

their ploughs and peaceful firesides, and draw the avenging sword,

let them beware—the day of retribution is at hand. Thus it was at

the commencement of the American revolution—when the implements of

husbandry were exchanged for those of war and the farmers joined in the

glorious cause of liberty—the fate of England’s power over the colonies

was sealed for ever. The commingling phalanx of all professions was

irresistible as an avalanche in the full plenipotence of force.

Among the patriots of that eventful era who left their ploughs in the

furrow and rushed to the rescue, was JOHN HART, a native of Hopewell,

Hunterdon county, New Jersey, born about the year 1715. The precise

time of his birth is not a matter of record, but his acts in the

Continental Congress are. He was the son of Edward Hart, a brave and

efficient officer, who aided the mother country in the conquest of

Canada, and participated in the epic laurels that were gained by Wolfe

on the heights of Abraham. He raised a volunteer corps, named it the

“Jersey Blues,” an appellation still the pride of Jerseymen. He fought

valiantly, and was recompensed by the _praise_, but not the _gold_

of the mother country. John Hart was an extensive farmer, a man of a

strong mind, improved by reading and reflection, and ambitious only to

excel in his profession. In Deborah Scudder he found an amiable and

faithful wife, and in the affections and good conduct of a liberal

number of sons and daughters he found an enjoyment which some bachelors

may affect to despise, but for which they often sigh in vain. Eden’s

fair bowers were pleasureless until Heaven’s first best gift to man was

there.

Known as a man of sound judgment, clear perception, liberal views and

pure motives, Mr. Hart was called to aid in public affairs long before

the revolution. For twenty years he had served in various stations,

and was often a member of the legislature of his native colony. He

took a deep interest in the local improvements, always necessary in a

new country, and also in the legislative enactments of that period.

He was a warm supporter of education and aided in the establishment

of seminaries of learning. He was a friend to social order and law,

and contributed largely in producing an equilibrium of the scales of

justice. In organizing the municipal government of his own county he

rendered essential service. Still his family and his farm were his

chief delight—save his orisons to Heaven. He viewed all public business

as a duty to be performed when required, not as a political hobby-horse

to ride upon. The public men of that day spoke but little, and then

to the point, and despatched their business promptly. Sinecures were

scarce, and office hunters few and far between. Industry, frugality and

economy, in public and private matters, were the marked characteristics

of the pilgrim fathers. Golden days! when will ye return in the majesty

of your simplicity, and banish from our land the enervating follies,

the poisonous weeds and the impugning evils that augur its destruction.

Observing and discerning, Mr. Hart was quick to discover the

encroachments of the British ministry upon the constitutional rights

and chartered privileges of the colonies, and was prompt in resisting

them. The stamp act, passed on the 22nd of March, 1765, was followed by

a commotion that showed by what a precarious tenure the king held his

power in America. When the Congress convened at New York, on the first

of October following, represented by nine of the colonies, Mr. Hart was

a member of the convention that made the selection of delegates from

New Jersey. The firm and discreet proceedings of that body produced a

repeal of the act complained of on the 18th of the following March.

Still the political alchymist, Mr. Grenville, was madly bent on trying

fresh experiments. The colonists had borne the yoke of restrictions

upon their trade and industry, which had been artfully and gradually

increasing for more than fifty years, to the advantage of the mother

country, and he concluded their necks had become sufficiently hardened

by long use to bear a more ponderous burden. Poor fellow! he was as

much mistaken in the metal he placed in his crucible as the colonists

were amazed and indignant at his unwarranted pretensions. Direct

taxation, without representation, was taking an issue not warranted

by the præcipe or narr, and a general demurrer was promptly entered.

An emparlance ensued, replications and rejoinders followed, and the

suit was finally decided by wager of battle. Long and doubtful was the

struggle—obstinate and bloody was the conflict. The second edition

of the revenue plan, revised and stereotyped in 1767 by Charles

Townshend, chancellor of the exchequer, imposing duties on glass,

paper, paste-board, tea and painters’ colours, kindled a flame of

indignation in the colonies that no power could quench. Public meetings

against the measure, resolutions of the deepest censure, remonstrances

of the strongest character, and arguments of the most conclusive logic,

were hurled in its face; and to carry conviction to the minds of the

ministry that the people were in earnest, Boston harbour was converted

into a tea-pot and all the tea used at one drawing. Non-importation

agreements, committees of safety, preparations of defence,

non-intercourse, bloodshed, war and independence followed. In all these

movements Mr. Hart concurred, and deliberately, but firmly, opposed the

encroachments of the crown.

In 1774 he was elected to the Congress at Philadelphia, and, with the

frost of sixty winters upon his head, entered upon duties of higher

importance than had before devolved upon him. Mild, deliberate,

cautious, discreet, but firm in his purposes, he became an important

member to aid in carrying out the measures then contemplated—those of

reconciliation and a restoration of amity. He was highly esteemed as

a patriarch sage in the cause. The ensuing year he was again elected,

and repaired to the post of duty, of honour and of fame, on the 10th

of May. The cry of blood, shed on the 19th of the preceding April, had

infused a spirit in Congress widely different from that which pervaded

it a few months before. It was then that the Roman virtues of such men

as Mr. Hart shone with peculiar splendour. The impetuosity of youth

had passed away, their minds traced the deepest, darkest avenues of

every proposition, arguments were weighed in the balance of reason,

the causes, the effects, the objects, the ends, the plans, the means,

were all placed in the scale of justice and exhibited to the inspection

of those whose disposition led them to an examination. In this manner

every act was performed with clean hands, the cause of liberty

honoured, prospered and crowned with triumphant success. At this time

Mr. Hart was also a member and vice-president of the assembly of his

native colony, and shortly after, had the proud satisfaction of aiding

in its funeral obsequies and in establishing a republican form of

government. On the 14th of February, 1776, he was again elected to the

Continental Congress, and when the chart of liberty was presented to

his view, after carefully examining its bold physiognomy, he pronounced

its points, its features, its landmarks, its delineations and its

entire combination, worthy of freemen—gave it his vote, his signature

and his benediction, and soon after retired from the public gaze

and declined a re-election. As he anticipated, the British soldiers

devastated his farm, drove away his family, destroyed his property, and

compelled him, several times, to fly precipitately to save his neck

from the halter. Under circumstances like these, no one will doubt the

disinterested patriotism of the quiet farmer, JOHN HART. Not a stain

rests upon his public or private character. In all the relations of

life he performed his duty nobly. He was an honest man and devoted

christian, a member of the baptist denomination, and died in 1780, from

an illness brought on by exposure in flying from place to place to

elude the pursuit of the British.

BUTTON GWINNETT.

Inconsistency is an incubus that assumes a thousand varied forms, and

in some shape hangs over every nation and most individuals. It is

human nature to err, but some errors there are, that, in the view of

reason and common sense, are so legibly stamped with inconsistency as

to enable every man of a sane mind to avoid them. Yet we often see

men of high attainments rush into the whirlpool of inconsistency with

a blind infatuation that seeks in vain for a justification, even by

the rules of the most acute sophistry. Among the most fallacious and

opprobrious inconsistencies that now hang over our nation is that of

duelling. We boast of our intellectual light and intelligence, and

mourn over the ignorance of the poor untutored Indian. In his turn he

may point us to a dark spot upon our national character that never

tarnished the name of an eastern or a western savage. This Bohon Upas

of inconsistency thrives only in society that claims to be civilized.

In no country has it been as much and as long tolerated without condign

punishment as in our own. It is murder of the most deliberate kind, and

a violation of the laws of God and man. Has any one of these numerous

and blood-thirsty murderers, who walk boldly among us, ever been

punished to the extent of the offended laws of our country? Not one.

Widows may mourn, orphans languish, hearts bleed, and our statesmen

perish, and the aggressor may still run at large, treated by some with

more deference than if the escutcheon of his name was not stained

with blood. This foul stigma upon the American name should be washed

out speedily and effectually. The combined powers of public opinion,

legislative, judicial and executive authority, should be brought to

bear upon it with the force of an avalanche. Flagrant crimes are

suppressed only by strong measures. This is the acknowledged policy of

the penal code of every nation where laws are known and respected.

Among the victims of this cruel practice, was Button Gwinnett, a man of

splendid talents and a pure patriot of the revolution, whose private

character was without a stain, and his public career as brilliant as

it was transient. He was born in England in 1732. His parents were

respectable, but not wealthy. Being a boy of promise, they bestowed

upon him an accomplished education, and at his majority he commenced

a successful career in the mercantile business at Bristol, in his

native country. He was commanding in appearance, six feet in height,

open countenance, graceful manners, and possessed of fine feeling.

Surrounded by an increasing family, he resolved on seeking another

and a broader country, and in 1770 embarked for America. He landed

at Charleston, S. C., where he commenced commercial business and

remained two years. He then disposed of his merchandise and purchased a

plantation upon St. Catharine’s Island, in Georgia, to which he removed

and became an enterprising agriculturalist. He was a man of an active

and penetrating mind, and a close observer of passing events. Having

been in England during the formation of the visionary and impolitic

plan of taxing the colonies, he understood well the frame work of the

British cabinet, and from his course in the struggle that ensued, it is

reasonable to infer that he had imbibed strong whig principles before

his removal to this country. The subject of raising a revenue from the

pioneers of the new world had been long and ably discussed in England.

Many of her profoundest statesmen, and the most sagacious one that

ever graced her parliament, lord Chatham, portrayed with all the truth

of prophecy, the result of the unjust, the blind course of ministers

towards the Americans. Connected with commerce and intelligent men as

he was at Bristol, Mr. Gwinnett had become well informed upon the

litigated points in controversy, and was well acquainted with the

relative feelings and situation of the two countries. When the question

of liberty or slavery was fairly placed before the people of his

adopted land, he declared himself in favour of the latter. Knowing as

he did the superior physical force of Great Britain and the comparative

weakness of the colonies, their freedom, at first, seemed to him a

paradox. His doubts upon the subject were removed in 1775, by the

enthusiasm exhibited by the patriots, and by the lucid demonstrations

of Lyman Hall, a bold and fearless advocate of equal rights, with whom

he became intimate. Convinced from the beginning of the justice of the

cause, and now convinced of its feasibility, he soon became a public

champion in its favour. He had counted the cost, he had revolved in

his mind the dangers that would accumulate around his family, himself

and his property, which he truly predicted would be destroyed by his

enemies, and had deliberately and nobly resolved to risk his life,

his fortune and his sacred honour, in defence of chartered rights and

constitutional franchises.

He enrolled himself among the leaders of the popular party and became

a conspicuous and active member of public meetings, and of the several

revolutionary committees. For some time after the other colonies had

united in a concert of action against the common enemy, that of Georgia

refused to join them. She stood perched upon the pivot of uncertainty,

indeterminate, irresolved and doubting. Some of her noblest sons had

become shining lights in the glorious cause, the fire of patriotism

was extending, oppression was increasing, and, at length, the cry of

blood was heard from Lexington. The work was done. Like a lion roused

from his lair, Georgia started from her lethargy and prepared for the

conflict. She resolved “to do or die.”

On the 2nd of February, 1776, Mr. Gwinnett was appointed a member

of the Continental Congress, and took his seat in that venerable

body on the 20th of the ensuing May. Although his constituents were

now determined to maintain their rights at all hazards, the plan

of independence was to the most of them more than problematical; a

thing of visionary fancy, merely ideal, and not to be hoped for, much

more not to be seriously attempted. The subject, however, gained new

strength daily, and began to emerge from its embryo form. At this

juncture, the Rev. Mr. Zubly, a colleague with Mr. Gwinnett, with

an Iscariot heart, wrote a letter to the royal governor of Georgia,

disclosing the contemplated measure, a copy of which was in some way

obtained by one of the clerks and placed in the hands of Mr. Chase, who

was proverbial for boldness, and who immediately denounced the traitor

on the floor of Congress. The Judas at first attempted a denial by

challenging his accuser for the proof, but finding that the betrayer

had been betrayed, he fled precipitately for Georgia, in order to place

himself under the protection of the governor, who had just escaped from

the enraged patriots and was safely ensconced in a British armed vessel

in Savannah harbour, and could render him no aid on terra firma. He was

pursued by his colleague, Mr. Houston, but upon the wings of guilt he

flew too rapidly to be overtaken.

When the proposition came before Congress for a final separation from

the mother country, Mr. Gwinnett became a warm advocate of the measure,

and when the trying hour, big with consequences, arrived, he gave his

approving vote and affixed his signature to the important document that

stands acknowledged by the civilized world the most lucid exposition of

human rights upon the records of history—the Declaration of American

Independence.

In February, 1777, Mr. Gwinnett took his seat in the convention of

his own state, convened for the purpose of forming a constitution and

establishing a republican form of government. His activity in Congress,

to which he stood re-elected, had already given him great weight,

and he at once exercised a powerful influence in his new situation.

He submitted the draft of a constitution which, with a few slight

amendments, was immediately adopted by the convention. Shortly after

this he was elevated to the presidency of the provincial council, then

the highest station in the state, thus rising within a single year

from private life to the pinnacle of power in the colony. At this

time an acrimonious jealousy existed between the civil and military

authorities. At the head of the latter was General M’Intosh, against

whom Mr. Gwinnett had pitted himself the preceding year, whilst in

Congress, as a candidate for brigadier-general, and was unsuccessful.

His elevation and influence became a source of uneasiness to his

antagonist. The civil power claimed the right to try military officers

for offences that General M’Intosh conceived were to be tried only by a

court-martial. Another root of bitterness between these two gentlemen

took its growth from the promotion of a senior lieutenant-colonel, then

under General M’Intosh, to the command of his brigade, destined for the

reduction of East Florida, agreeably to a plan formed by Mr. Gwinnett,

which proved a disastrous failure. This was a source of mortification

to the one, and the other publicly exulted in the misfortune. Under the

new constitution a governor was to be elected on the first Monday of

the ensuing May, and Mr. Gwinnett offered himself as a candidate. His

competitor was a man whose talents and acquirements were far inferior

to his, but succeeded in obtaining the gubernatorial chair. General

M’Intosh again publicly exulted in the disappointments that were

overwhelming his antagonist—a challenge from Mr. Gwinnett ensued—they

met on the blood-stained field of _false_ honour—fought at the distance

of four paces—both were wounded, Mr. Gwinnett mortally, and died on

the 27th of May, 1777, the very time he should have been in Congress.

Comment is needless—reflection is necessary.

WILLIAM ELLERY.

The sacredness of contracts honourably and fairly entered into by

parties competent to make and consummate them, should be held in high

veneration by all. The individual and the social compact from the

co-partnership of the common business firm up to the most exalted

nation, are bound by the laws of God, of man and of honour to keep

inviolate their plighted faith. A deviation from the path of rectitude

in this particular, is uniformly attended with evil consequences and

often with those of the most direful kind. The party that violates its

engagements without accruing causes of justification, and to advance

its own interests regardless of those of the other, comes to court with

a bad cause. I have repeatedly remarked, that the American revolution

was produced by a violation on the part of the mother country of

chartered rights secured to the colonists by the crown under the

British constitution.

To enter into a full exposition of the relations between the two high

contracting parties, would require more space than can be allowed in

this work. A reference to some of the prominent points in a single

charter, will give the reader an idea of the nature of the whole as

originally granted, although some of a later date are rather more

limited in their privileges than that of Rhode Island, to which I refer.

This charter secured religious freedom, personal liberty, personal

rights of property, excluding the king from all interference with

the local concerns of the colony and was virtually democratic in its

features. One of the early acts of parliament, referring to Rhode

Island, contains the following language. “That no person within the

said colony at any time hereafter shall be in any way molested,

punished, disquieted, or called in question for any difference of

opinion in matters of religion that does not actually disturb the

civil peace of the said colony.” The feelings of the inhabitants from

the time they received their charter up to the time oppressions were

commenced by Great Britain, may be inferred from the following extract

taken from the ancient records of the secretary of state of that

province addressed to the king. “The general assembly judgeth it their

duty to signify his majesty’s gracious pleasure vouchsafed to us,” &c.;

and also from the following extract of a letter written at a later

period to Sir Henry Vane then in England. “We have long drunk of the

cup of as great liberties as any people we can hear of under the whole

heavens. We have not only been long free together with all English from

the yokes of wolfish bishops and their popish ceremonies, against whose

grievous oppressions God raised up your noble spirit in parliament,

but we have sitten down quiet and dry from the streams of blood spilt

by war in our native country. * * * We have not known what an excise

means. We have almost forgotten what tythes are, yea, or taxes either

to church or common weal.” In addition to other declaratory acts of

parliament, sanctioning and construing chartered privileges generally

in all the colonies, one was passed in March, 1663, involving the very

hinge upon which the revolution turned, as the following extract shows.

“Be it further enacted, _that no taxes shall be imposed or required of

the colonies, but by the consent of the general assembly_,” meaning

the general assembly of each colony separately and collectively. This

single sentence of that act, based upon the British constitution and

guarded by the sanctity of contracts that could not be annulled but by

the mutual consent of the high contracting parties, solves the whole

problem of the revolution. Living as the colonists did in the full

enjoyments of these chartered privileges which had become matured by

the age of more than a century, they would have been unworthy of the

name of men, had they tamely submitted to their annihilation. To the

unfading honour of their names let it be said—_they did not submit_. A

band of sages and heroes arose, met the invaders of their rights, and

drove them from Columbia’s soil.

Among them was WILLIAM ELLERY, a native of Newport, Rhode Island,

born on the 2nd of December, 1727. His ancestors were from Bristol,

England. He was the son of William Ellery, a graduate of Harvard

College and an enterprising merchant, who filled many public stations,

among which were those of judge, lieutenant-governor, and senator.

Delighted with the docility of his son, he became his instructor and

superintended his studies preparatory to his entrance in college. After

these were completed, William entered Harvard College and became a

close and successful student. He became delighted with the Greek and

Roman classics and dwelt with rapture upon the history of the ancient

republics. So great was his veneration for the ancient authors, that he

continued to be familiar with them during his whole life, and became a

lucid philologist in classic literature. At the age of twenty he took

the degree of bachelor of arts, and then commenced the study of law.

In that laborious field he was all industry and diligence, and was

admitted to practice with brilliant prospects before him. Located in

one of the pleasantest towns on the Atlantic, surrounded by a large

circle of friends who desired his success, blessed with superior

talents, improved by a refined education, esteemed by all who knew

him, his situation was truly flattering. He possessed an agreeable and

amiable disposition, a strong mind, enlivened by a large share of wit

and humour, an urbanity of manners of a refined and polished cast, and

an animation and life in conversation that dispelled ennui from every

circle in which he moved. He was of the middle stature, well formed,

with a large head, an intelligent and expressive countenance, moderate

in his physical movements, and with all his vivacity generally wore

a grave aspect. He was temperate, plain, and uniform in his habits

and dress, and could seldom be induced to join in the chase after

the _ignus fatuus_ of fashion. For many years before his death, his

wardrobe bespoke a man of another generation.

Mr. Ellery commenced business in his profession at his native town,

took to himself a wife, soon became eminent and obtained a lucrative

practice. He was highly honourable in his course and gained the

confidence of his fellow citizens and of the courts. Up to the time

of the commencement of British oppression, his days passed peacefully

and quietly along and a handsome fortune accumulated around him. When

the revolutionary storm began to gather, the mind of Mr. Ellery became

roused and a new impetus was given to his physical powers. His townsmen

were the first among the colonists who had dared to beard the lion and

unicorn. On the 17th of June, 1769, in consequence of the oppressive

conduct of her captain, the revenue sloop Liberty, belonging to his

Britannic majesty, and then lying at Newport, was forcibly seized by

a number of citizens in disguise, who cut away her masts, scuttled

her, carried her boats to the upper part of the town, and committed

them to the flames under the towering branches of a newly planted

liberty tree. This was a hard cut and thrust at the revenue system

that contemplated taxing the colonies contrary to the letter of the

constitution and charters granted by the laws of England. This act

was followed by another on the 9th of June, 1772, in which blood was

spilt—that of seizing and burning the British schooner Gaspee. This was

made a pretext for more severe measures on the part of the hirelings

of the crown, and a disfranchisement of the colony was recommended and

urged upon parliament. Already was the revolutionary ball in motion. In

the midst of these turmoils, Mr. Ellery was not an idle spectator. He

declared for the cause of liberty and the preservation of those rights

that had become sacred by age and had the high sanction of the laws of

nature, of man, and of God. In 1774, he was warmly in favour of the

project of a general Congress, and, in conjunction with Governor Ward,

who was a delegate with Mr. Hopkins to that august assembly, approved

of a suggestion already made in a letter from General Greene, “that the

colonies should declare themselves independent.” The same spirit soon

became general in the province.

In 1776, Mr. Ellery was elected a member of the Continental Congress,

and proceeded to the post of duty boldly and fearlessly, left by his

constituents to act as free as mountain air. He had participated in

all the incipient measures of the conflicts in his own colony, he now

became a vigorous and active patriot of the national legislature. He

was fully prepared to sanction, and well qualified to advocate the

Declaration of Independence. An agreeable speaker, master of satire,

sarcasm, logic, and philosophy, he exercised a salutary and judicious

influence. He was an able member of committees and was immediately

placed upon some of great importance. He was upon the committee for

establishing expresses, upon that for providing relief for the wounded

and disabled, upon that of the treasury, and upon the committee of

one delegate from each state for the purchase of necessaries for the

army. He was also upon the marine committee, and was a warm advocate

for the navy. His constituents were many of them bold mariners, and

he felt a just pride in referring to his fellow-citizen, commodore

Ezek Hopkins, of Rhode Island, as the first commander of the little

fleet of the infant Republic. It was him who took New Providence by

surprise, seized a large amount of munitions of war, one hundred pieces

of cannon, and took prisoners the governor, lieutenant-governor, and

sundry others of his majesty’s loyal officers. When the time arrived

for the final question upon that sacred instrument which was to be

a warrant of death or a diploma of freedom, Mr. Ellery was at his

post, and most cheerfully gave it his sanctioning vote and approving

signature. With his usual vivacity, he placed himself by the side

of Charles Thomson, the secretary, for the purpose of observing

the apparent emotions of each member as he came up and signed the

important document. He often recurred to this circumstance in after

life, and observed, that “undaunted resolution was displayed in each

countenance.” He was continued a member of Congress until the close of

the session of 1785, which shows how highly his services were valued

by the patriotic citizens of his native state. In 1777, he was one of

the important committee of admiralty, the committee for replenishing

the empty treasury, the committee upon commercial affairs, of the one

to investigate the causes of the surrender of Ticonderoga, and of the

one for preventing the employment in the public service of persons not

clearly in favour of the American cause. He ably advocated the plan,

supposed to have originated with him, and submitted by the admiralty

committee, of fitting out six fire-ships from Rhode Island to annoy the

British fleet.

When the enemy obtained possession of Newport their vengeance against

this patriot was manifested by burning his buildings and destroying all

his property within their power. This only increased his zeal in the

glorious cause of liberty and scarcely disturbed the equanimity of his

mind. In 1778, he advocated strongly a resolution making it death for

any member of the colonies, _alias_ tories, who should betray or aid

in delivering into the hands of the enemy any of the friends of the

revolution, or give any intelligence that should lead to their capture.

He also supported the plan of confederation adopted by Congress. He

spent nearly his whole time in that body.

The ensuing year he was one of the committee on foreign relations,

which at that time involved the unpleasant duty of settling some

difficulties that existed between the United States foreign

commissioners, in addition to the usual diplomatic affairs with foreign

nations. He was also chairman of a committee to provide provisions

for the inhabitants that were driven from the island of Rhode Island

and were entirely destitute of the necessaries of life. The ensuing

year he was arduously employed upon most of the standing committees,

especially the admiralty committee, the duties of which became very

delicate, as the powers claimed by some of the states conflicted with

those of the general government under the articles of confederation. A

committee was created for the express purpose of defining those powers,

of which he was the prominent member. Their deliberations resulted in

the determination that all disputed claims were subject to an appeal

from the court of admiralty to Congress, where the facts as well as the

law were to be finally settled. On all occasions and in all situations

he was diligent, punctual, and persevering. In the house, whenever he

discovered any long faces or forlorn countenances, even in view of the

darkest prospects, his wit and humour were often so vivid as to dispel

the lowering clouds that hung gloomily over the minds of dejected

members.

In 1782, he was an efficient member of the committee on public

accounts, the duties of which had become not only of great magnitude,

but of a very perplexing character. Fraud and speculation had rolled

their mountain waves over the public concerns, and to do justice to all

who presented claims, was no common task. In 1783, Mr. Ellery had the

pleasure of being appointed by Congress to communicate to his friend,

General Green, a resolution of thanks and high approbation for his

faithfulness, skill and services, accompanied by two pieces of brass

cannon taken from the British at the battle of the Cowpens.

In 1784, he was a member of the committee appointed to act upon the

definitive treaty with Great Britain. He was also upon the one for

defining the power of the board of the treasury, the one upon foreign

relations, and the one upon the war office. The next year he closed

his congressional course, and, as the crowning glory of his arduous

and protracted labours in the national legislature, he advocated with

great zeal, forensic eloquence, and powerful logic the resolution of

Mr. King for abolishing slavery in the United States. His whole force

of mind was brought to bear upon this subject and added a fresh lustre

to the substantial fame he had long enjoyed. He then retired to his

now peaceful home, to repair the wreck of his fortune and enjoy the

blessings of that liberty for which he had so ardently contended.

In the spring of 1786, he was appointed by Congress a commissioner

of the national loan office for Rhode Island, and shortly after, he

was elected to the seat of chief justice of the supreme court of his

native state. Upon the organization of the federal government under the

constitution, President Washington appointed him collector of customs

for Newport, which station he ably filled until he took his tranquil

departure to another and a brighter world. The evening of his life was

as calm and mellow as an Italian sunset. Esteemed by all, he enjoyed

a delightful intercourse with a large circle of friends. Honest,

punctual and circumspect, he enjoyed the confidence of the commercial

community in his official station, as well as the approbation of all

in the private walks of life. During the thirty years he was collector

of customs, a loss of only two hundred dollars upon bond accrued to

government, and upon that bond he had taken five sureties.

He spent much of his time in reading classic authors, and in

maintaining an extensive correspondence with distinguished men. But

three weeks before his death, he wrote an essay upon Latin prosody

and the faults of public speakers. His bible was also a favourite

companion, from which he drew and enjoyed the living waters of eternal

life. Always cheerful, instructive and amusing, his company was a rich

treat to all who enjoyed it. His writings combined a sprightliness and

solidity rarely exhibited. His courtesy and hospitality were always

conspicuous, the whole frame-work of his character was embellished

with all the rich variety of amiable qualities, uniting beauty with

strength, which can never fail of gaining esteem, and of rendering

an individual useful in life and happy in death. His demise was

as remarkable as it was tranquil. It was that of a christian and

philosopher. On the 15th of February, 1820, he rose as usual in the

morning and seated himself in the flag bottom chair which he had used

for fifty years, and which was a relic rescued from the flames when

his buildings were consumed. He commenced reading Tully’s Offices in

his favourite, the Latin, language, without the aid of glasses, the

print of which is as small as that of a pocket bible. On his way to

the hospital, the family physician called in, and perceiving that his

countenance was cadaverous, felt his wrist and found that his pulse

was gone. The physician administered a little wine, which revived the

action of the purple current. The doctor then spoke encouragingly, to

which Mr. Ellery replied—“It is idle to talk to me in this way, I am

going off the stage of life, and it is a great blessing that I go free

from sickness, pain, and sorrow.” Becoming extremely weak, he permitted

his daughter to help him on his bed, where he sat upright, and

commenced reading Cicero de Officiis, with as much composure as if in

the full vigour of life. In a few moments, without a groan, a struggle,

or a motion, his spirit left its tenement of clay, his body still erect

with the book under his chin, as if on the point of falling asleep.

Thus usefully lived and thus peacefully died, WILLIAM ELLERY. His whole

career presents a rare and pleasing picture of biography, upon which

the imagination gazes with admiration and delight, and which cannot

be rendered more beautiful or interesting by the finest touches of

the pencil of fancy, dipped in the most lively colours of romance and

fiction.

LYMAN HALL.

Decision, tempered by prudence and discretion, gives weight to the

character of a man. The individual who is always or uniformly perched

upon the pivot of indetermination, and fluttering in the wind of

uncertainty, can never gain public confidence or exercise an extensive

influence. Decision, to render us truly useful, must receive its

momentum from the pure fountain of our judgment, and not depend upon

others to fill the lamp of philosophy, after our reasoning powers have

become matured by experience, reflection and the solar rays of science.

When the child becomes a man, he should think and act as a man, and

draw freely from the resources of his own immortal mind. He may enjoy

the reflective light of others, but should depend upon the focus of

his own, rendered more brilliant by reflectives, to guide him in the

path of duty and usefulness, that leads to the temple of lasting fame.

The man who pins his faith upon the sleeve of another, and does not

keep the lamp of his own understanding trimmed and burning, is a mere

automaton in life, never fills the vacuum designed by his creation,

and, when he makes his exit from the stage of action, leaves no trace

behind, no memento to tell that he once moved upon the earth in the

sphere of usefulness, or bore the image of his God.

The sages of the American revolution have left bright and shining

examples of self-moving action and a discreet decision of character.

Among those who were roused to exertion by the reflections of their

own mind, was LYMAN HALL, who was born in Connecticut in 1731. He

graduated at Yale College at an early age, studied medicine, married a

wife before he arrived at his majority, removed to Dorchester, S. C.,

in 1752, and commenced the practice of physic. After residing there

a short time he joined a company of about forty families, originally

from the New England states, and removed to Medway, in the parish of

St. John, Georgia, and settled under favourable circumstances. He

became a successful practitioner, and was esteemed and admired for

his prudence, discretion, clearness of perception and soundness of

judgment, united with refinement of feeling, urbanity of manners,

a calm and equable mind, a splendid person, six feet in height, an

intelligent and pleasing countenance and a graceful deportment. He

had only to be known to be appreciated. As years rolled peacefully

along, Dr. Hall became extensively and favourably known. He took a

deep interest in the happiness of those around him, and in the welfare

of the human family. He was an attentive observer of men and things

and of passing events, and understood well the philosophy of human

rights and the principles of the tenure by which the mother country

held a jurisdiction over the colonies. When the rightful bounds of

that jurisdiction were transcended, he was one of the first to meet

the transgressors and point his countrymen to increasing innovations.

As dangers accumulated, his patriotism became fired with enthusiastic

zeal, tempered by the purest motives and guided by the soundest

discretion. The indecision and temporizing spirit of Georgia, at

the commencement of the revolution, has been before described. This

was extremely annoying to Dr. Hall, but only tended to increase his

exertions in the work of political regeneration. Over the people of

his own district he exercised a judicious and unlimited influence. He

also attended the patriot meetings held at Savannah, in July, 1774,

and in January of the ensuing year, and contributed much to aid and

strengthen his co-workers in the good cause, then but just commenced.

His constituents became equally enthusiastic in favour of liberty, and

indignant at British oppression, with himself. All the other colonies

had united in the defence of their common country against the common

enemy. A frontier settlement, and more exposed than any other in the

province, he prudently laid the whole matter before the people of his

district, and left them to choose freely whom they would serve. They

decided against the sovereignty of Baal and declared for liberty. They

at once separated from the other parishes, formed a distinct political

community, applied to be admitted into the confederation entered

into by the other colonies, passed resolutions of non-intercourse

with Savannah, only to obtain the necessaries of life, so long as it

remained under royal authority, and organized the necessary committees

to carry these patriotic and decisive measures into effect. Placed upon

an eminence like this, they were welcomed into the general compact, and

in March, 1775, Lyman Hall was elected to the Continental Congress to

represent the parish of St. John, that stood like an island of granite

in the midst of the ocean, separate and alone, regardless of the waves

of fury that were foaming around her. This example had a powerful

influence upon the other parishes, and from this lump of the leaven

of freedom the whole mass became impregnated, and, in July following,

Dr. Hall had the proud satisfaction of seeing his province fully

represented by men honest and true, save Judas Iscariot, alias Zubly.

Georgia now rose like a lion when he shakes the dew from his mane for

the fight, and “shed fast atonement for its first delay.” To Dr. Hall

may be justly attributed the first impetus given to the revolutionary

ball in the district of his adoption. As an enduring monument of praise

to the portion of the district in which he resided, which was formed

into a new county in 1777, it received the name of LIBERTY.

On the 13th of May this devoted patriot took his seat in that august

assembly that then attracted the attention of the civilized world.

He was hailed as a substantial and devoted friend of the cause of

human rights, and immediately entered upon the important duties of

his station, enjoying the full fruition of the light of patriotism

that illuminated that legislative hall. He was a valuable man upon

committees, and although not a frequent speaker, he was heard, when he

did rise, with deferential attention. He reasoned closely and calmly,

confining himself to the point under consideration, without any effort

to shine as an orator. His known patriotism, decision of character,

purity of purpose and honesty of heart, gave him a salutary influence

that was sensibly felt, fully acknowledged and discreetly exercised. He

gained the esteem, respect and confidence of all the members.

In 1776 he took his seat in the national legislature, and became

decidedly in favour of cutting loose from the mother country. He had

induced his own district to present an example in miniature, which

stood approved, applauded and admired. He knew the justice of the

cause he had espoused—he believed Providence would direct its final

accomplishment—he was fully convinced that the set time had come

for his country to be free. With feelings like these, he hailed the

birthday of our independence as the grand jubilee of liberty. He

cheerfully joined in passing the mighty Rubicon, aided in preparing the

sarcophagus of tyranny, signed the certificate of the legitimacy of the

new-born infant and responded heartily to its baptismal name—FREEDOM.

Dr. Hall was continued in Congress to the close of 1780, when he took

his final leave of that body, and in 1782 returned to his own state to

aid in systematizing the organization of her government. In common with

many of the patriots, the enemy had devastated his property and wreaked

a special vengeance upon his district. His family had been compelled

to fly to the north for safety, and depend upon the bounty of others

for their support and comfort. In 1783 he was elected governor of

Georgia, and contributed largely in perfecting the superstructure of

her civil institutions and in placing her on the high road to peace and

prosperity. This done, he retired from the public arena and settled in

Burke county, where he once more was permitted to pursue the even tenor

of his ways and enjoy the highest of all earthly pleasures—the domestic

fireside, surrounded by his own family. He glided down the stream of

time calmly and quietly until 1790, when he bade a last farewell to

the transitory scenes of earth, entered the dark valley of death, and

disappeared from mortal eyes, deeply mourned and sincerely lamented by

his numerous friends at home, and by every patriot in his country. His

name is perpetuated in Georgia by a county being called after him, as a

tribute of respect for his valuable services.

The examples of this good man are worthy of imitation. Without the

luminous talents that tower to the skies in a blaze of glory that

dazzles every eye, he rendered himself substantially and extensively

useful. He was like a gentle stream that passes through a verdant mead,

producing irrigation in its course without overflowing its banks.

Decision of character, prudence of action and discretion in all things,

marked his whole career. Not a stain tarnishes the lustre of his public

fame or his private character. He lived nobly and died peacefully.

JOHN PENN.

A federal republican form of government is an unlimited partnership

of the purest, noblest character. Based upon an equality of original

stock, an equality of interest in the welfare of the firm devolves

upon each individual of the compact. Unlike monopolizing corporations,

each stockholder has an equal right to act, speak and vote upon all

questions in primary meetings, without reference to the number of

accumulative shares one may hold above another. The specie of the firm

consists in equality of representation, equality of natural rights,

equality of protection in person and property, and equality of personal

freedom. These precious coins cannot be diminished in quantity, or

be reduced in quality by alloy, without courting danger. To aid in

preserving them in their native purity, is the duty of _all_, not of

a _few_. Separately and collectively, the great mass belonging to the

compact is obligated to look to its prosperity, and use their best

exertions in promoting the general good. Each one is bound to bring

every talent into use, and to leave none buried in the dark quarry

of ignorance, the quagmire of negligence, or the rust of inertness.

The steward that had but one talent, was condemned because he had not

put it to use. But who can tell what his talents are, until he brings

them to the light? Rich ores often lie deep. Many men have arrived

to, and others passed their majority, moving in a sphere not above

mediocrity in point of intellect developed, and have then risen like

a blazing comet and illuminated the world. By several of the signers

of the declaration of rights, this position was fully and beautifully

demonstrated.

Among these was JOHN PENN, a native of Caroline county, Virginia; born

on the 17th day of May, 1741. He was the only child of Moses Penn,

who married Catharine, the daughter of John Taylor. The education of

the son was neglected by the parents, who sent him to none but the

commonest of common schools, which unfortunately for the youth of the

neighbourhood, were the only kind then in that vicinity. A _little_

learning has been called a dangerous thing, but the quantum taught

in some common schools even at this enlightened age, is too small to

be dangerous, too limited to do much good. As a redeeming trait in

their neglect of duty towards their son, they taught him by example

and precept, social virtue and moral honesty. Upon the retirement

of a farm and in its cultivation young Penn plodded along with his

father, who had no books of value or a desire for them, until he

arrived at the age of eighteen, when his paternal guardian died, and

left him a competence, but not a large fortune. About that time he

became inclined to read, this inclination ripened, his mind began to

expand and his thirst for knowledge increased. Destitute of a library,

he communicated his ardent desire to improve his education to Edmund

Pendleton, a neighbour and relation of his, who was an accomplished

scholar, a profound lawyer and an able statesman. Convinced that

Mr. Penn possessed strong native talent he made him welcome to his

valuable library and became deeply interested in his improvement. After

exploring the fields of science for a short time, this young philomath

commenced the study of law, and soon exhibited mental ores, taken from

his long neglected intellectual quarry, that were of a rich and rare

variety.

He surmounted the barriers that lay before him with an astonishing

rapidity, and before some of his friends supposed he had mastered the

elementary principles of Blackstone, he presented himself at the court

for examination, was admitted to practice, and at once exhibited the

bright plumage of a successful lawyer and an able advocate. But three

years before, his now soaring talents were buried deep in their native

quarry, unknown and unsuspected; a strong admonition to the reader,

if under similar circumstances, to examine closely the powers of his

own mind. The professional eminence of Mr. Penn rose as rapidly as

his appearance at the bar was unexpected. He gained the confidence

of the community, the respect of the courts, and the esteem of his

senior brethren. In 1763, he added to his original stock in the firm

of the social compact by leading to the hymeneal altar the amiable and

accomplished Miss Susannah Lyme, thus avoiding the hyemal frost that

creeps chillingly over the lonely bachelor.

In 1774, Mr. Penn removed to North Carolina, and carrying with him

a high reputation as a lawyer, soon obtained a lucrative practice.

He had also participated largely in the patriotic feelings that were

spreading over the colonies like fire in a praire, relative to the

oppressions of the mother country. He had imbibed fully the principles

of his venerable preceptor and friend, who was among the boldest of

the bold Virginians in the vindication of chartered rights, and was a

member of the Congress first assembled at Philadelphia. His liberal

views and splendid talents did not escape the notice of his new

acquaintances. On the 8th of September, 1775, he was appointed a member

of the Continental Congress, to supply the vacancy occasioned by the

resignation of Mr. Casewell. He repaired to the post of honour and of

duty the next month, and became an active and vigorous member of that

venerated assembly of sages, whose wisdom, sagacity, and intelligence

emblazoned the historic page with a lustre before unknown. He served

on numerous committees, and acquitted himself with great credit in

the discharge of every duty that devolved upon him. In the committee

room, in the house, among the people, in every situation in which he

moved, he made the cause of liberty his primary business. So highly

were his services appreciated by his constituents, that they continued

him in Congress until the accumulating dangers that hung over his own

state induced him to decline a re-election at the close of 1779. He

was an early and warm supporter of the declaration of rights, and when

the joyful day arrived to take the final question, he most cheerfully

sustained the measure by his vote and signature; thus enrolling his

name with the brightest constellation of illustrious statesmen that

ever illuminated a legislative hall, surpassing all Greek, all Roman

fame.

South Carolina had been devastated by Lord Cornwallis, who had

dispersed the army under General Gates; and North Carolina was next

to be visited by the conquering foe. Emissaries from the British were

already within its precincts to prepare the way for the entry of his

lordship. Already had the friends of royal power received instructions

to seize the most prominent whigs and the military stores, with an

assurance of immediate support. The cruelties that had been practised

in South Carolina spread a terror over all “but hearts of oak and

nerves of steel.” The sacrifice of Colonel Hayne at Charleston, will

give the reader some idea of the spirit of revenge that actuated some

of the British officers.

When that city fell into his possession, Lord Cornwallis issued

a proclamation, promising all who would desist from opposing the

authority of the king the most sacred protection of person and

property, on condition that each should sign an instrument of

neutrality, which, by legal construction, whilst it put its signers

under an obligation not to take up arms against the mother country,

exonerated them from serving against their own.

Being a prisoner and separated from his wife and six small children,

then residing in the country and surrounded by the small pox, Colonel

Hayne, with his mind long poising on the pivot of uncertainty as to

what was his duty, finally, with great reluctance, signed the fatal

instrument upon the assurances and solemn promises of the English

officers, and James Simpson, intendant of the British police, that

he never should be required to support, with his arms, the royal

government. Colonel Hayne, like Bishop Cranmer, subscribed to that

which his soul abhorred and detested, that he might be permitted to fly

to the relief of his suffering family. And, as in the case of Cranmer,

his enemies persecuted him the more, and never gave him any peace until

their vengeance was wreaked upon him by inflicting an ignominious

death, in violation of all law, justice and humanity.

Soon after his return to his wife and children, he was called upon

by the British to take up arms against his country and kindred, and

threatened with close confinement in case he refused to comply with

the order. In vain he referred them to the conditions upon which he

so reluctantly signed the article of neutrality. In vain he claimed

protection under the militia law that imposed a fine where a citizen

chose not to render personal service. To his relentless oppressors,

all was a dead letter. He then pointed them to the partner of his

bosom, the mother of his children, sinking under the small pox, and

fast approaching the confines of eternity. In vain he endeavoured to

excite their sympathy or move their compassion. In a few short hours,

Mrs. Hayne took her departure to “that country from whose bourne no

traveller returns,” “where the wicked cease from troubling and the

weary are at rest.” Upon her own couch, peaceful and serene, she closed

her eyes in death. A different fate was in reserve for Colonel Hayne.

His foes still pursued him, and by their own breach of good faith,

and of the contract of neutrality before entered into, absolved him

from its obligations. It was no longer binding upon him, and he again

entered the continental army, preferring death rather than enter the

ranks of the invaders of his country. A short but brilliant career

awaited him. He was soon made prisoner, and was sent to Charleston,

where Lord Rawdon loaded him with irons, submitted him to a mock trial,

exparte in its proceedings and determinations, based upon revenge and

cruelty, resolved on the death of his victim, and that without delay.

Colonel Hayne was doomed to be hung. This sentence produced amazement

and dismay, indignation and surprise amongst all classes of people.

The finest feelings of sympathy were excited in the breasts of a large

proportion of the adherents of the crown, who deemed the transaction

a species of murder. A petition, headed by the king’s governor and

numerously signed by persons of high standing and advocates for

the mother country, was presented to Lord Rawdon in behalf of the

unfortunate prisoner—but all in vain.

“Fell revenge sat brooding on his dark and sullen brow,

And the grim fiends of hell urged his soul on to murder.”

The ladies of Charleston, the wives and daughters of both whigs and

tories, next united in a petition, couched in the most moving language,

praying that the life of Colonel Hayne might be spared. This met with

a cold reception and a prompt refusal. As a last effort to rescue

the father from the scaffold, his infant children, dressed in their

mourning habiliments, were led before Rawdon, and on their knees,

their cheeks bathed in tears, implored him, with all the thrilling and

heart-rending eloquence of childish innocence, to spare their only

surviving parent and earthly protector.

“But still he stood unmoved,

Hard as the adamantine rock,

Dark as a sullen cloud before the sun.”

So melting was this scene that veteran soldiers could not refrain from

weeping, and all were astounded at the cruel severity of the unyielding

and blood-thirsty Rawdon.

A request was then made that Colonel Hayne might be permitted to die

as a military officer, instead of being hung as a felon. This was also

denied.

As a devout Christian, the martyr resigned himself to his cruel fate,

and prepared his mind to meet the approaching crisis. His youthful son

was permitted to visit him in prison, who, when he beheld his father

bound in irons, burst into tears. “Why,” said the father, “will you

break my heart with unavailing sorrow? Have I not often told you that

we came into this world but to prepare for a better? For that better

life, dear boy, your father is prepared. Instead of weeping, rejoice

with me that my troubles are so near an end. To-morrow I set out for

immortality. When I am dead, bury me by the side of your mother.”

No pen can fully describe that scene. When summoned to the place of

execution, his firmness was worthy of the Christian, the hero, and the

patriot. When upon the fatal drop, with the accursed halter around

his neck, he shook hands with his friends, bade them an affectionate

farewell, urged them to persevere in the glorious cause of freedom,

recommended his children to the protection of three gentlemen present,

and the next moment was struggling in death. The sight was too much for

his son, his brain became disordered, his reason fled, and he soon died

insane, lisping his father’s name to the last moment of his life.

Fortunately for North Carolina, the efficient and sagacious Greene and

his brave officers and soldiers, checked the triumphant and murderous

career of the British army. The operations of this brave general were

greatly accelerated by the exertions of Mr. Penn. In 1780, when Lord

Cornwallis penetrated the western part of the state to Charlottetown,

the crisis became awfully alarming, and this bold patriot was placed

at the helm of public affairs in the state, and invested with almost

unlimited power. He was authorized to seize supplies by force,

and to do all things that in his judgment were necessary to repel

the approaching foe. He proved himself equal to the emergency. He

understood his duty, and performed it efficiently and with so much

prudence that no complaints of injustice were heard, and the state was

saved from the grasp of a merciless foe. Tarleton was humbled, Ferguson

killed, and Cornwallis retreated.

Mr. Penn, after discharging the public duties imposed upon him by

his own state, again retired to private life and the pursuit of

his profession. In 1784, he was appointed receiver of taxes for

North Carolina; a high encomium upon his reputation for honesty and

integrity. Fatigued with public service, he resigned this office in a

few months after. This closed his public career, and he bade farewell

to the busy and perplexing scenes of political life, decked with a

civic wreath, surmounted with an unfading and permanent fame. He again

entered into the enjoyments of domestic felicity, which were soon

exchanged for those of another and a brighter world. In September,

1788, he was gathered to his fathers and laid in the silent tomb,

there to await the resurrection of the great day.

In all the relations of private life and public action the examples of

Mr. Penn are worthy of imitation. As a lawyer he stood pre-eminent.

His forensic eloquence was admirable and strongly pathetic. The court

and jury were often suffused with tears when listening to his appeals,

and his own feelings of sympathy were not always suppressed on such

occasions. As a patriot and statesman he stood approved and applauded

by his country. His disposition was mild, benevolent and amiable,

but firm in the performance of every duty. He was an honest man. Let

every reader imitate JOHN PENN in the effort to become useful, and

banish the doctrine _that merit is to be monopolized by a few_, which

should never gain credence in a government like ours, where every

individual is equally interested in the first and dearest principles of

freedom—personal rights equally enjoyed and personal liberty equally

secured.

ELBRIDGE GERRY.

That man who moves only within the circumference of self, reflecting

no social rays upon the community in which he moves, contributing in

no way to the advancement of human happiness, winding himself up in

the hermitical cocoon of a miser’s cell or of total seclusion from the

world, makes his life a vacuum and his death a burletta. The acutest

metaphysician can never demonstrate the problem of his creation, the

lemma of his existence has no corollary in philosophy. The following

apothegm from ELBRIDGE GERRY should be deeply impressed upon the mind

of every reader: “It is the duty of every citizen, though he may have

but one day to live, to devote that day to the service of his country.”

This precept he enforced by the examples of his brilliant career.

ELBRIDGE GERRY was a native of Marblehead, Massachusetts, born on the

17th of July, 1744. He was the son of an enterprising and respectable

merchant, who bestowed upon him a classical education. He graduated at

Harvard University in 1762, with a scholastic and mental reputation

creditable to himself and pleasing to his friends. Judging the tree by

its fruit, the seed from which it sprang must have been of the purest

kind, and its vegetation not retarded by the absorbing and poisonous

weeds of vice. Its incipient pruning and growth must have been directed

by a master hand, to produce a form of so much symmetry and beauty.

After having completed his collegiate studies, Mr. Gerry entered the

counting-house of his father and ultimately became one of the most

enterprising and wealthy merchants of his native town. From the nature

of his business he was among the first to feel the weight of the

impolitic and unconstitutional revenue system, and by the nature of

his mind, he was impelled to meet oppression at the threshold. A man

of deep reflection and investigation, he examined closely the nature

and extent of chartered rights and of British wrongs. He made himself

acquainted with the structure and principles of government, law,

political economy, and national policy. No one understood better than

him, the natural, legal and practical relations between the mother

country and the colonies. He was therefore prepared to act advisedly

and disposed to act firmly. His extensive influence, his decision of

character, his sound discretion and his exalted patriotism, pointed

him out as one of the master spirits to guide the public mind and aid

in the public affairs of the people. He at once became a participant

in all the popular movements in favour of liberty. On the 26th of May,

1773, he commenced his official career as a member of the legislative

body of Massachusetts Bay, then called “the general court.” That

assembly and the royal governor took a bold issue upon rights and

wrongs. The unconstitutional acts of parliament were sanctioned by

the latter, and fearlessly censured by the former. The general court,

moved by Samuel Adams, appointed a standing committee of inquiry for

the purpose of watching closely the proceedings of ministers and

parliament, and of corresponding with the other colonies upon the

important subjects then under national consideration. This committee

was appointed two days after Mr. Gerry had taken his seat for the

first time in a legislative body, of which he was made a member. From

that time forward he was a conspicuous actor upon the tragic stage

of the revolution, in the drama of peace and in the construction of

the federal government. He walked shoulder to shoulder with Adams and

Hancock in the adoption of the bold measures that roused the lion

from his lair and the people to their duty. At the Boston tea-party,

the opposition to the port bill, the impeachment of the crown judges,

the controversy with Governor Hutchinson and the establishment of

non-intercourse with Great Britain, Mr. Gerry stood firmly at his

post. Completely prostrated in his influence, and driven from every

position assumed, Governor Hutchinson retired and was succeeded by

General Gage. This change was of no advantage to the royal cause. The

blending of military and civil power was an unpopular measure. He

issued a commission for a new general court, but finding it would be

composed of members inimical to his views he countermanded the order.

The sovereign people, however, elected delegates, who assembled in

October at Salem, an unusual place of meeting, to do the business

of their constituents. The governor and council not appearing to

administer the oath of office, they adjourned to Concord and organized

a provincial Congress, of which Mr. Gerry was a leading member. They

prepared an address to the governor in respectful but firm language,

declaring their attachment to the mother country, and their willingness

to obey all laws of parliament and the mandates of the king that came

within the sacred pale of the British constitution and the well defined

charters which had emanated from it. They pointed out the violations

of right, the perversions of justice, the military array of foreign

soldiers, all tending to reduce the people to slavery. They reasoned,

they explained, they remonstrated, but all in vain. These appeals to

Governor Gage fell upon his adamantine soul as the morning dew upon the

desert of Sahara. The delegates then appealed to the legitimate source

of a righteous government—THE PEOPLE—who nobly responded and sustained

them in the hour of peril. They then proceeded to adopt measures for

the vindication of their inalienable rights, and whilst they presented

the olive branch of peace they prepared for war. Severe measures were

adopted by parliament, the charter of Massachusetts was altered by

exparte legislation under the crown, illegal taxes were imposed, the

hirelings of the king became more insolent, the indignation of the

people rose like a tornado, colonial blood began to flow, the tocsin of

war was sounded, the clash of arms and fury of battle commenced, the

struggle was terrific, the lion was conquered—AMERICA WAS FREE!!

During all the thrilling scenes that passed in Massachusetts previous

to his election to Congress, Mr. Gerry was a leading member of the

legislative body from its aurelia form to its more perfect growth. He

was an active and efficient member of the two great committees that

were for some time virtually the government—the committee of safety and

that of supplies.

In April, 1775, he narrowly escaped the grasp of his foes. The night

previous to the battle of Lexington, Messrs. Gerry, Lee and Orne

were at Cambridge, through which the British passed on their way to

the opening scene of hostilities. When they arrived opposite the

house where these gentlemen were in bed, a file of soldiers suddenly

separated from the main body and approached it rapidly. The patriots

barely escaped by the back way in their linen as the enemy entered, not

having time to put on a single article of their over-dress. After the

military passed on they returned for their wardrobe, and immediately

rallied the people to prepare for resistance.

The night previous to the fall of his intimate friend, the brave

Warren, Mr. Gerry lodged in the same bed with him. The anxiety they

felt for their country drove sleep from them, and their time was spent

in concerting plans for future action. The lamented hero of Bunker Hill

appears to have had a presentiment of his premature fate. The last

words he uttered to Mr. Gerry as they parted were,

“Dulce et decorum est,

Pro patria mori.”[D]

[D] It is sweet and glorious to die for one’s country.

In the month of July, 1775, the government of Massachusetts assumed

a systematic form. A legislature was chosen and organized, and in

a few months a judiciary was established upon the basis of the new

arrangement. Mr. Gerry was immediately appointed to the responsible

post of judge of the admiralty court, but declined serving, preferring

more active and exciting duties. He desired to be where he could render

the most important services.

On the 18th of January, 1776, he was elected to the Continental

Congress, a situation he was well calculated to fill. Bold and

fearless, yet cautious and prudent, he was admirably adapted to meet

the awful crisis of that eventful era. His public reputation already

established on a lofty eminence, he was placed upon the most important

committees, and among others upon the one sent to head-quarters to

consult with Washington and mature plans of supplies for the army and

for its augmentation. To the speculating sutlers and to peculating

contractors, he was a terror during the war. He introduced in Congress

many salutary guards against dishonest men, who, during a war more

especially, always hang about every department of government like

vultures. Even now, in a time of profound peace, they occasionally tap

the jugular vein of our republic, and produce a laxity of the sinews of

power.

When the declaration of independence was proposed in Congress, the

soul of Mr. Gerry was enraptured in its favour. He had long been

prepared for the measure and gave it his ardent support. When the

thrilling moment arrived for final action upon this important question

his vote was recorded in favour of equal rights, and his signature

affixed to that venerated instrument which verified the truth of divine

prophecy—“A nation shall be born in a day.”

In 1777, he was still continued a member of the national council, and

continued to discharge his duty with unabated zeal. The committee rooms

and the house were alike benefitted by his intelligence and extensive

experience in general business. He was called to aid in the arrangement

of the military hospitals, the discipline and regulations of the army,

the commissary department, foreign commerce, and other branches of the

new government, requiring the soundest discretion to place them on a

firm basis. He was also associated with Messrs. Clymer and Livingston

on their mission to the army to arrange existing difficulties. He took

a conspicuous part in the debates upon the articles of confederation,

and was listened to with great attention. He spoke well, reasoned

closely and demonstrated clearly.

Like Mr. Clymer, he was truly republican in all his ideas and opposed

to every thing that did not bear upon its face sound sense, practical

usefulness and equality of operation. Hence he opposed a resolution of

thanks proposed in Congress to his bosom friend, Mr. Hancock, for his

services when he resigned the presidential chair. He contended that the

president had done no more than to ably perform his duty, the rest of

the members had done the same, and it would be a singular entry upon

the journals of Congress to record a vote of thanks to each. Etiquette,

however, prevailed over his logic, and the usual vote of thanks was

passed, thus introducing a custom in the new government that has long

since lost its original importance by too frequent use on occasions of

minor interest.

Mr. Gerry was also upon the committee that devised the plan of

operations for the northern army that effectuated the capture of

Burgoyne, and upon the one to obtain supplies for the American troops

during the winter of 1777, which took him again to the camp of

Washington. These multiform and arduous duties, so constantly imposed

upon him, are stronger encomiums upon his talents, perseverance,

patriotism, and activity, than a volume of panegyric from the most

enlivening pen that was ever wielded by mortal hand.

I have repeatedly referred to the religious and moral characters of

the members of the Continental Congress as remarkable for purity. As a

proof of the assertion, the records of that body of the proceedings of

the session of 1778, show a resolution passed recommending the several

states to adopt decisive measures against “theatrical entertainments,

horse-racing, gaming, and such other diversions as are productive

of idleness, dissipation, and a general depravity of principles and

manners.” Another resolution strictly enjoins upon the officers of

the army “to see that the good and wholesome rules provided for the

discountenancing of profaneness and vice, and the preservation of

morals among the soldiers, are duly and punctually preserved.” A third

one was passed, which would be a _sweeper_ if revived at the present

day. It arose from a disposition on the part of some officers to

disregard the first one above cited. It reads as follows.

“Resolved, that any person holding an office under the United States,

who shall act, promote, encourage, or attend such plays, shall

be deemed unworthy to hold such office, and shall be accordingly

dismissed.”

Mr. Gerry voted for these resolutions, which were passed by a large

majority. He was upon the grand committee of one from each state,

appointed during that session, to examine closely foreign affairs and

the conduct of the foreign commissioners, about which considerable

difficulty then existed, particularly relative to Mr. Deane. The

committee used the probe freely, and recommended to Congress to use the

amputating knife upon every limb affected by the gangrene of political

corruption. The report of the committee was an able document and

produced a warm debate, in which Mr. Gerry participated and supported

it with great eloquence and force.

On the 14th of October, 1779, he proposed to Congress the expedition

against the Indians, which was successfully executed by General

Sullivan. He also proposed a resolution designed to guard against

inducements to corrupt influence, that “no candidates for public

office shall vote in, or otherwise influence their own elections;

that Congress will not appoint any member thereof during its time of

sitting, or within six months after he shall have been in Congress, to

any office under the said states, for which he, or any other for his

benefit, may receive any salary, fees, or other emolument.” He urged it

strongly but was unsuccessful. As a member of the committee of finance

Mr. Gerry stood next in rank to Robert Morris.

In 1780, he retired from Congress after five years arduous and faithful

service. In all situations and at all times, he was energetic, zealous

and active in the cause of liberty. When his duties called him to the

army, if any fighting was on the tapis whilst he was in camp, he always

insisted upon taking an active part. When the affair occurred with

General Howe at Chestnut Hill, he actually shouldered a musket and

entered the ranks; and when General Kniphausen engaged the American

army at Springville, he took his station by the side of Washington,

who invested him with a volunteer command during his stay. On both of

these occasions he was one of the visiting committee from Congress.

The second year after his retirement, he was again induced to become

a member of the national legislature and commenced his duties with

the same zeal that had marked his whole career. The business of the

nation was at that time more perplexing than when in the heat of the

revolution. An empty treasury, a prostrate credit and a mammoth debt,

presented a fearful contrast. To aid in settling the derangement in

public affairs, he was an important member. Committee labours were

heaped upon his shoulders as though he was an Atlas and could carry the

world, or an Atalanta in the celerity of business. The local feelings

and interests of the states began to be perplexing, and the half pay

for life guaranteed by Congress to all officers who remained in the

army during the war, was a source of dissatisfaction with many. This

was finally settled by compounding the annuity for the full pay of five

years.

In 1784, he was chairman of the important committee on foreign

relations, and of the one to perform the onerous task of revising

the treasury department. He also brought forward a resolution for

the compensation of Baron Steuben, who had rendered immense service

by introducing a system of military tactics and discipline, by which

the armies of the United States were entirely governed, and which

were strictly adhered to long after the revolution by the military

throughout the union. This resolution was warmly supported by Mr.

Jefferson, but owing, as I fondly hope, to the embarrassed situation of

the financial department, it was lost. He also took a deep interest in

the commerce of the republic, a subject which he understood well.

In 1785, Mr. Gerry closed his services in the Continental Congress.

During that year he was arduously employed upon the committee on

accounts. He also obtained the passage of his former resolution

relative to public officers and elections and the appointment of

members of Congress to office. At the close of the session he retired

from public life for a season and settled at Cambridge, not far from

Boston, with all the honours of a pure patriot and an able statesman

resting upon him—crowned with the sincere and lively gratitude of a

nation of freemen.

Time soon developed to the sages of the revolution that the articles

of confederation which bound the colonies together when one common

interest and impending dangers created a natural cement, were not

sufficient to secure permanently the liberty they had achieved. Local

interests engendered jealousies, these produced dissatisfaction,

and this threatened to involve the government in anarchy. To remedy

these evils, a motion was made by Mr. Madison, for each state to

send delegates to a national convention for the purpose of forming a

constitution. The proposition was sanctioned, and in May, 1787, the

convention commenced its herculean task at the city of Philadelphia,

in the accomplishment of which Mr. Gerry took an active and useful

part. He was among those who did not sanction or sign the instrument

as adopted, and participated liberally in the political abuse of

the _partisans_ who were opposed to him, not by the noble minded

statesmen who differed with him in opinion, all honest in their views

and patriotic in their motives. _They_ soared above the acrimonious

scurrility of venal party spirit.

After the constitution was adopted, no one manifested more zeal in

adhering to it than Mr. Gerry; actuated, as on all other occasions,

by the great republican principle—_that the majority must rule and be

obeyed_. He was elected a member of the first Congress under it, and

did much towards raising the beautiful superstructure that now towers

sublimely upon its broad basis. After serving four years he declined

a re-election and again sought retirement. But this was of short

duration. The relations between America and France had become deranged

and threatened a disastrous result.

Mr. Adams, then president of the United States, determined on sending

an able embassy to that government, and to make a strong effort to

effect an amicable arrangement of difficulties before appealing to

arms. General Pinckney was already appointed an ambassador to France.

Mr. Gerry and Mr. Marshall, since chief justice of the United States,

were appointed to join him in this delicate duty of diplomacy,

empowered to act separately or collectively, as a sound discretion

should dictate. On their arrival at Paris they were not treated with

proper courtesy by the directory, and were not recognised as the

official organ of their nation. Prudence and patience were necessary to

prevent an immediate rupture between the two countries. They opened a

correspondence with the French secretary of foreign affairs, and after

many fruitless attempts to be met in a proper manner, Messrs. Pinckney

and Marshall were ordered peremptorily to depart from the republic

of France, and Mr. Gerry invited to stay. By his prudent, manly and

firm course, he succeeded in allaying the angry feelings of the French

nation, and prevented a war that for a long time seemed inevitable.

On his return he was placed upon the republican ticket as a candidate

for governor of Massachusetts. Party spirit at that time was in its

full vigour, and the federal party had for a long time been in the

majority. So popular was Mr. Gerry, that his antagonist, Mr. Strong,

was elected but by a small majority, and that resulted from the

incorrectness of some of the returns, the former having actually

received the largest number of votes. In 1805 he was upon the electoral

ticket which succeeded. In 1810 he was elected governor of his state by

a large majority, and ably discharged the duties of chief magistrate.

He had never entered into _partisan_ feelings and views, and in his

first message pointed out, in a luminous manner, the dangers arising

from high toned party spirit, and did all in his power to allay it.

He felt and acted for his whole country and the general good. This

deterioration from _party_ caused him to lose his election for the

next term; the leaders of each having marshalled their forces in solid

phalanx—the federal party, when consolidated, having always had a

majority in the state since its distinctive formation.

For many years Mr. Gerry had anxiously desired to be excused from

the public duties of high and responsible stations, but no excuse was

accepted. In 1813 he was inaugurated vice-president of the United

States, and proceeded to discharge the devolving duties with great

dignity and propriety. His impartiality, correctness and candour gained

for him the esteem of the elevated body over which he presided to the

last day of his eventful and useful life—thus teaching by example the

principle of his precept, that “It is the duty of every citizen, though

he may have but one day to live, to devote that day to the service of

his country.”

At the city of Washington a beautiful monument is erected to his

memory, with this inscription:

The tomb of

ELBRIDGE GERRY,

Vice-President of the United States,

Who died suddenly in this city, on his way to the

Capitol, as President of the Senate,

November 23d, 1814,

Aged 70.

In the review of the life of Elbridge Gerry the pure patriot finds much

to admire and nothing to condemn, unless a man is to be condemned for

an honest difference of opinion and for keeping aloof from high toned

party spirit, which, for the sake of liberty, God forbid. His examples

of devotedness to the good of his country, his untiring industry, his

prudence, his discretion, his intelligence, and his moral virtues,

are all worthy of imitation and shed a lustre upon his character. In

private life he was highly esteemed and fulfilled its duties with the

strictest fidelity. He was emphatically a useful man in every sphere in

which he moved. No perils retarded him from the faithful performance of

what he deemed duty. His purposes were deliberately formed and boldly

executed. He was an honour to his country, to the cause of freedom, and

to enlightened liberal legislation. He was truly a worthy and an honest

man.

WILLIAM PACA.

Every man is not designed by creative wisdom to become a Demosthenes

or a Cicero; but every man of common sense has the power to be good

and to render himself useful. If all were alike gifted with splendid

talents, the monotony would become painful, and variety, the very spice

of life, would lose its original flavour. If _all_ our statesmen were

eloquent orators and were affected by the mania of speech-making, as

sensibly as most of our public speakers are at the present day, we

should be constantly, as we are now frequently, overwhelmed with talk

and have but little work finished. No one admires eloquence more than

the writer, but the speedy accomplishment of business is of higher

importance. Like our bodies that end in a narrow cell, the speeches

of our legislators, although based upon the purest motives, dictated

by the most enlightened understanding, decked with the beauties of

intelligence, strengthened by the soundest logic and embellished

with the richest flowers of rhetoric, receive their final fate from

the approving _Aye_—or the emphatic _No_. I indulge no desire to

extinguish these brilliant lights, or to snuff them too closely. The

volume of their flame, often so large as to emit smoke, might safely

be diminished and their wicks cut shorter. Brevity is the soul of wit,

prudent despatch, the life of business. In the committee-room every man

can be useful—the responsibilities of a vote bear equally upon each at

the time and place he is called to act. Let the importance of no man

be undervalued by himself or his compeers because he is not born with

a trumpet tongue. If his head is clear and his heart right, _he can do

good_.

Some of the most useful members of the Continental Congress seldom

participated in debate, and the ablest speakers were remarkable for

conciseness and for keeping close to the question under consideration.

Among those who rendered essential services in the cause of the

revolution, in a retiring and unassuming manner, was WILLIAM PACA, a

native of Wye Hall, on the eastern shore of Maryland, born on the 31st

of October, 1740. His father was a highly respectable and influential

man, and bestowed upon William a good education, and planted deeply in

his mind the principles of virtue and moral rectitude. He completed

his classical studies at the college in Philadelphia, and in 1758

commenced the study of law at Annapolis. Industrious in his habits,

and not fond of the public gaze, he applied himself closely to the

investigation of that science which unfolds the nature and duty of man

in all the relations of life, shows what he is and what he should be

under all circumstances, unveils his passions, his propensities and

his inclinations, carries the mind back through the abysm of times

of light, of shadows, of darkness and of pristine happiness, and

illuminates the understanding more than either branch of the sciences,

it being a compound of the whole in theory and in practice. An honest

and upright lawyer, who is actuated alone by principles of strict

justice, pure ethics, equal rights and stern integrity, can do more to

sustain social order and promote human happiness than a man pursuing

either of the other professions.

Upon principles like these Mr. Paca commenced his practice, and upon

a basis like this he built an enduring fame. He was esteemed for his

clearness of perception, honesty of purpose, decision of character,

prudence of conduct and substantial usefulness—all exhibiting a clear

light, but not a dazzling blaze or an effervescent embrocation. Upon

minds like his, the oppressions of the mother country made a gradual

impression, that was deepened by the graver of innovation, and that all

the powers of earth could neither efface, deface, erase nor expunge.

Thus it was with Mr. Paca—as chartered rights and constitutional

privileges were more openly infringed by the British authorities, his

soul became more strongly resolved on liberty or death. He was on

intimate terms with Mr. Chase, who possessed all the requisites to

command, while Mr. Paca possessed the indispensable acquisitions of a

safe and skilful helmsman. With qualities thus differing, but with the

same object in view, these two patriots commenced their voyage upon the

boisterous ocean of public life, at the same time and place.

Soon after he became a member of the bar Mr. Paca was elected a member

of the legislature of Maryland, and discharged his duties to the

entire satisfaction of his constituents. In 1771 he was one of the

committee of three that prepared a letter of thanks from the citizens

of Annapolis to Charles Carroll for his able advocacy of the cause

of liberty, in a written controversy with the royal governor and his

lackeys. In that letter the committee expressed a determination never

to submit to taxation without representation, or to the regulating of

taxes by executive authority—thus fully approving and sustaining the

position taken by the distinguished citizen whom they addressed.

Mr. Paca was a member of the Congress that convened at Philadelphia in

1774, which rendered itself illustrious by proceedings of propriety and

wisdom, such as would naturally flow from a mind like his. It is upon

such men that we can always safely rely in times of peril and danger.

They view every thing in the calm sunshine of reason and justice, and

are never overwhelmed by the billows of foaming passion or sudden

emotion. Always upon the terra firma of prudence, and always prepared

for action, they are ready to render assistance to those whose more

towering barks often get among the breakers.

Mr. Paca was continued a member of Congress until 1778, and rendered

valuable services upon numerous and important committees. In 1775 he

was a member of the one charged with providing ways and means to ward

off the threatened dangers that hung frightfully over the cause of

freedom in Virginia and North Carolina. He was also upon a similar

committee for the aid of the northern department. About that time he

joined Mr. Chase in furnishing a newly raised military corps with

rifles, to the amount of nearly a thousand dollars, from their own

private funds. His talents, his time and his fortune he placed in the

fearful breach of his country’s freedom. His examples had a powerful

influence upon the minds of his reflecting friends, who had unlimited

confidence in his opinions, always deliberately formed.

When the declaration of independence was proposed, his feelings and

views were decidedly in its favour, but his instructions from the

assembly of Maryland were directly opposed to the measure. The members

of that body considered the project as wild and futile, believing the

power of the mother country sufficient to crush all opposition. They

only contemplated redress—this they fondly but vainly hoped for. The

course of the British authorities, however, soon furnished arguments,

steeped in blood, that convinced them of the necessity of the course

proposed in Congress, and about the first of July, 1776, they removed

the injunction and left Mr. Paca and his colleagues to act freely

without any restraint. The struggle between the adherents of the crown

and the patriots in the assembly had been severe. The able letters

written by their delegates in the national legislature had great weight

in the colonial council, and the affair at Lexington admitted of no

extenuation. The first decided vote in favour of the cause, then in

embryo, obtained in the Maryland legislative body, was on the 28th of

May preceding the declaration, when their chaplain was directed to

omit praying for the king. This was a sore cut upon the dignity of his

majesty, and, as trifling as it may seem, had a potent effect upon the

people. It convinced them that if the king had forfeited all claims to

the _prayers_ of his subjects, he was not pure enough to direct their

destinies, and with one accord declared, “we will not have this man to

rule or reign over us.”

When the glorious 4th of July, 1776, arrived, Mr. Paca was in his

place, fully prepared to sanction the Magna Charta of American freedom

by his vote and signature, and enrolled his name among the great

apostles of LIBERTY, whose fame will continue to rise in peerless

majesty until the last trump of time shall sound its final blast and

the elements be dissolved in fervent heat.

On his retirement from Congress, in 1778, Mr. Paca was appointed chief

judge of the superior court of Maryland, and in 1780 his duties were

increased by the appointment of chief judge in prize and admiralty

cases. He had proved himself an able statesman—his talents as a

judicial officer shone with equal brilliancy. The acumen of his mind

and his legal acquirements made him an _able_ judge, his honesty and

impartiality rendered him a _popular_ one. He was a man of polished

manners, plain but dignified in his deportment and graceful in his

address, with an engaging, intelligent and benignant countenance, all

combining to gain admiration.

In 1782 he was elevated to the gubernatorial chair of his native state.

As chief magistrate he sustained a high reputation for usefulness and

sound policy. He was a devoted friend to literature and religion, and

did much to promote their prosperity. He inculcated the principles of

political economy and governed the state with a parental care. His

wise and judicious course furnished no food for malice, was above the

assaults of slander, and afforded jealousy no loop to hang upon. After

completing his term he retired to private life, until 1786, when he was

again called to preside over the destinies of his native domain.

In 1789 he was appointed by President Washington, United States

district judge for the Maryland district, which office he continued to

fill with dignity and respect until 1799, when he was summoned by death

to appear before the dread tribunal of the great Jehovah to render an

account of his stewardship. His life had been that of a good man, his

final end was peaceful and happy. Let his memory be revered and his

examples imitated. He demonstrated most clearly that moderation and

mildness, tempered with discretion and firmness, govern better and more

potently than angry and authoritative dictation.

GEORGE ROSS.

I have frequently referred, in several of the preceding biographies, to

the powerful eloquence of several of the Signers of the Declaration of

Independence. Of its nature, the reader should be correctly informed.

Rhetoric, as taught in the schools, as defined in the lexicons, and as

practised in times of prosperous peace and leisure like the present, is

not the kind that graced the Continental Congress.

Not to leave the reader to depend upon a picture drawn by my own fancy

and imagination, I will present the delineation as drawn by those who

saw and felt its influence, at the time it illuminated the legislative

hall, roused men to deeds of noble daring, and gave freedom to our

happy country.

One of the illustrious members of that body, John Adams, has said:

“Oratory, as it consists in expressions of the countenance, graces

of attitude and motion, and intonation of voice, although it is

altogether superficial and ornamental, will always command admiration,

yet it deserves little veneration. Flashes of wit, corruscations of

imagination and gay pictures, what are they? Strict truth, rapid

reason, and pure integrity, are the only essential ingredients in

oratory. I flatter myself, that Demosthenes, by his ‘action! action!

action!’ meant to express the same opinion.”

Another eminent writer, who had often felt the force of this, the

kind of eloquence exhibited by the sages of the revolution, in

describing that of the illustrious statesman just named, remarked;

“It was bold, manly, and energetic, but such as the crisis required.

When public bodies are to be addressed on momentous occasions, when

great interests are at stake, and strong passions excited, nothing is

valuable in speech farther than is connected with high intellectual

endowments. Clearness, force and earnestness are qualities which

produce conviction. True eloquence, indeed, does not consist in speech.

It cannot be brought from far. Labour and learning may toil for it, but

they toil in vain. Words and phrases may be marshalled in every way,

but they cannot compass it. It must exist in the man, in the subject,

and in the occasion. Affected passion, intense expression, the pomp

of declamation, all may aspire after it, but they cannot reach it. It

comes, if it comes at all, like the outbreaking of a fountain from

the earth, or the bursting forth of volcanic fires, with spontaneous,

original, native force. The graces taught in schools, the courtly

ornaments and studied contrivances of speech, shock and disgust men

when their own lives, and the lives of their wives and children, and

their country, hang on the decisions of the hour. Then words have lost

their power, rhetoric is vain, and all elaborate oratory contemptible.

Even genius itself, then feels rebuked and subdued, as in the presence

of higher qualities. Then patriotism is eloquent, then self-devotion is

eloquent. The clear conception outrunning the deductions of logic; the

high purpose, the firm resolve, the dauntless spirit speaking on the

tongue, beaming from the eye, informing every feature, and urging the

whole man onward—right onward to his object—this, this is eloquence, or

rather, it is something greater and higher than eloquence—it is action,

noble, sublime, and god-like action.”

This was the kind of eloquence that characterized the Continental

Congress, and sounded an alarum that vibrated the souls of millions,

and often drove back the purple current upon the aching heart. No

long, no set, no written speeches were then crowded upon the audience

to kill time and make a show. Governor M’Kean, who was constantly a

member during the revolution, remarked, shortly before his death, “I

do not recollect any formal speeches, such as are made in the British

Parliament, and in our late Congresses, to have been made in the

Revolutionary Congress. We had no time to hear such speeches, little

for deliberation—action was the order of the day.”

Of the kind of eloquence above described, GEORGE ROSS possessed a large

share. This faithful public servant was the son of the Rev. George

Ross, pastor of the Episcopal Church at New Castle, Delaware, and was

born in 1730, at that ancient town. Under the parental roof, and under

the instruction of his father, his strong native talents unfolded

their beauties, and at the age of eighteen he became a good classical

scholar. He then commenced the study of law with John Ross, an elder

brother, in the city of Philadelphia, where he was admitted to the bar

in 1751. In order to have more elbow-room he located at Lancaster, then

a border town near the confines of civilization, and verging on the

“far west.”

Noble in his disposition, agreeable and plain in his manners, learned

and diligent in his profession, candid, honest, and just in his course,

he succeeded in gaining the confidence and esteem of the people, and a

lucrative practice. In addition to all this, in order to plant himself

more firmly in his new location, he married Miss Ann Lawler, an amiable

and highly respectable lady, who proved an affectionate and worthy

companion.

He built his legal fame upon its legitimate basis, close application

to his professional business unconnected with public politics. At the

present day, many young men, unfortunately for themselves, when they

are admitted to the practice of law, at once enter the political arena,

for the purpose of obtaining professional notoriety and business. This

conclusion is based upon false premises, and has prevented many from

rising to a legal eminence that a contrary course would have gained.

Sacred writ has declared, “no man can serve two masters.” This is

particularly the case with a young lawyer at the present day; the

American revolution was a different thing. When he becomes devoted

to the interests of a political party, a tyrant that exacts the most

abject and humiliating services, either _his_ business, or that of

the party must be neglected. Reflecting men know this, and aware that

it requires close study and diligent application to become learned

in the law, they keep aloof from young political lawyers. A few high

toned partisans may employ them in _small_ matters, but if they have an

important case, the studious, industrious attorney, who has not imbibed

the corrupting atmosphere of modern politics, is the man of their

choice. A word to the wise should be sufficient.

It was not until long after his location at Lancaster that Mr. Ross

commenced his legislative course. The time had already arrived when the

people began to feel the smart of British oppression, and became more

particular in selecting men of known worth, integrity and talents, to

guard their interests against the machinations of an avaricious and

designing ministry. They accordingly elected Mr. Ross a member of the

colonial legislature in October, 1768. His reputation then stood high

as an able lawyer and as a man of liberal views, sound judgment and

decision of character. He at once exercised a salutary influence in the

assembly, and took a bold and decided stand in favour of the people’s

rights. At that time it was the custom of the legislature to reply

to the messages of the royal governor _in extenso_, or at large. Mr.

Ross was appointed to prepare an answer to one of these documents at

the first session of his service. In that as at all subsequent times,

he boldly objected to every proposition that he considered impolitic

or in opposition to the rights and best interests of the people. He

became a faithful and fearless sentinel, a vigorous and able champion

in the cause of liberty. He continued to serve in the legislature of

his own colony until he was elected to Congress. He was one of the

committee that prepared a consonant reply to the speaker of the house

of burgesses of Virginia in answer to the resolutions recommending a

general convention of delegates to deliberate upon the condition of the

country. In every leading measure in favour of freedom, he was among

the leading men.

In 1774, he was appointed a delegate to the Congress convened at

Philadelphia, and repaired promptly to the post of duty. He was one of

the committee of the assembly that determined on sending delegates to

the general convention, and was appointed by that committee to prepare

the instructions of that body to govern these delegates in their

action. As these instructions are similar in their main features to

those adopted by the other colonies, I here insert them that the reader

may see that peaceable redress of grievances was all that was at that

time contemplated by the sages of the revolution.

“The trust reposed in you is of such a nature, and the modes of

executing it may be so diversified in the course of your deliberations,

that it is scarcely possible to give you particular instructions

respecting it. We shall therefore only in general direct, that you are

to meet in Congress the committees of the several British colonies

at such time and place as shall be generally agreed on, to consult

together on the present critical and alarming situation and state of

the colonies, and that you, with them, exert your utmost endeavours to

form and adopt a plan which shall afford the best prospect of obtaining

a redress of American grievances, ascertaining American rights, and

establishing that union and harmony which is most essential to the

welfare and happiness of both countries. And in doing this, you are

strictly charged to avoid every thing indecent or disrespectful to the

mother state.”

Under instructions like these the first general Congress assembled;

agreeably to instructions like these that august body acted. All

honourable means were used to restore peace on the part of the

colonists that were required by the constitution of England, more

was offered than reason and strict justice demanded. Nothing but an

infatuation making men blind, deaf and dumb, could have resisted the

appeals and consummate arguments in favour of chartered and violated

rights that were poured upon the king, the parliament and the people of

Great Britain, from the deep, the translucent fountain of intelligence

concentrated in the Congress of 1774. The members were determined

to clear their own skirts of blood and not draw the bow of physical

opposition until their arrows were dipped in the liquid fire of eternal

justice and fixed in the quiver of wisdom.

Mr. Ross was continued a member of the Continental Congress until 1777,

when ill health compelled him to retire. He rendered important services

on numerous committees, and was a strong and truly eloquent debater in

the house. He also served, when his congressional duties would permit,

in the legislature of Pennsylvania, in which he continued to exercise

an essential influence. The governor and his friends were on the alert

to thwart the designs of the patriots, and for some time presented a

formidable opposition. To raise the foundation of this royal mass, Mr.

Ross placed his whole weight upon the political lever, and contributed

largely in breaking it up. He was a member of the colonial convention

that commenced the new government, and one of the committee that

prepared the declaration of rights on that occasion. He was chairman

of the committee that formed the organization of the state government,

and of the one that prepared the declaratory ordinance defining

high treason and misprision of treason, and the kind and measure of

punishment to be inflicted. Upon committees like these, his high legal

acquirements rendered him an important member. He was a profound lawyer

and an able statesman, and well prepared to aid in laying deep the

foundations of rational liberty.

On the 19th of July, 1779, he was appointed judge of the court of

admiralty for Pennsylvania, and in July following was called suddenly

and unexpectedly to witness the untried scenes of a boundless eternity.

His death was occasioned by an excruciating attack of the gout.

Thus in the full career of life and usefulness, rising on the wings

of fame, flushed with the hopes of liberty for his country, pressing

right onward towards the goal of freedom, an arrow from the quiver of

death pierced his patriotic heart and consigned him to the insatiate

tomb. There his dust reposes in peace whilst the lustre of his examples

when living will continue to shine and will be admired by millions yet

unborn.

Immediately after he closed his legislative career, the citizens of

Lancaster county passed two resolutions of the following tenor.

“Resolved, that the sum of one hundred and fifty pounds out of the

county stock, be forthwith transmitted to George Ross, (‘Honourable’

was not then republican,) one of the members of the assembly for this

county, and one of the delegates for this colony in the Continental

Congress; and that he be requested to accept the same, as a testimony

from this county of their sense of his attendance on the public

business, to his great private loss, and of their approbation of his

conduct.

Resolved, that if it be more agreeable, Mr. Ross purchase with part

of the said money a genteel piece of plate, ornamented as he thinks

proper, to remain with him as a testimony of the esteem this county has

for him, by reason of his patriotic conduct in the great struggle for

American liberty.”

Here is old fashioned republican simplicity in language and expression,

flowing from its native fountain—gratitude strongly felt and plainly

told—forming a bold contrast with the fulsome flattery of modern times

showered upon our statesmen by fawning sycophants, whose gratitude is

based alone upon the loaves and fishes of favour and office.

Mr. Ross declined accepting the gift, assuring the committee that

waited upon him, that he had performed no more than his duty, and that

at such a period all were bound to exert their noblest energies to

secure their liberty, which would afford a reward more precious than

gold, more valuable than diamonds.

In private as in public life, he stood approved and untarnished. No

blemish is upon the proud escutcheon of the name of GEORGE ROSS.

BENJAMIN HARRISON.

Moderation, arising from sound discretion and deep penetration of

judgment, united with wisdom to plan, and energy to execute, is always

desirable, and, in times of high excitement, indispensably necessary

in those who wield the destinies of a community. When the fires of

passion burning in the bosoms of an enraged multitude unite in one

cyclopean volume, the mental rod of moderation managed by skilful hands

can alone guide, regulate, and direct it to a proper destination. To

this quality, pre-eminently possessed by many of the sages of the

American revolution, we owe the liberty we now enjoy. It was this

that gave weight and dignity to the proceedings of the Continental

Congress; leaving the mother country without an excuse for oppression

and exciting the sympathy of other nations in favour of the cause of

liberty.

No one demonstrated more fully the beauties of moderation, combined

with firmness of purpose and boldness of action, than BENJAMIN

HARRISON. He was the eldest son of Benjamin Harrison, and born in

Berkley, Virginia. The date of his birth is not recorded. His family

descended from a near relation of General Harrison, who was a bold

leader in the revolution of the English commonwealth and was sacrificed

upon the scaffold for his liberal principles. This relation settled

in Surrey, Virginia, about 1640. His descendants sustained the high

character of their ancestors, and filled many important public stations

in the colony, and were uniformly wealthy and liberally educated. It

is recorded of Benjamin Harrison, who was the son of the Mr. Harrison

who settled at Surrey, that “he did justice, loved mercy, and walked

humbly with his God;” thus leaving a memento of character that forms

the crowning excellence of human attainments. The father of the subject

of this narrative was killed by lightning with two of his daughters.

At that time Benjamin was prosecuting his studies at the college of

William and Mary, where he finished his education at an early age.

Before he arrived at his majority he assumed the entire management

of the large estate left him by his father. He shortly after married

Elizabeth, the beautiful and accomplished daughter of Colonel William

Bassett, and niece to the sister of Lady Washington. He was a man of

great muscular power, above the middle height, graceful but plain

in his manners, with an intelligent countenance, indicating truly

strength of mind and decision of character. Towards the latter part

of his life he became corpulent, in consequence of good dinners and

a quiet mind. Before he arrived at the age then required by law, he

was elected a member of the house of burgesses, and soon became a

distinguished leader. His talents were of the peculiar kind calculated

to lead, without an apparent desire to command. His magic wand was

sound discretion deliberately and firmly exercised on all occasions,

enlivened by a good humour and sprightliness that took off the wiry

edge of his otherwise stern qualities; for when his purposes were

fixed, it required a powerful lever to move them—he adhered to them

with a firmness that in a more morose man would have been called

obstinacy.

Wielding a powerful influence, the creatures of the crown were

particularly courteous towards him, especially just preceding the

commencement of the revolution, and proposed to confer upon him the

highest official dignity in the colony, except that of governor, which

was always reserved for a _native_ of the mother country. But Mr.

Harrison was too independent in mind, too republican in principle,

and too penetrating in their designs, to be caught in the silken web

of ministerial intrigue or royal cunning. With all his wealth and

influence he was a plain common sense man, acting upon the principle

that modesty is the handmaid of virtue, and has more charms than the

pomp of courts and the flourish of high pretensions. He was a man of

the people, and went for them and his country. He was too high minded

to become a tool, and scorned to be the slave of a king.

As early as 1764, Mr. Harrison was one of the committee appointed

by the house of burgesses that prepared an address to the throne, a

memorial to the house of lords, and a remonstrance to the house of

commons of Great Britain, predicated upon the Virginia resolutions,

anticipating the contemptible stamp act. These documents were strong

meat in view of a majority of the house, and by the process of

political alchymical chemistry, were transmuted to milk and water. But

the time rolled on that brought with it circumstances that inspired

far different feelings and action. As British oppression increased,

Virginia patriotism and indignation were kindled to a flame that

illuminated the remotest bounds of the old dominion. Harrison, Henry,

Wythe, Randolph, Jefferson and other sons of Virginia were roused. Mr.

Harrison was a member of the convention that met at Williamsburgh on

the first of August, 1774, that passed a series of strong resolutions

in favour of equal rights, and sanctioned the measures of opposition

adopted in New England. The same convention appointed seven delegates

to the Congress to be held at Philadelphia, Mr. Harrison being one.

When the time arrived, he repaired to the post of duty and of honour.

As but one object was contemplated at that time—the adoption of

measures to sustain right, justice and peace, the session continued

but two months, and was entirely employed in preparing petitions,

remonstrances, and addresses, in which Mr. Harrison aided by his

counsels. A personal acquaintance and a free interchange of personal

views, which served to establish mutual confidence, and to produce a

concert of feeling when the time for more decisive action arrived,

appears to have been the greatest good that resulted from the meeting

of that Congress. Its proceedings also placed the colonies in a

favourable light in view of other nations and of reflecting men,

showing that they paid a proper respect to the royal authority of

the mother country, and were unwilling to cut the cord of allegiance

without a just cause. The king and his infatuated counsellors were left

without excuse in their mad career.

On the 20th of March, 1775, Mr. Harrison was a member of the Virginia

Convention that met at Richmond, and passed the bold resolutions

offered by Patrick Henry. A vote of approbation and thanks was also

passed in favour of the delegates that had served in Congress the

preceding autumn. Many had their eyes opened at that time and came to

the rescue of their country.

Lord Dunmore, anticipating the appointment of delegates to a second

Congress, issued his proclamation forbidding the procedure, at the

same time affecting to treat the convention as a mere bagatelle. But

the time had arrived when proclamations from the royal governors

had lost their virtue and were in bad odour. The convention elected

Congressional delegates, among whom was Mr. Harrison.

When he again repaired to his post, a wider field opened for labour.

The proceedings of the preceding Congress had been treated with

contumely by the crown, and an awful crisis had arrived. The cry of

blood resounded from the heights of Lexington, and penetrated the ears,

the heart, the very soul of every patriot.

At the death of Mr. Randolph, the first president of the Continental

Congress, Mr. Hancock was elected to fill his place. When his name

was announced, he seemed overcome with a modest diffidence, and not

proceeding instantly to his post, Mr. Harrison, who was standing near

him, picked him up in his gigantic arms and placed him in the chair,

remarking, “we will show mother Britain how little we care for her, by

making a Massachusetts man our president, whom she has excluded from

pardon by public proclamation.”

Action now became the order of the day. Each gale from the North

wafted tidings of fresh outrages and increasing oppression on the

part of “mother Britain.” Congress began to prepare for the worst,

although many of its members still listened to the syren song of peace.

An important committee was appointed to devise ways and means for

defence, and for organizing the militia throughout all the colonies

that were represented, of which Mr. Harrison was an efficient member.

After labouring arduously for a month, the committee reported the plan

of military operations that carried the American armies through the

revolution. From the fact that Mr. Harrison was uniformly selected

to aid in military operations when they required the attention of

Congress, it may be inferred that he was well qualified to act in

that department. He was on the most intimate terms with Washington

and enjoyed his unlimited confidence, which is the _ne plus ultra_ of

eulogy upon his character.

In September, he was one of the committee of three appointed to

consult with the commander-in-chief, and with the authorities of the

regenerated colonies, for the means of preparing for vigorous action.

On the 29th of November, he was appointed chairman of the committee

of five to take charge of the foreign correspondence, subsequently

organized and made the committee on foreign affairs. On the second

of December, he was sent to Maryland to aid in organizing a naval

armament to repel the predatory warfare of Lord Dunmore along the

shores of the Chesapeake. On the 17th of January, 1776, he laid before

Congress a plan upon which to predicate the recruiting service, which

was approved. On the 21st of the same month, he was placed upon the

committee to organize the war department, and two days after, started

with Messrs. Lynch and Allen to New York, to aid General Lee in

arranging means for its defence, and for the erection of fortifications

upon the two confluent rivers. On his return he was placed on the

committee for organizing the military departments of the middle and

southern colonies; and on the sixth of March he was placed on the

standing marine committee, bestowing upon him labour according to his

physical as well as mental powers.

On the 26th of March, Congress published a complete preface to the

declaration of independence, setting forth the contempt with which the

petitions, remonstrances, and appeals for redress had been treated, and

portraying in lively colours the constitutional and chartered rights of

the American people, and the manner they were trampled under foot and

steeped in blood by the British hirelings. The same document authorized

the colonies to fit out vessels of war to meet the mistress of the

seas on her own element. At the same time Mr. Harrison was appointed

chairman of a committee to select and cause to be fortified one or

more ports for the protection of these vessels and such prizes as they

might take. In May, he was made chairman of the committee on the Canada

expedition. After consulting Generals Washington, Gates, and Mifflin,

he laid a plan of operations before Congress, which was approved. On

the 26th of the same month he was appointed chairman of a committee

of fourteen, directed to confer with the general officers of the army

relative to a plan of operations for the ensuing campaign. When this

was matured he laid it before Congress, and during its consideration

was chairman of the committee of the whole. With some amendments the

report of the committee was adopted. On the 15th of June a board of war

was organized, of which Mr. Harrison became chairman, and continued

to fill this important post until he retired from Congress. In the

discharge of its duties the revered Judge Peters remarks of him, “He

was a member, &c. when I entered upon the duties assigned me in the

war department. This gave me an opportunity of observing his firmness,

good sense and usefulness in deliberation and in critical situations,

and much use indeed, was required of these qualities, when every thing

around us was lowering and terrific.”

Mr. Harrison became very popular as chairman of the committee of

the whole, and when in the house, uniformly presided when important

questions were under discussion. He was in the chair during the

discussion of the declaration of independence. He also brought up the

resolution of the committee that recommended the formal preparation

of that sacred instrument, and on the fourth of July reported it as

sanctioned by Congress, and sealed his own approbation with his vote

and signature. As a further evidence of his cheerfulness and good

humour under all circumstances, at the thrilling moment when the

members were signing what was by many considered their death warrant;

as Mr. Gerry, who was a light slender man finished his signature, the

robust Mr. Harrison remarked to him, “When the hanging scene comes to

be exhibited, I shall have all the advantage over you. It will be all

over with me in a minute, but you will be kicking in the air half an

hour after I am gone.”

During the protracted discussions upon the articles of confederation,

Mr. Harrison was uniformly in the chair if in the house. From August

until the 5th of November, 1776, he was not a member of Congress, and

was engaged in the service of his own state, having been appointed one

of the counsellors of Virginia under the new form of government. He

then succeeded Mr. Jefferson, and again assumed the important stations

he had before so ably filled. He was also placed upon the committee to

superintend the movements of the northern army. During the sad reverses

of the winter of 1776–7, he remained firm at his post, whilst many had

gone home disheartened and dejected, but not willing to abandon the

cause of freedom. When Congress was compelled to fly from Baltimore

to Lancaster, where they remained but for a day, and from there to

Yorktown, he followed all its destinies. At one time, at the latter

place, the number of members did not exceed twenty, but these few

were rendered more zealous and strong from this very circumstance.

When there were but twenty-eight, Samuel Adams said it was the truest

Congress ever assembled; and when the number was reduced still lower,

the amount of zeal manifested and labour performed was not diminished.

Its enemies predicted its final dissolution, but proved themselves

to be false prophets. They even reported that Mr. Harrison was about

to desert the cause. The moderation of this patriot often interposed

to soften proposed measures that were too hasty and harsh. When the

question was agitated relative to the Quakers, (referred to in the

biography of Mr. Chase,) he interfered in their behalf, and as one of

their number often remarked, “He saved us from persecution. He had

talents to perceive the right and firmness enough to pursue it however

violently opposed.”

At the close of 1777, Mr. Harrison resigned his seat in Congress and

returned to the bosom of his family. No one member had performed more

labour than him, and no one was more highly esteemed and honoured.

He was a colossus in the cause of liberty and human rights. He was

emphatically a powerful working man.

On his return to his constituents he was not permitted to enjoy repose,

but was immediately elected to the house of burgesses, and on taking

his seat, was elevated to the dignified station of speaker, which he

continued to fill for five successive years. During that period the

revolutionary storm rolled its fury over Virginia, which before had

experienced but little inconvenience within its own borders. Arnold

the traitor and Cornwallis the tyrant, were tinging its streams and

saturating its soil with the blood of her noble sons. Fire and sword,

murder and rapine, ruin and destruction, marked their savage career.

The house of burgesses was driven from Richmond to Charlottesville, to

Staunton, and to the Warm Springs, and found but a transient resting

place at either. Application was made to Washington, but he could

afford no relief. During these rapid removes of the legislature,

Mr. Harrison remained firm, and used every exertion to promote such

measures as were best calculated to ward off impending dangers. He did

much to rouse the people to action and dispel the terrors of their

minds. He knew no fugitive fears; the opinion of another writer to the

contrary notwithstanding, uttered without any foundation in truth,

merely to raise his own hero above his proper level, by climbing upon

the shoulders of the towering reputation of Mr. Harrison. This _ruse de

guerre_ will not answer even at this late day. Records speak for the

dead in a voice that withers the slanderer like the hand writing that

paralysed the sturdy frame of Belteshazzer.

In 1782, Mr. Harrison was elected governor of Virginia and assumed

an herculean task. The recent devastations of the British army, and

the efforts of internal enemies, had thrown every thing into one

chaotic mass. He entered upon his duties with an energy and sagacity

that showed no “fugitive fear,” and so well did he succeed, that he

became one of the most popular chief magistrates that ever filled the

gubernatorial chair of Virginia. He was re-elected twice, and then

became ineligible by the constitution, and once more sought repose in

retirement. Immediately after, he was nominated as a candidate for

the legislature without his knowledge, and for the first time was

unsuccessful. His election was defeated by a singular circumstance

that was taken advantage of by his opponent. When governor, he had

directed the militia to level the embankments at Yorktown, which was

an unpopular measure. Without lamenting his defeat, effected entirely

by intrigue, he removed into the adjoining county of Surrey, and was

returned to the same legislature with his competitor; and to render

his triumph more complete and the mortification of his opponents more

galling, he was elected speaker of the house. Before the year expired

his old constituents solicited him to return to his former residence.

Old age and infirmity began to admonish him to retire, and he declined

a re-election.

In 1788, he was a member of the convention of his state to which

the federal constitution was submitted, and was appointed chairman

of the first committee—that of privileges and elections. He opposed

the document submitted as too indefinite in defining the powers of

the general and state governments, and sanctioned it with certain

amendments that were returned with it. So strong was the opposition

to its adoption by nearly half of the delegates, that they held a

private meeting in the night for the purpose of adopting plans of

opposition that were calculated to produce the most fatal consequences.

Fortunately, the deliberate old patriot, Mr. Harrison, gained

admittance and prevailed upon them to submit to the majority of nine

and pursue the legal remedy for obtaining amendments. This noble and

patriotic act formed the crowning glory of his public career. In 1790

he was nominated chief magistrate, but declined serving, and used his

utmost influence for Mr. Randolph and induced his own son to vote

against him, who was then a member of the house, by which the governor

was elected. Mr. Randolph had become unpopular with a part of the

members, who were confident of defeating him could they prevail upon

Mr. Harrison to consent to be used as a _party_ man.

During the next year his health declined rapidly, and in April, shortly

after his unanimous election to the legislature, he was prostrated by a

severe attack of the gout, which terminated his long and useful life,

leaving a large family of children to mourn the loss of a kind father,

and his country to lament the exit of one of her noblest patriots.

He was the father of General Harrison of Ohio, whose name is now

before the public as a candidate for the next president of the United

States. The private character of this zealous champion of liberty was

without reproach. His wit and humour made him a pleasant companion,

his intelligence and good sense made him an interesting one. His clear

head, good heart, sound judgment and equable moderation, made him an

important public servant, exactly suited to the times in which he

lived.

CÆSAR RODNEY.

Genealogy was once an essential part, the first stepping stone of

biography, a kind of titular idol held in great veneration. In

countries where the iron sceptre of monarchy is still swayed, where

titles of honour create lineal dignity without regard to merit, where

blood is analyzed by political chemistry and all the precipitants are

rejected but the carbonate of noble pedigree, where royalty descends

upon a _non compos mentis_ incumbent with the same facility that

it reaches a man of good intellect, genealogy is still measurably

the criterion by which to determine the importance and degree of

character. As light and intelligence shed their benignant rays upon

mankind, the importance attached to this titular deity will be

diminished. Where rational liberty reigns triumphant, merit alone

creates dignity; the man is measured by his actions, not by the purple

fluid that flows through his veins. In our free country genealogy is

a matter of curiosity, not of veneration. The son of a coal cracker,

or of a cobbler, whose father may have been a foundling, can rise

to the highest station within the gift of the people by the force

of talent and merit. I am aware that the aristocracy of wealth is

a noxious weed that sheds its deleterious influence around us, but

not yet sufficiently strong to prevent genius from acquiring a rapid

and towering growth. In times of danger and peril its power will be

lessened in the same ratio that these increase. It withers and dies

when reached by the magic wand of republican patriotism. Then “what is

a name, my lord?”

One book error is prevalent in our country which should be

corrected. It is predicated upon hereditary notions of blood, and

is anti-republican. Some of our latest writers promulgate the idea

that the criminal conduct of _one_ member of a family disgraces the

_whole_. In a community purely republican, every individual is judged

according to his or her own deeds, and no act in one can criminate

or disgrace another who is innocent. The very writers amongst us who

thoughtlessly publish this _imported_ sentiment, pursue a different

course practically, and treat others agreeably to their merit,

without reference to the conduct of their relations. Their practice

is better than their theory. But few families in America can trace

their ancestors as far back as the Rodneys of Delaware. This name was

introduced into England with the Norman queen Maud or Matilda, as

early as 1141, and stands among the foremost on the list of military

fame acquired during the Norman conquest and at subsequent periods. To

those who are conversant with the history of the stormy times of that

kingdom, the name of Sir Walter De Rodeney, and others of the same

line, is familiar. They were able in council and in war, they figured

in the civil, military and naval departments, and received the highest

honours that could be awarded to their rank by kings and queens. They

were also remarkable for magnanimity and liberality. Under the auspices

of William Penn, a branch of this ancient family, William Rodney, came

to Philadelphia and finally settled in Kent, Delaware. He was the son

of William Rodney, of England, who married Miss Alice, daughter of Sir

Thomas Cæsar, a wealthy merchant. William Rodney, who located at Kent,

left one son, Cæsar, who was the father of the subject of this sketch.

CÆSAR RODNEY was a native of Dover, Kent county, Delaware, and born

in 1730. He appears to have received a good education, and at the

death of his father inherited an ample fortune in real estate. He

was a slender man physically, with an animated countenance, easy and

pleasing in his manners and gentlemanly in his intercourse. Owing to

a cancer upon his nose, which commenced its ravages upon him at an

early age, he became greatly emaciated, and long before his death was

emphatically a moving skeleton. The cancer having spread over one side

of his face, he was compelled for many years to wear a silk bandage

over it. Notwithstanding this affliction he was uniformly sprightly

and cheerful. With a strong and penetrating mind, firmness of purpose

and decision of character, he united an abundant share of keen wit and

good humour, that rendered him an agreeable companion—his vast stock

of experimental intelligence and practical knowledge rendered him an

instructive one.

With qualities like these Mr. Rodney became a popular public man. His

views were liberal and decidedly republican. In 1758 he became the high

sheriff of his native county, and discharged the duties of his office

with so much ability that he at once gained the confidence and esteem

of his constituents. When his term of service expired he was appointed

a justice of the peace and judge of the lower courts. In October, 1762,

he took his seat in the legislature at Newcastle and became an active

and influential member. He was one of the committee that prepared the

answer to the message of the governor and was placed on other important

committees. At the close of the session he was put in charge of the

great seal to be affixed to such laws as had been passed.

When the rights of the colonies were threatened by assumptions of

power on the part of the mother country, not warranted by the British

constitution and in violation of chartered privileges, Mr. Rodney

was among the first who took a bold stand in favour of liberty. In

conjunction with Messrs. M’Kean and Kollock he was appointed a delegate

to the Congress that convened at New York in 1765, to remonstrate

against the stamp act and other threatened innovations upon the

privileges of the colonies, that had been long enjoyed and were

guarantied by the social compact between the king and his “dutiful and

most loyal subjects in America.”

After the stamp act was repealed Mr. Rodney was appointed on the

committee with Messrs. M’Kean and Read to prepare an address to the

king expressive of the joy produced throughout the colony by this

event. It resembles those prepared by the other colonies and will

give the reader an idea of the feelings of loyalty that pervaded the

colonies at that time. The following extract is deemed sufficient for

the present purpose.

“We cannot help glorying in being the subjects of a king that has

made the preservation of the civil and religious rights of his people

and the established constitution the foundation and constant rule

of government, and the safety, ease and prosperity of his people

his chiefest care—of a king, whose mild and equal administration is

sensibly felt and enjoyed in the remotest part of his dominions. The

clouds which lately hung over America are dissipated. Our complaints

have been heard and our grievances redressed—trade and commerce

again flourish. Our hearts are animated with the warmest wishes for

the prosperity of the mother country, for which our affection is

unbounded, and your faithful subjects here are transported with joy

and gratitude. Such are the blessings we may justly expect will ever

attend the measures of your majesty, pursuing steadily the united

and true interests of all your people throughout your wide extended

empire, assisted with the advice and support of a British parliament

and a virtuous and wise ministry. We most humbly beseech your majesty

graciously to accept the strongest assurances that having the justest

sense of the many favours we have received from your royal benevolence

during the course of your majesty’s reign, and how much of our present

happiness is owing to your paternal love and care for your people,

we will at all times most cheerfully contribute to your majesty’s

service, to the utmost of our abilities, when your royal requisitions,

as heretofore, shall be made known: that your majesty will always find

such returns of duty and gratitude from us as the best of kings may

expect from the most loyal subjects, and that we will demonstrate to

all the world that the support of your majesty’s government and the

honour and interests of the British nation are our chief care and

concern, desiring nothing more than the continuance of our wise and

excellent constitution in the same happy, firm and envied situation in

which it was delivered down to us from our ancestors and your majesty’s

predecessors.”

With feelings like these pervading the colonies, the reader must

readily conclude that nothing but the most cruel oppressions could have

driven the American people to a revolution. Connect this address with

the fact of a final separation from Great Britain, and the imagination

is at once supplied with reasons for the declaration of independence,

strong as holy writ—more especially as both documents emanated from the

same statesmen.

Mr. Rodney continued an active member of the legislature for several

years and took a deep interest in all public measures. He introduced an

amendment to a bill relative to slaves, prohibiting the importation of

negroes into the colony. So ably did he support his amendment that it

was lost by a majority of only two votes.

“Whom the gods will destroy they first make mad.”

So with the British ministry—they were madly bent on reducing the

American colonies to unconditional subjection, and after a short

interval again commenced a system of oppression upon a broader and

bolder scale. Once more the people appealed to their king—but appealed

in vain. Mr. Rodney was upon the committee that prepared the second

address to his majesty just before the commencement of the revolution.

The following extract will show the reader the views of the colonists

and the grievances complained of.

“The sense of our deplorable condition will, we hope, plead with

your majesty in our behalf for the freedom we take in dutifully

remonstrating against the proceedings of a British parliament,

confessedly the wisest and greatest assembly upon earth. But if our

fellow subjects of Great Britain, who derive no authority from us, who

cannot, in our humble opinion, represent us, and to whom we will not

yield in loyalty and affection to your majesty, can, at their will

and pleasure, of right give and grant away our property; if they can

enforce an implicit obedience to every order or act of theirs for that

purpose, and deprive all or any of the assemblies on this continent of

the power of legislation for differing with them in opinion in matters

which intimately affect their rights and interests, and every thing

that is dear and valuable to Englishmen, we cannot imagine a case

more miserable—we cannot think that we shall have even the shadow of

liberty left. We conceive it to be an inherent right in your majesty’s

subjects, derived to them from God and nature, handed down from their

ancestors, confirmed by your royal predecessors and the constitution,

in person or by their representatives, to give and grant to their

sovereign those things which their own labours and their own cares

have acquired and saved, and in such proportions and at such times as

the national honour and interest may require. Your majesty’s faithful

subjects of this government have enjoyed this inestimable privilege,

uninterrupted, from its first existence till of late. They have at all

times cheerfully contributed to the utmost of their abilities for your

majesty’s service as often as your royal requisitions were made known,

and they cannot now, but with the greatest uneasiness and distress of

mind, part with the power of demonstrating their loyalty and affection

to their beloved king.”

Addresses similar to this were laid at the foot of the throne

from all the colonies and from the Congress of 1774. The struggle

between filial affection and a submission to wrongs, was of the most

agonizing kind. This, united with the known weakness of the colonies,

renders the American revolution a striking lesson to those in power,

admonishing them not to draw the cords of authority too closely, and

gives encouragement to freemen to resist every encroachment upon their

liberty.

In 1769, Mr. Rodney was chosen speaker of the assembly of Delaware,

and filled the chair for several years with honour and dignity. As

the specks of war began to dim the fair face of freedom he became one

of the most active opposers of British tyranny. He was a member of

the Congress that convened at Philadelphia in 1774, and received the

approbation of his constituents for his firm and patriotic course. The

ensuing year he was again a member of the national assembly of sages,

and took an active part in its duties, deliberations and discussions.

In his own province he had much to do. The royal attachments were

deeply rooted, and it required great exertions to counteract the

intrigues of foes within, and repel the attacks of enemies without.

In addition to his duties as speaker of the assembly of Delaware and

member of Congress, he was brigadier-general of the militia. His

numerous messages to the legislature, and letters to his officers,

urging them to decisive action, manifest great industry, strength of

mind, clearness of perception, firmness of purpose and patriotic zeal.

He was decidedly in favour of the declaration of independence from the

time the proposition was first laid before Congress. The day previous

to the final question upon this important measure, he was in Delaware

pursuing means to arrest the career of certain tories in the lower part

of the province. Mr. M’Kean informed him by express of the approaching

crisis. He immediately mounted his horse and arrived at Philadelphia

just in time to dismount and enter the hall of Congress, with boots and

spurs, and give his vote in favour of liberty, and affix his name to

that bold instrument that dissolved allegiance to England’s king, and

created a compact of rational freedom.

In the autumn of 1776, the tories so far succeeded in obtaining the

reins of power as to prevent the re-election of Mr. Rodney to Congress.

But this only served to increase the exertions of this devoted patriot.

He immediately commenced military operations and repaired to Princeton,

soon after the brave Haslet and Mercer fell in the cause of justice.

He was also an active member of the council of safety. He remained

with the army for two months, and received the high approbation of

the commander-in-chief for his active services in bringing out the

militia and raising recruits. In a letter written to him by Washington,

dated at Morristown on the 18th of February, 1777, is the following

eulogium: “The readiness with which you took the field at the period

most critical to our affairs—the industry you used in bringing out

the militia of the Delaware state—and the alertness observed by you

in forwarding on troops from Trenton—reflect the highest honour on

your character and place your attachment to the cause in the most

distinguished point of view. They claim my sincerest thanks, and I am

happy in this opportunity in giving them to you.”

On his return to his native state he was appointed a judge of the

supreme court, organized under the new order of things. He declined

serving, believing that he could be of more use to the cause in

other situations. About that time an open insurrection against the

new government broke out in Sussex. He immediately repaired to the

district with a few troops and quelled it at once. At the time the

British forces were preparing to march from the Chesapeake towards the

Brandywine, General Rodney was stationed south of the American army to

watch the movements of the enemy, and if possible to get between them

and their shipping. He exerted his noblest powers to rouse the militia

to their duty, and acquitted himself faithfully in the discharge of

every duty that devolved upon him.

In December, 1777, he was again elected to Congress, but the

legislature of his state being in session, he concluded to remain in

that until the close of its deliberations, during which time he was

elected president of Delaware, which prevented him from rendering any

further assistance in the national assembly. His services in his new

and dignified station were of the utmost importance in the exposed

territory over which he presided. His exertions in raising supplies for

the continental army were of the most vigorous character, especially

during the winter and spring of 1779, when the troops were much of the

time on half allowance, and the magazines so empty and bare, that it

frequently seemed impossible that the army could be sustained another

week.

During the four years that he presided over the destinies of Delaware,

he had many refractory spirits to manage and many difficult questions

to decide which required the exercise of firmness, prudence and wisdom.

All these qualities were possessed by him. Upon his own matured

judgment he relied. His course was onward towards the temple of

liberty, and so discreetly did he pursue it, that he stood approved and

applauded by every friend of equal rights, and was admired even by his

enemies. He continued to serve his country until 1783, when he fell a

victim to the cancer that had been preying upon him for many years. He

met death with calm submission and fortitude, and died rejoicing in the

bright prospects that were opening upon his country.

From his writings he appears to have highly respected religion and

to have practised the soundest morals. His private character was

unexceptionable and truly amiable. He was partial to good dinners but

not guilty of any excesses. He was remarkably fond of a good joke,

and sometimes exhibited brilliant displays of wit, but was extremely

careful not to give personal offence.

When in Congress, Mr. Harrison, who had often claimed Virginia as the

_Dominion_ of the colonies, asked for immediate aid to protect her

from the invading foe. When he sat down, Mr. Rodney rose, with assumed

gravity and sympathy, and assured the gentleman that the _powerful

Dominion_ should be protected: “Let her be of good cheer—she has a

friend in need—DELAWARE will take her under its protection and insure

her safety.” The portly Harrison and the skeleton Rodney both enjoyed

the “hit,” and the other members were convulsed with laughter.

His constitutional sympathy was so strong that he always avoided, if

possible, scenes of physical suffering, and could not be induced to

approach the dying bed even of his dearest friend or nearest relative.

SAMUEL CHASE.

To be able to judge correctly of the actions of men, we must understand

the philosophy of human nature thoroughly. We must trace the circuit of

the immortal mind, follow it through the regions of revolving thought,

become familiar with the passions that influence and control it, learn

its natural desires, its innate qualities, its springs of action and

its multifarious combinations. We must understand its native divinity,

its earthly frailty, its malleability, its contractions, its expansions

and its original propensities. In addition to all this knowledge, when

we judge the conduct of an individual, we must know the predominants

and exponents of his mind, the impress it has received from education,

the motives that impelled it to action, the circumstances that produced

its momentum, its propulsive and repulsive powers, the ultimatum of its

designs and its ulterior objects. With all these guides we shall still

become involved in errors unless our judgments are based upon the firm

foundation of impartiality and are enlightened and warmed by the genial

rays of heaven-born charity. Bias and prejudice are ever at our elbows,

ready to lead us to false conclusions.

With such criteria before me, I proceed to sketch, concisely, the

eventful career of SAMUEL CHASE, a native of Somerset county, Maryland,

who was born on the 17th of April, 1741. He was the son of the Rev.

Thomas Chase, who immigrated to this country from England, and in

1743 became the pastor of St. Paul’s parish in Baltimore, then a mere

country village and destitute of good schools. At the age of two years

Samuel was deprived of the tender care of his mother by her premature

death. In the superior classical and theological qualifications of

his father to guide him in the paths of science and virtue, he was

peculiarly fortunate. Under his instructions he became an accomplished

scholar, admired and esteemed by a large circle of acquaintances. At

the age of eighteen he commenced the study of law, and prosecuted it

with great industry under the direction of John Hammond and John Hall

of Annapolis. At the age of twenty he was admitted to practice in the

mayor’s court, and at twenty-two was admitted to several of the county

courts and the court of chancery. He located at Annapolis, married

the amiable and intelligent Miss Ann Baldwin, and soon obtained the

reputation of a sound lawyer and an able advocate.

He was of a sanguine temperament, bold, fearless and undisguised,

independent in mind, language and action, but honest, patriotic and

pure in his motives and immovable in his purposes—qualities that

dignify a man if prudently balanced, but which often rouse the most

implacable enmity in others. These leading traits in the original

composition of the nature of Samuel Chase must be kept constantly in

view to enable the reader to form a just estimate of his character. The

circumstances and times that influenced him must also be borne in mind.

On the flood tide of a prosperous business and forensic fame, in

the full enjoyment of domestic felicity and social intercourse with

friends, Mr. Chase glided smoothly along until his country began

to writhe under kingly oppression. The stamp act, the first born

of the pernicious revenue system devised by the putrescent British

ministry, met with a hostile reception in Annapolis. Mr. Chase, aided

by a band of kindred spirits under the cognomen of the “sons of

liberty,” forcibly seized and destroyed the newly imported stamps and

burnt in effigy the stamp distributor. No further violence was then

committed. The king’s officers opened a newspaper battery against

this “furious mob,” and directed their whole artillery at Mr. Chase,

complimenting him with the courtly names of “busy, restless incendiary;

a ringleader of mobs, a foul-mouthed and inflaming son of discord and

faction; a common disturber of the public tranquillity, a promoter

of the lawless excesses of the multitude,” and similar emphatic

appellations—conferring upon this young patriot a diploma of honour

little anticipated by them. His answers to these vituperations were

charged with strong and conclusive logic, keen and withering sarcasm.

This brought him into the political field, and so delighted were the

people with the manner he handled the hirelings of the crown that they

elected him to the colonial assembly. There he took a conspicuous

part and became the uncompromising opposer of all measures that were

not within the pale of the constitution or that were tinctured with

oppression. So strongly was he in favour of liberal principles and

rational liberty, that he gave his whole influence and vote in favour

of the repeal of the law that compelled the people to support the

clergy, by which the stipend of his father was reduced one half.

Agreeably to the laws of primogeniture then in force, this was voting

money out of his own pocket in order to impart greater freedom to

the people at large. By his bold and independent course he became an

object for the persecution of the creatures of the crown and an object

of pride and admiration with the people. But his enemies found him a

bramble full of the keenest thorns and were unmercifully scarified

every time they approached him. His tongue, his pen, his logic and his

sarcasm were as blighting as the sirocco of Sahara.

After the repeal of the stamp act a calm of the public mind ensued, but

it was a calm of delusion such as precedes a tornado. The inquisitorial

rack of the ministry was again put in motion; fresh impositions

commenced and the fire of discontent was again kindled. The bill

closing the port of Boston and authorizing the king’s officers to seize

and send to England for trial those who should dare resist the royal

authority, roused the indignation of the colonies that had before

been rather passive. A general Congress was agreed upon to meet at

Philadelphia, and Mr. Chase, with four others, was appointed a member

from Maryland. They were instructed to join in “agreeing on a general

plan of conduct operating on the commercial connexion of the colonies

with the mother country for the relief of Boston and preservation of

American liberty.” A committee of correspondence was also appointed, of

which Mr. Chase was an active and efficient member.

The deep solemnity and unparalleled wisdom and prudence that marked

the proceedings of the Congress of 1774, shed a lustre around the

cause of equal rights, then in embryo, that forced applause from its

most violent opposers. Had not the cabinet of Great Britain been

blinded by sordid avarice, mad ambition and political delusion, and

had not the king been a mere automaton, the moving, loyal and logical

appeals from that august body of sages would have been treated with

respect and peace restored. The colonists asked for nothing but what

was clearly right, and asked in the most respectful and even suppliant

manner. Ministers were left without an excuse; _their_ sacrilegious

hands broke the great seal of the social compact; their agents sowed

the seeds of rebellion; their cruelty kindled the flame that devoured

them; their visionary policy severed the cords of maternal affection;

their treachery spread the mantle of righteousness over the cause

of the revolution. We justly censure them for their corrupt designs

but rejoice in the result of their projects. Haman erected his own

gallows—Grenville and North destroyed their own power.

In 1775, Mr. Chase was again returned to Congress, but was tramelled

with instructions of conciliation that were not congenial to his

ardent feelings. His prudence, however, kept him within their limits.

He was placed upon numerous committees and upon the very important

one of providing ways and means for preparing a naval armament. The

ensuing year he was again elected to the national legislature, bound by

instructions disavowing a desire for independence, imposing upon him

a course of amity and pacific submission that would have induced him

to decline serving, had he not hoped and predicted truly that British

violence would eventually remove the injunction. In the spring of

1776 he was appointed upon an important mission, in conjunction with

Benjamin Franklin, Charles Carroll and Bishop Carroll. These gentlemen

proceeded to Canada for the purpose of persuading the Canadians to join

in shaking off the yoke of bondage. The fall of General Montgomery and

the dark gloom that hung over the cause of liberty induced them to

decline, and after the most faithful and zealous efforts the committee

were compelled to return without accomplishing the desired object, and

the Canadas are still enjoying the cold comforts of foreign power.

When he arrived and took his seat in Congress he was rejoiced to learn

that the subject of a final separation from the mother country was

under consideration and was ably and boldly advocated. It was the very

measure to animate the soul of Samuel Chase. His instructions now

became oppressive and hung over him like an incubus. He redoubled his

exertions to open the eyes of the members of the Maryland convention

and induce them to leave him and his colleagues to act upon their own

judgments. The request was granted just in time for him to record his

vote in favour of that imperishable instrument that has immortalized

the names of its signers and is the pride of every true American. The

same day that the declaration was adopted he was elected a third time

to the Continental Congress, and continued to serve in that body the

two next ensuing years.

A short time previous to the glorious fourth of July, Mr. Chase

discovered that a Judas was among them in the person of the Rev.

Dr. Zubly of Georgia, who was clandestinely corresponding with the

enemy. So suddenly did this ardent patriot proclaim the name of the

traitor upon the floor of Congress, that “the gentleman from Georgia”

admitted the truth of the charge and immediately retired from the

house. His arrest was ordered, but when the officers went to his

cage the bird had flown and was never “bagged.” No member but the

accuser and the accused knew the fact before it fell upon their ears

from Mr. Chase, like a thunder clap without a cloud in view. No one

served upon more committees during his time in Congress, and no one

performed his duty more cheerfully and faithfully than Mr. Chase. In

every branch of legislation he was found fully competent to act well

his part. In forming the articles of confederation he was all life

and industry; he considered their adoption indispensably necessary to

insure the completion of the good work already begun. The manner of

representation, the mode of voting and the claims to the south sea,

were the three points that elicited the most discussion. They were

finally concluded and carried the colonies safely through their long

and bloody struggle.

In the fall of 1776 Messrs. Chase, Wilson, Clymer, Stockton and Smith,

were appointed a committee to take charge of the war department,

the duties of which involved the great business of the nation. This

power was subsequently delegated to Washington, which relieved these

gentlemen from a most onerous burden. They cheerfully commenced

their labours and as cheerfully resigned their task to him, in whose

discretion and ability they had full confidence.

About this time Mr. Chase gave another example of his bold and

fearless disposition. It was ascertained that many of the members of

the society of Friends, in and about Philadelphia and New Jersey,

inimical to the American cause, were circulating papers calculated to

impede its progress, were acting in concert with the tories, and were

in communication with the enemy; a report of which, with documents

substantiating the charges, was submitted to Congress by the committee

for suppressing internal enemies, of which he was the prominent member.

The exposure resulted in the confinement of several leading Quakers, a

suppression of the seditious papers, and a course of more respectful

neutrality by the society. The measure was then deemed harsh by some,

and, at first view, will appear more so now; but on examination, taking

into consideration all the circumstances of war, it will be found to

be in accordance with the rules of epic law. Agreeably to the martial

code of other nations, then the precedent guide for Congress, the

punishment might have been much more severe. By the religious tenets

of the society of Friends it can never be sanctioned, and by every

friend of liberty, the necessity of such a case, imposed by the rules

of war, is always regretted. Every social compact and nation must be

subject to its own laws, and minor parts of a community must submit

to the ruling majority or superior power, or government cannot be

maintained in any form. In 1777, Mr. Chase proposed a resolution to

make loan office certificates a legal tender from whigs to tories for

the payment of debts due. In 1778, the British parliament attempted a

stratagem by which they hoped to create a division among the patriots

by disseminating conciliatory propositions among the people, and by

appointing commissioners, who, when they arrived, proposed conditions

of inglorious peace. These promissory and flattering papers were

widely circulated, and to counteract their influence it was necessary

that Congress should prepare an answer. This task was imposed upon

a committee and by that committee upon Mr. Chase. Most ably did he

perform his duty. He unmasked the hypocrisy of the ministers, exposed

their delusive gull trap to derision and scorn, and left them without

a loop to hang upon. So well was it received by Congress that an

unusually large number was ordered to be printed, and a resolution

passed recommending the clergy throughout the country to read it to

their congregations after service on Sundays. Like all the other plans

of the British cabinet then devised for enslaving the colonies, it

recoiled upon their own heads with all the force of re-action. The

following is a copy of the answer written by Mr. Chase.

“Three years have now passed away since the commencement of the

present war. A war without parallel in the annals of mankind. It hath

displayed a spectacle the most solemn that can possibly be exhibited.

On one side, we behold fraud and violence labouring in the service

of despotism; on the other, virtue and fortitude supporting and

establishing the rights of human nature.

“You cannot but remember how reluctantly we were dragged into this

arduous contest, and how repeatedly, with the earnestness of humble

entreaty, we supplicated a redress of our grievances from him who

ought to have been the father of his people. In vain did we implore

his protection; in vain appeal to the justice, the generosity of

Englishmen; of men who had been the guardians, the asserters and

vindicators of liberty through a succession of ages; men, who, with

their swords had established the firm barrier of freedom, and cemented

it with the blood of heroes. Every effort was vain; for even whilst we

were prostrated at the foot of the throne, that fatal blow was struck

which hath separated us forever. Thus spurned, contemned and insulted;

thus driven by our enemies into measures which our souls abhorred, we

made a solemn appeal to the tribunal of unerring wisdom and justice. To

that Almighty ruler of princes whose kingdom is over all.

“We were then quite defenceless. Without arms, without ammunition,

without clothing, without ships, without money, without officers

skilled in war; with no other reliance but the bravery of our people

and the justice of our cause. We had to contend with a nation great in

arts and in arms, whose fleets covered the ocean, whose banners had

waved in triumph through every quarter of the globe. However unequal

this contest, our weakness was still farther increased by the enemies

which America had nourished in her bosom. Thus exposed on the one hand

to external force and internal divisions; on the other to be compelled

to drink of the bitter cup of slavery and to go sorrowing all our lives

long—in this sad alternative we chose the former. To this alternative

we were reduced by men, who, had they been animated by one spark of

generosity, would have disdained to take such mean advantage of our

situation, or had they paid the least regard to the rules of justice

would have considered with abhorrence a proposition to injure those who

had faithfully fought their battles, and industriously contributed to

rear the edifice of their glory.

“But however great the injustice of our foes in commencing this war,

it is by no means equal to that cruelty with which they have conducted

it. The course of their armies is marked by rapine and devastation.

Thousands, without distinction of age or sex, have been driven from

their peaceful abodes to encounter the rigours of inclement seasons,

and the face of heaven hath been insulted by the wanton conflagration

of defenceless towns. Their victories have been followed by the cool

murder of men no longer able to resist, and those who escaped from the

first act of carnage have been exposed by cold, hunger and nakedness—to

wear out a miserable existence in the tedious hours of confinement,

or to become the destroyers of their countrymen, of their friends,

perhaps, dreadful idea! of their parents or children. Nor was this

the outrageous barbarity of an individual, but a system of deliberate

malice, stamped with the concurrence of the British legislature, and

sanctioned with all the formalities of law. Nay, determined to dissolve

the closest bonds of society, they have stimulated servants to slay

their masters in the peaceful hour of domestic security. And, as if

all this were insufficient to slake their thirst of blood, the blood

of brothers, of unoffending brothers, they have excited the Indians

against us; and a general, who calls himself a christian, a follower

of the merciful Jesus, hath dared to proclaim to all the world his

intention of letting loose against us whole hosts of savages, whose

rule of warfare is promiscuous carnage—who rejoice to murder the infant

smiling in its mother’s arms—to inflict on their prisoners the most

excruciating torments, and exhibit scenes of horror from which nature

recoils.

“Were it possible, they would have added to this terrible system:

for they have offered the inhabitants of these states to be exported

by their merchants to the sickly, baneful climes of India, there to

perish: an offer not accepted, merely from the impracticability of

carrying it into execution.

“Notwithstanding these great provocations we have treated such of them

as fell into our hands with tenderness, and studiously endeavoured

to alleviate the afflictions of their captivity. This conduct we

have pursued so far as to be by them stigmatized with cowardice, and

by our friends with folly. But our dependence was not upon man. It

was upon Him who hath commanded us to love our enemies and to render

good for evil. And what can be more wonderful than the manner of our

deliverance? How often have we been reduced to distress, and yet been

raised up? When the means to prosecute the war have been wanting to us,

have not our foes themselves been rendered instrumental in providing

them? This hath been done in such a variety of instances so peculiarly

marked almost by the direct interposition of Providence, that not to

feel and acknowledge his protection, would be the height of impious

ingratitude.

“At length that God of battles, in whom was our trust, hath conducted

us through the paths of danger and distress to the thresholds of

security. It hath now become morally certain, that if we have courage

to persevere we shall establish our liberties and independence.

The haughty prince who spurned us from his feet with contumely and

disdain; and the parliament which proscribed us, now descend to offer

terms of accommodation. Whilst in the full career of victory, they

pulled off the mask and avowed their intended despotism. But having

lavished in vain the blood and treasure of their subjects in pursuit

of this execrable purpose, they now endeavour to ensnare us with the

insidious offers of peace. They would seduce you into a dependence

which, necessarily, inevitably leads to the most humiliating slavery.

And do they believe that you will accept these fatal terms? Because

you have suffered the distresses of war, do they suppose that you will

basely lick the dust before the feet of your destroyers? Can there

be an American so lost to the feelings which adorn human nature—to

the generous pride, the elevation, the dignity of freedom? Is there

a man who would not abhor a dependence upon those who have deluged

his country in the blood of its inhabitants? We cannot suppose this,

neither is it possible that they themselves can expect to make many

converts. What then is their intention? Is it not to lull you with

the fallacious hopes of peace, until they can assemble new armies to

prosecute their nefarious designs? If this is not the case, why do they

strain every nerve to levy men throughout their islands? Why do they

meanly court every little tyrant of Europe to sell them his unhappy

slaves? Why do they continue to embitter the minds of the savages

against you? Surely this is not the way to conciliate the affections of

America. Be not therefore deceived. You have still to expect one severe

conflict. Your foreign alliances, though they secure your independence,

cannot secure your country from desolation, your habitations from

plunder, your wives from insult or violation, nor your children from

butchery. Foiled in their principal design, you must expect to feel

the rage of disappointed ambition. Arise then! to your tents! and gird

you for battle. It is time to turn the headlong current of vengeance

upon the heads of the destroyers. They have filled up the measure of

their abominations, and like ripe fruit must soon drop from the tree.

Although much is done, yet much remains to do. Expect not peace whilst

any corner of America is in possession of your foes. You must drive

them away from the land of promise, a land flowing indeed with milk

and honey. Your brethren at the extremities of the continent already

implore your friendship and protection. It is your duty to grant their

request. They hunger and thirst after liberty. Be it yours to dispense

the heavenly gift. And what is there now to prevent it?

“After the unremitted efforts of our enemies we are stronger than

before. Nor can the wicked emissaries who so assiduously labour to

promote their cause, point out any one reason to suppose that we shall

not receive daily accessions of strength. They tell you, it is true,

that your money is of no value; and your debts so enormous that they

can never be paid. But we tell you that if Britain persecutes the war

another campaign, that single campaign will cost her more than we have

hitherto expended; and yet these men would prevail upon you to take up

that immense load, and for it to sacrifice your dearest rights; for

surely there is no man so absurd as to suppose that the least shadow of

liberty can be preserved in a dependant connexion with Great Britain.

From the nature of the thing it is evident that the only security you

could obtain, would be the justice and moderation of a parliament

who have sold the rights of their own constituents. And this slender

security is still farther weakened by the consideration that it was

pledged to rebels, (as they unjustly call the good people of these

states,) with whom they think they are not bound to keep faith by any

law whatsoever. Thus would you be cast bound among men whose minds, by

your virtuous resistance, have been sharpened to the keenest edge of

revenge. Thus would your children and your children’s children, be by

you forced to a participation of all their debts, their wars, their

luxuries and their crimes; and this mad and this impious system they

would lead you to adopt because of the derangement of your finances.

“It becomes you deeply to reflect on this subject. Is there a country

upon earth which hath such resources for the payment of her debts as

America? Such an extensive territory; so fertile, so blessed in its

climate and productions. Surely there is none. Neither is there any

to which the wise Europeans will sooner confide their property. What

then are the reasons that your money hath depreciated? Because no taxes

have been imposed to carry on the war; because your commerce hath

been interrupted by your enemies’ fleets; because their armies have

ravaged and desolated a part of your country; because their agents

have villanously counterfeited your bills; because extortioners among

you, inflamed with the lust of gain, have added to the price of every

article of life; and because weak men have been artfully led to believe

that it is of no value. How is this dangerous disease to be remedied?

Let those among you who have leisure and opportunity collect the monies

which individuals in their neighbourhood are desirous of placing in

the public funds. Let the several legislatures sink their respective

emissions, that so there being but one kind of bills there may be less

danger of counterfeits. Refrain a little from purchasing those things

which are not absolutely necessary, that so those who have engrossed

commodities may suffer, (as they deservedly will,) the loss of their

ill gotten hoards, by reason of the commerce with foreign nations,

which the fleets will protect. Above all, bring forward your armies

into the field. Trust not to appearances of peace or safety. Be assured

that unless you persevere you will be exposed to every species of

barbarity. But if you exert the means of defence which God and nature

have given you, the time will soon arrive when every man shall sit

under his own vine and fig-tree, and there shall be none to make him

afraid.

“The sweets of a free commerce with every part of the earth will soon

reimburse you for all the losses you have sustained. The full tide

of wealth will flow in upon your shores, free from the arbitrary

impositions of those whose interest and whose declared policy it was

to check your growth. Your interests will be fostered and nourished

by governments that derive their power from your grant, and will be

obliged, by the influence of cogent necessity, to exert it in your

favour.

“It is to obtain these things that we call for your strenuous,

unremitted exertions. Yet do not believe that you have been or can

be saved merely by your own strength. No! it is by the assistance of

heaven; and this you must assiduously cultivate by acts which heaven

approves. Thus shall the power and the happiness of these sovereign,

free and independent states, founded on the virtue of their citizens,

increase, extend and endure, until the Almighty shall blot out all the

empires of the earth.”

This brilliant display of talent closed the congressional labours of

this devoted friend of liberty. He retired with all the honours of a

statesman, a sage, a patriot and an honest man. He had stood firmly at

his post a faithful public servant, a bold advocate for freedom and the

rights of man, an acute and discerning counsellor in every emergency,

a fearless champion in times of danger, an ornament to his country

and a terror to his enemies. As a working man he had no superior, as

a debater he had but few equals. Without the mellifluous elocution

of a Cicero, or any pleonastic parade, he spoke forcibly, reasoned

closely, demonstrated clearly and deduced conclusively. He sought to

inform the judgment, enlighten the understanding and to convince by

sound argument. After the close of the revolution, Mr. Chase was sent

to England to prosecute a claim in favour of Maryland for bank stock,

and obtained for the state six hundred and fifty thousand dollars.

His journal during his absence shows that he was a close observer

of men and things in the minutest particulars. His high attainments

as a lawyer, a scholar and a statesman—his frank and gentlemanly

deportment and his thorough and persevering business habits, made a

very favourable impression upon the British barristers and members of

parliament. He remained in Europe nearly a year, and on his return

resumed the practice of law.

In 1786, he removed to Baltimore, in consequence of which his worthy

friend, Colonel Howard, at whose solicitation he changed his residence,

conveyed to him in fee a square of ten lots of ground situated near

the plot designed for the public buildings, on the condition that he

located upon it. This square is bounded by Eutaw, Lexington, Fayette

and Paca streets, and the mansion house built by Mr. Chase is still

owned by his descendants.

In 1788, he was appointed chief justice of the new criminal court

organized for the then town and county of Baltimore, and the same year

was a member of the Maryland convention that ratified the federal

constitution. In 1791, he was appointed chief justice of the general

court of his native state; and in 1796, he was appointed, by President

Washington, an associate judge of the supreme court of the United

States, which dignified station he filled with great ability to the

time of his demise. He was esteemed one of the ablest judges upon the

bench, and when serving in the courts below, seldom had one of his

decisions reversed. His expositions of law and his charges to juries

were learned, luminous, logical and profound. His manner was forcible,

impressive and commanding. With all this lustre around him, and with

his great and acknowledged services in the cause of the revolution

still green and fresh, Judge Chase was placed in the crucible of severe

and unrelenting persecution, prompted alone by political animosity,

created by the lofty independence of thought and expression before

alluded to, and which prepared him to act a bold, conspicuous and

useful part, when the fury of British wrath was poured out upon his

country.

In January, 1804, John Randolph obtained the passage of a resolution

in the house of representatives of the United States, instituting an

inquiry into the official conduct of Judge Chase, and as a salvo the

name of Judge Peters was added. No man was ever more vigorous and

persevering in the accomplishment of an object than Mr. Randolph, and

no one was more capable of consummating his designs. The committee

reported on the sixth of the ensuing March, acquitting Judge Peters

from all blame, and recommending the impeachment of Judge Chase. On

the 26th of the same month six articles of impeachment were reported,

predicated upon the following grounds: In 1800, he presided with

Judge Peters at Philadelphia, when and where John Fries, who had

been tried before Judges Peters and Iredel at the previous session

for treason against the government of Pennsylvania, was put upon

his trial a second time, in consequence of some informality at his

first. Having been fully informed of the points of law at issue and

the proceedings of the first trial, Judge Chase previously prepared

an elaborate exposition of his opinions upon the law of treason, and

with his constitutional frankness, and with the approbation of Judge

Peters, submitted a copy to the counsel for the defendant and to the

district attorney, reserving a copy for the jury _after_ the trial was

over. Messrs. Lewis and Dallas, counsel for the prisoner, considered

this _professionally_ and _professedly_ a pre-judgment of the case,

suffered Fries to be tried without any aid, undoubtedly intending and

successfully succeeding in creating an excitement of sympathy that

procured his pardon immediately after conviction. Fries subsequently

called upon Judge Chase and thanked him for the impartial manner he had

treated him when on his trial. The whole matter was then considered,

as it undoubtedly was, a _ruse de guerre_ of ingenious counsel, and

no one attributed any bad motives to the bench. The approval of Judge

Peters at the time is a conclusive evidence that the course of Judge

Chase was not only pure in design, but that it was not in violation of

the strictest rules of judiciary proceedings. He had given an opinion

upon the _law_, not upon the _facts_ of the case. This he was bound to

explain to the grand jurors before they proceeded to find any bills,

and to the traverse jury that tried each prisoner. This constituted

the first charge in the impeachment. Shortly after, a man named

Callendar was tried before Judge Chase in Richmond, Virginia, under

the sedition law, for publishing a libel upon the president. During

the trial the judge refused the admission of testimony offered on the

part of the prisoner, as he believed illegally, and thereby greatly

offended those who were opposed to the law in question. He believed the

law salutary, as he did that which suppressed the tories and Quakers

in 1776; and believed the venality of the press required a check; many

others thought differently. The law, right or wrong, he was compelled

by his oath of office to execute so long as it remained in force. That

his _legal_ decisions were correct, must be presumed, or a writ of

error would have been taken under the existing excitement. This formed

the foundation of the second charge.

From Virginia he proceeded to New Castle, Delaware, where he held

a court aided by Judge Bedford. In his charge to the grand jurors,

presuming that cases under the unpopular sedition law might come before

them, he gave his views frankly upon it, and that they might better

understand what constituted a breach of its provisions, alluded to the

publications of a high toned party paper printed in the district, as

containing the kind of libels intended to be suppressed by it. This

gave great offence to those who were opposed to it. But the judge

only discharged a duty which he had sworn to perform. The personal

allusion may be considered by some uncourteous, but his object was

plain and simple demonstration for which he was always remarkable. No

ingenuity has or ever can fairly construe it into a pre-judgment of the

case. The publications were before him, they came clearly within the

meaning and intention of the law. He charged them upon no individual

specifically, but that some one had published them was beyond dispute,

and that they were in violation of the law in question, was to his mind

equally plain. This constituted the ground of the third article of the

impeachment.

In 1803, Judge Chase, in delivering his charge to the grand jury of

Baltimore, having become a decided federalist and believing the course

pursued by the democrats was wrong, made sundry remarks upon the

politics of the day. This was, in my opinion, a surplusage of duty, but

not a subject of impeachment, and may be traced to the warm temperament

of his mind, the great political excitement of that period, and to the

innovations, as he believed them, upon the constitution and laws by

political influence, without discovering a shadow of impurity in his

motives. Freedom of speech is a constitutional privilege, and he was

only using the same liberty claimed by his opponents, and which was

then given by the repeal of the sedition law. That it was a proper time

and place to read a political lecture I do not pretend, but it does not

therefore follow that his designs were corrupt or his conduct criminal.

The ermine of a judge is not rendered more comely by being powdered

with the farina of politics, but his right to think and speak upon this

subject, none will question. He animadverted in his charge upon the

alterations of the constitution of his native state, particularly upon

that of the extension of the right of suffrage, to which he had strong

objections. In this particular his opinions were in unison with many

of the most devoted patriots of the revolution, who deemed the elective

franchise unsafe if controlled by uninformed men, who, not distinctly

understanding, would not properly appreciate their rights. The reasons

for this opinion were stronger then than now, and an anxiety to

preserve the government pure and undefiled, unquestionably pervaded the

bosom of Judge Chase.

In another part of this charge to the grand jury he spoke strongly

against the changes that had been made in the judiciary system of the

United States, attributed them to party politics, and deemed them

personal in their objects and not conducive to the public good in

their operation. The last two points were proper subjects of comment,

inasmuch as they related to his official duties. That a man like him

should remark severely upon what he believed to be impolitic or wrong,

was a matter of course. He was never accustomed to half-way business.

In all this nothing appears to lead any candid mind to suppose he

was not honest in his intentions and pure in his motives. Upon these

premises the six articles of impeachment were based, and at the next

session, out of the same material, two more were manufactured—the

natural increase of a year.

On the 2nd of January, 1805, Judge Chase was arraigned before

the Senate of the United States, a majority of the members being

politically opposed to him, but among them were men who loved justice

more than party. The gigantic powers of Mr. Randolph were brought to

bear against the accused with all their force. The trial continued,

except a short recess, until the first of March, a part of which time

the Judge was confined by illness. He was defended by Messrs. Martin,

Hopkinson, Harper and Key, ably and faithfully. Of five of the charges

he was acquitted by a majority of the Senate, and a constitutional

number could not be obtained to convict him on the others, and of

course he stood approved, acquitted and triumphant over his enemies

at the highest tribunal of his country. He had never doubted the

favourable result and was at no time depressed by the prosecution. From

that period to the time of his last illness his peace was undisturbed,

and he continued to be an ornament to the judiciary, an honour to his

country, and the faithful friend of human rights and equal justice. On

the 19th of June, 1811, surrounded by his family and friends and in the

full enjoyment of the smiles of his Redeemer, he bade a last farewell

to sublunary things and died peaceful and happy.

In the character of this great and good man we find no corruption

to condemn, and many strong and brilliant traits to admire. As a

revolutionary patriot he stood on a lofty eminence; as a statesman he

rendered many and important services; as a lawyer he enjoyed a high

reputation; as a judge, his talents and legal acquirements were of the

most exalted character. All the charges against his judicial career,

and the result of their investigation, have been faithfully laid before

the reader, who is left to examine impartially, and I hope, to judge

correctly. I find no evidence of guile in his heart; he expressed his

opinions freely, he felt them strongly, and was evidently sincere in

his conclusions.

Against his private character malice and slander never directed an

arrow. He was in all respects above suspicion. He was a kind husband,

an affectionate father, a warm friend, and an open, honourable, but

scarifying enemy. From the constitution of his nature and the vehemence

of his feelings, he was calculated to gain strong friends and create

violent enemies. His independence and decision were admired, but often

roused animosity in others. His political opponents he handled with

great severity, which accounts for the mighty effort made to prostrate

him.

He was a man of a noble and benevolent disposition—a friend to the

poor and needy. A particular instance of his generosity was exhibited

in 1783. Listening to the discussions of a debating club in Baltimore,

he was forcibly struck with the talent exhibited by a youth, to him

an utter stranger. On inquiry, he found that he was poor, and in the

employment of an apothecary. He called upon him, advised him to study

law; offered him a home at his house, the use of his library, and the

aid of his instruction. His proposition was accepted; the youth arrived

at manhood, rose to eminence, and became an ornament to America. This

was the celebrated William Pinkney, who was minister to Russia, London,

Naples, and attorney-general of the United States. He often recurred to

his benefactor with feelings of the profoundest gratitude in after life.

Judge Chase was also a friend to education and religion. He was a

member of St. Paul parish, and was active in promoting the best

interests of practical piety, social order and purity of morals.

His force, vigour, and decision of character and stern integrity,

were admirably calculated for the period in which he lived; and if

he sometimes offended by soaring above the non-committal system of

technical politics, it must be attributed to the strong combination

of conflicting circumstances that uniformly attend the period of a

revolution, the formation of a new government, and the asperity of

high-toned parties, operating as they did upon the sensitive feelings

of an ardent, patriotic and independent mind.

WILLIAM HOOPER.

The fear of God is the beginning of wisdom. This ancient apothegm

can never be controverted by the ingenuity of sophistry; it is based

upon reason, justice, and sound philosophy. Its solution is brief. To

be wise is to be good—to be good is to be happy. To avoid all vice

and practise only virtue, is the great desideratum of earthly bliss.

Virtue carries with it its own reward. Vanity and vain glory may be

richly laden with blossoms, but they bear no fruit. We must look to

the great Author of all good for substantial enjoyment; we must fear

to offend the majesty of his laws to be truly wise. The greatest men

who have ever figured upon the stage of action, fully recognised the

power of omnipotence, and feared to offend the great Jehovah. The

sages of the American revolution were constantly under the influence

of this salutary principle. This may be inferred from their writings,

their examples, and the proceedings of the Continental Congress. Days

of humiliation and prayer were frequently fixed and recommended by

legislative proclamation, by the states and by the general government.

Among those of the signers who appears to have lived with the fear

of God before his eyes, was WILLIAM HOOPER, a native of Boston,

Massachusetts, born on the 17th of June, 1742. He was the son of the

Reverend William Hooper, who came from Kelso, in the south of Scotland,

and was for many years the pastor of Trinity church in Boston. He was

a man of high accomplishments, a good scholar, an able and eloquent

preacher, and a devoted christian. He was useful in life and lived in

the affections of his people.

William, being of a slender constitution, received the first rudiments

of his education from his father under the parental roof. At the age

of seven years he was placed under the care of Mr. Lovell, and at the

age of fifteen he entered Harvard University. His talents were of a

high order and his industry untiring. His mind was moulded in wisdom,

and averse to trifling amusements and fleeting pleasures. During

vacation he repaired to his father’s library and devoted himself to

the acquisition of knowledge, instead of obtaining a relaxation from

study by mingling in the convivial circle. He had a great taste for

the classics and polite literature. He paid particular attention to

composition and elocution. Refinement in every thing was his aim.

In 1760, he graduated with the degree of bachelor of arts, and

commenced the study of law under James Otis, one of the most

distinguished counsellors of that day. From the pious course of his

life from his youth up, his father had indulged a hope that his

inclination would have led him to the pulpit, but cheerfully submitted

to the choice he had made. The same industry and correct deportment

that carried him successfully through college, enabled him to master

the intricate science of his election, and gain the esteem of all who

knew him. After completing his course he was admitted to practice,

richly stored with theory for future use.

Manhood had now spread its dignified mantle over him. He was of the

middle height, slender and elegant in form, gentlemanly and engaging

in his manners, with strangers rather reserve, with his friends frank

and familiar, free from affectation, of a serious turn, and at all

times honest and sincere. His countenance beamed with intelligence and

benignity, his powers of conversation were pleasing and instructive,

chaste and classical. His mind was investigating, deliberative,

analyzing and firm. His habits were strictly moral; his disposition

was benevolent, hospitable and kind. As a public speaker he was

eloquent, persuasive, logical and sometimes sarcastic. With qualities

like these, Mr. Hooper repaired to Wilmington, North Carolina, in

1766, and commenced the practice of his profession. He was induced to

locate there by several wealthy connexions residing in that place. He

soon obtained a lucrative business; and to convince the people that

he contemplated a permanent location among them, he married Miss Anna

Clark, a lady of unusual accomplishments and strength of mind, and

highly respectable in her character and connexions. She was the sister

of General Thomas Clark.

His legal fame rose rapidly and was built upon a substantial basis.

About the year 1768, he was employed to conduct several important

public trials, which he managed with such skill and address, as to

place him among the ablest advocates of the province. He was treated

with marked attention by Governors Tryon and Martin, and by chief

justice Howard.

These attentions from the king’s officers arose, in a measure, from

the superior talents and merit of Mr. Hooper, but had also an ulterior

object—that of gaining his influence in favour of the designs of their

royal master. This could not be accomplished. He had received his legal

education in Boston, where the designs of ministers had been probed

for years. He had imbibed liberal principles and was a friend to equal

rights. Upon the firm basis of eternal justice he had planted himself,

from which flattery could not decoy him nor threatening dangers drive

him.

One peculiar circumstance may have caused a particular attachment for

him on the part of the officers of government, that of having taken

a bold stand against a class of desperadoes called _regulators_, who

formed a dangerous association as early as 1766, in the interior of

the province. They were composed principally of men who were ignorant,

poor and savage, collected and led by men of more intelligence but of

baser minds, who incited them to open rebellion by complaints against

the civil authorities, and the promise of reward. They drove the judges

from the bench and committed many personal outrages. They even set the

military at defiance, and threatened to assume the entire rule. At

that alarming crisis, Mr. Hooper was one who came forward and dared to

advise decisive measures. The number of the regulators had accumulated

to three thousand. The plan of Mr. Hooper was carried into execution;

a military force was raised, a severe battle ensued and the insurgents

were dispersed. This occurred in 1770.

In 1773, Mr. Hooper was elected a member of the assembly of North

Carolina, and discharged his duties so much to the satisfaction of his

constituents, that they returned him the ensuing year. It was then

that the creatures of the crown attempted to throw a ministerial coil

of oppression around the people, and it was then that they found a

bold, fearless, eloquent and uncompromising opponent in William Hooper.

He not only met them in the legislative hall with incontrovertible

arguments, but he spread their designs before the public far and wide,

by a series of essays over the signature of Hampden. His course was in

favour of liberal principles, but ruinous to his purse. The question

before the assembly was the re-organization of the judiciary, which had

become defunct by the expiration of the statute that created it. An

attempt was made to model it in such a manner as to meet the designs of

the British cabinet. So powerful was the influence of Mr. Hooper, that

he kept his opponents at bay, and the province was a year without any

courts.

He was now fairly before the people, a champion for liberty. On the

25th of August, 1774, he was appointed a delegate to the Congress of

Philadelphia. In that body he was placed on the important committee

that prepared a statement of the rights of the colonies, the manner

these rights had been infringed, and the most probable means of

affecting their restoration. He was also one of the committee that

reported the statutes that affected the trade and manufactures of the

colonies. Upon the report of these two committees all the conclusive

proceedings of that Congress were based, from which we may infer that

the ablest and most active men were placed upon them. The ensuing

year he was re-elected to the national assembly, and soon after he

took his seat, he was appointed chairman of a committee to prepare an

address to the people of Jamaica relative to British oppression. It

was written by him, and is in a style bold, vigorous and classical.

The following extract is a fair sample. Speaking of the plan of

action laid and pursued by the British ministry, he writes: “That our

petitions have been treated with disdain, is now become the smallest

part of our complaint. Ministerial insolence is lost in ministerial

barbarity. It has, by an exertion peculiarly ingenious, procured those

very measures which it laid us under the hard necessity of pursuing, to

be stigmatised in parliament as rebellious. It has plunged us in all

the horrors and calamities of civil war. It has caused the treasures

and blood of Britain, formerly exhausted and shed for far other ends,

to be spilt and wasted in the execrable design of spreading slavery

over British America. It will not, however, accomplished its aim; in

the worst contingency a choice will still be left which it can never

prevent us from taking.”

On the 12th of June, Mr. Hooper offered the following resolution in

Congress, which demonstrates the position taken in the exordium of this

sketch.

“It is at all times an indispensable duty devoutly to acknowledge

the superintending providence of the great governor of the world,

especially in times of impending danger and public calamity—to

reverence and adore his immutable justice as well as to implore his

merciful interposition for our deliverance; therefore,

“Resolved, that it is recommended by Congress that the people of the

American colonies observe the twentieth day of July next as a day of

public humiliation, fasting and prayer.”

The zeal and exertions of this patriot were of the most vigorous

character. He served on numerous committees and was highly esteemed

by all the members. His constituents were so well satisfied with his

course that he was returned a third time to the honourable post he

had so ably filled. In the spring of 1776, he was a member of the

conventions that convened at Hillsborough and Halifax, and was one of

the leading and most eloquent speakers. He also prepared an address

to the people of the British empire that was written with much nerve

and energy. He then repaired to his place in Congress, and boldly

supported the declaration of rights. He had long been convinced of its

propriety, and when the thrilling moment arrived for the final decision

he sanctioned it by his vote and signature. He was an unwavering friend

to the cause he had espoused; patient, cheerful, persevering, prudent

and firm under all circumstances.

In February, 1777, he obtained leave of absence from Congress and

returned to his family. When the news of the defeat of Washington at

Germantown reached him at Wilmington, he was surrounded by a circle of

his friends, who seemed dismayed at the intelligence. He rose calmly

from his seat and remarked, with great animation and cheerfulness,

“We have been disappointed!—but no matter—now that we have become the

assailants there can be no doubt of the issue.”

Before his return his property had suffered from royal vengeance; his

personal safety now became endangered and he was compelled to fly into

the interior for safety. His family had removed several times. He made

arrangements, in the event of the subjugation of the colonies by the

British, to remove to one of the French West India Islands, where, it

is said, all the signers, with the French minister, would have went,

had not the independence of the states been sustained. He did not

return to Wilmington until it was evacuated in 1781, during which time

his family was there, exposed to the insults of the enemy. He appears

not to have returned to Congress again, but mingled with the people,

rousing them to a sense of their duty, and was an active member of the

state councils. In 1782 he removed to Hillsborough, and endeavoured

to restore his long neglected private affairs to order. In 1786, he

was appointed by Congress a judge of the court organized to settle the

controversy between New York and Massachusetts relative to disputed

territory, a delicate and important duty, from which he was relieved by

an amicable settlement by the litigants before the court proceeded to

act in the premises.

Mr. Hooper continued to take a conspicuous part in the legislation of

North Carolina, and also pursued the practice of his profession until

1787, when his health began to decline and he retired from public life

and from the bar, to enjoy that repose in domestic felicity which had

always been more congenial to his mind than public stations, however

lofty. In his retirement he carried with him the esteem of his fellow

citizens and the gratitude of a nation of freemen. Not a blemish could

be found to tarnish the fair fame of his public career or private

reputation. He had served his country faithfully and discharged the

duties of friend, citizen, lawyer, patriot, husband and father, with

fidelity. From the elevated eminence of conscious integrity he looked

back upon his past life—with the eyes of faith he looked forward to a

crown of unfading glory, and in October 1790, closed his eyes in death

and resigned his soul to that God whom to fear is the beginning of

wisdom.

THOMAS NELSON.

Honesty is a virtue that commands universal respect. This term,

like many others, has lost much of its original force and is too

promiscuously used. When Pope proclaimed an honest man the noblest

work of God, he included purpose, word and action in all things, under

all circumstances and at all times. He alluded to a man whose purity

of heart placed him above every temptation to violate the original

laws of integrity which emanated from the High Chancery of Heaven.

His imagination pictured a man whose every action through his whole

life should pass the moral scrutiny of omniscience unscathed, and

stand approved at the dread tribunal of the great Jehovah. Such a man

is a noble work indeed, worthy of the highest admiration and closest

imitation.

The signers of the declaration of independence were remarkable for

integrity, and none of them more so than THOMAS NELSON, who was born

at York, Virginia, on the 26th of December, 1738. He was the son of

William Nelson, whose father was a native of England and settled in

York at an early period. The father of Thomas was an enterprising and

successful merchant, and eventually became also a wealthy planter. He

filled many public stations with great ability, and during the interval

between the administration of Lord Bottetourt and Lord Dunmore,

presided over the colony _ex officio_, being then president of the

executive council.

At the age of fourteen years Thomas Nelson was placed under the

instruction of Mr. Newcomb, whose school was near Hackney, England.

When his preparatory studies were completed he was placed at Cambridge

and entered of Trinity College, under the tuition of Dr. Beilby

Porteus, who was one of the brightest literary ornaments of his age

and ultimately became the bishop of London. Guided by the master-hand

of this finished scholar, accomplished gentleman and pious man, Mr.

Nelson traced the fair lines of science and explored the avenues of

literature. The principles of virtue and integrity were also deeply

impressed upon his mind and governed his actions through life.

After spending eight years at the classic fountain in England, he

returned to Virginia, highly polished in mind and person. He entered

into the enjoyment of a large landed estate, and over one hundred

and thirty thousand dollars in cash. In August, 1762, he led to the

hymeneal altar Miss Lucy, daughter of Philip Grymes, of Brandon, and

settled permanently at his native place. His house became the seat of

hospitality and domestic felicity. He assimilated his style of life,

in some respects, to that of an English nobleman when at his country

seat. He rode almost daily to his plantation, a few miles from York,

and amused himself with his gun. He also kept a pack of hounds and in

the winter often joined in the thrilling and blood-stirring sport of

the fox-chase. No respectable stranger could visit the town without

receiving an urgent invitation to partake of his hospitality. In this

manner his time passed smoothly along until the public demanded his

services.

For a long time a particular intimacy existed between the leading men

of Virginia and those of England. This arose from consanguinity and

wealth and was kept alive for a century by an interchange of good

feelings and offices. The sons of the wealthy men of the Old Dominion

were uniformly educated in Great Britain, and imbibed the same feelings

of independence manifested by the noblemen of the mother country, and

felt themselves, very properly, entitled to as much confidence from

the king as a native and resident of Albion. Hence, when the car of

oppression was mounted by the British ministry, the noblest sons of

Virginia were the most vigorous opposers of royal power. They at once

acted in concert with the patriots of New England and treated the

insults offered at Boston as though they had been personally directed

to them. The very fact of former intimacy made this opposition more

bitter and pointed.

In 1774, Mr. Nelson was elected to the house of burgesses and took

a bold stand in favour of liberal principles. He was one of the

eighty-nine members who assembled at a tavern the day after Lord

Dunmore dissolved the house and formed themselves into an association

of non-intercourse with Great Britain. At the next election he was

again returned to the house of burgesses. He was a member of the

convention, held on the first of August of that year, to elect

delegates to Congress, and of the one convened in March, 1775, for

this and other purposes. He supported the boldest measures that were

proposed by the daring Patrick Henry, from which many of the patriots

at first recoiled with amazement. He had no ear for the syren song of

peace when the shores of his country were darkened by foreign fleets

and armies. From the following resolutions introduced in the last

named convention by Patrick Henry, the reader can form an idea of the

feelings that pervaded the minds of the leading patriots at that early

period. One of the germs of our militia system will also be perceived.

“Resolved, that a well regulated militia, composed of gentlemen and

yeomen, is the natural strength and only security of a free government;

that such a militia in this colony would for ever render it unnecessary

for the mother country to keep among us, for the purpose of our

defence, any standing army of mercenary soldiers, always subversive

of the quiet and dangerous to the liberties of the people, and would

obviate the pretext of taxing for their support.

“That the establishment of such a militia is, at this time, peculiarly

necessary by the state of our laws, some of which have already

expired and others will shortly be so—and that the known remissness

of government in calling us together in legislative capacity renders

it too insecure, in this time of danger and distress, to rely that

opportunity will be given of renewing them in general assembly, or

making any provision to secure our inestimable rights and liberties

from those further violations with which they are threatened.

“Resolved, therefore, that this colony be immediately put in a state of

defence, and that —— be a committee to prepare a plan for embodying,

arming and disciplining such a number of men as may be sufficient for

that purpose.”

These resolutions were warmly supported by Mr. Nelson, whose property

was exposed to the utmost danger in case of an open rupture with the

royal authorities. The measure proposed was carried into effect, and

from that time opposition to the pretensions of the crown assumed

a bold front in Virginia. This convention assembled again in July,

and divided the colony into sixteen military districts, the eastern

district to raise forthwith a regiment of six hundred and eighty men,

rank and file, and each of the others to raise a battalion of five

hundred, to be at once armed and held in readiness to march at any

moment. The convention also directed the raising of two regiments of

regulars of one thousand and twenty privates, and appointed Patrick

Henry to command the first and Mr. Nelson to command the second. Thus

Virginia assumed a determined and systematic attitude of defence at an

early period.

On the 11th of August this convention met again and elected Mr. Nelson

a delegate to the Continental Congress, in which he took his seat on

the 13th of September following. Possessed of a strong mind and sound

judgment, he became a useful member of committees, but seldom took

part in debate. By the following letter from him to Governor Page, it

seems he was one of those who agitated the question of independence

as early as the 22nd of January, 1776. “I wish I knew the sentiments

of our people upon the grand points of confederation and foreign

alliance, or, in other words, of independence—for we cannot expect to

form a connexion with any foreign power as long as we have a womanish

hankering after Great Britain—and, to be sure, there is not in nature

a greater absurdity than to suppose we can have any affection for a

people who are carrying on the most savage war against us.” On the

13th of February, he writes to the same gentleman again, as follows:

“Independence, confederation and foreign alliance are as formidable

to some members of Congress, I fear a majority, as an apparition to a

weak enervated woman. Would you think we have some among us who still

expect honourable proposals from the administration! By heavens—I am an

infidel in politics, for I do not believe were you to bid a thousand

pounds per scruple for honour at the court of Great Britain, that you

would get as many as would amount to an ounce. We are now carrying on a

war and no war. They seize our property wherever they find it, either

by land or sea, and we hesitate to retaliate because we have a few

friends in England who have ships. Away with such squeamishness, say I.”

By this language we can judge of the ardent feelings that actuated

this friend of equal rights. It was the pure fire of patriotism,

fanned by a just indignation against a tyrannical and insolent foe.

It was a fire that reflected a powerful heat upon those around it,

and gathered fresh vigour daily. Like separate parcels of metal in

a crucible, one member after another yielded to its power, until all

were united in one liquid mass, and, on the fourth of July, 1776, the

mould of liberty was filled, which, when opened to the gaze of the

world, presented a new and purely original table of law and government,

enriched by the embossment of freedom and equal rights. On this fair

tablet, more beautiful than mosaic-work, Mr. Nelson engraved his name

in bold relievo. Here we might leave him, with glory enough for one

man. But he had then just entered the portico of his useful career.

He embarked heart and soul in the cause, and became one of the most

industrious members of various committees that was in Congress. In

forming the articles of confederation he was particularly active. The

ensuing year he again took his seat in the national assembly, but was

compelled to retire in May, soon after the commencement of the session,

in consequence of a severe attack of disease in his head, which, for a

time, threatened to impair his mental powers. He was obliged to return

home, and for a short period refrain from business. His place was

supplied by Mr. Mason.

In August following, the appearance of a British fleet that entered the

capes caused a general rally of the military force of Virginia. Mr.

Nelson, who had regained his health, was commissioned by the governor

and council brigadier-general and commander-in-chief of the military

forces of the state. The appointment was popular—the incumbent was

competent. His appearance among them inspired confidence in the people.

The troops rallied around him like affectionate children around a fond

parent. The fleet, however, did not deign to give them a call at that

time, and the soldiers again became citizens.

In October, General Nelson took his seat in the legislature of his

state, and acted a conspicuous part in its deliberations. During the

session a bill was brought before the house sequestrating British

property, and authorizing those of the colonists who were indebted to

subjects of Great Britain to pay the amount into the public treasury;

and if the wives and children of such subjects remained in the state,

portions of the said money, under the direction of the governor and

council, were to be appropriated to their support. With all the ardour

and vehemence of feeling that pervaded the bosom of Mr. Nelson against

the mother country, his honesty and justice impelled him to oppose this

bill as violating the sacredness of individual contracts. He became

roused, and made an able and eloquent address against the proposed

measure, and closed in the following emphatic language:—“For these

reasons I hope the bill will be rejected; but whatever be its fate, so

help me God, I will pay _my_ debts like an honest man.”

On the second of March, 1778, Congress made an appeal to the patriotism

of the wealthy young men of the several colonies, urging them to raise

a troop of light cavalry at their own expense. Nor was the appeal

in vain. As soon as the proposed plan of Congress was received in

Virginia, General Nelson sent a circular to all the young gentlemen

of fortune in the state, recommending them not only to come to the

rescue themselves, but to open their purses to other high minded

and respectable young men, whose hearts were noble but whose means

were limited. A company of seventy was speedily raised in Virginia,

and elected general Nelson their commander. He proceeded with his

new charge to Baltimore and reported his youthful band to the brave

Pulaski, who received this accession of volunteers with delight and

admiration. From that place the company proceeded to Philadelphia,

where the general and his men received the praise and thanks of

Congress; and as their services were not wanted at that time, they were

permitted to return to their homes. The expenses of the company during

their absence were principally borne by General Nelson without any

subsequent remuneration; and for his own services in the field during

the war he refused to receive any pay; and, in addition to this, he

expended a great portion of his fortune in the cause of his country.

On the 18th of February, 1779, General Nelson again took his seat in

Congress, and was immediately placed on several important committees.

His severe labour caused a second attack similar to the former, and in

April he was compelled to return home.

It was in May of that year that the British made a descent upon

Virginia, and spread destruction far and wide. Exercise soon restored

the health of General Nelson and he at once took the field. He

assembled a body of troops near Yorktown, but the enemy chose not to

interfere with him at that time. During that short campaign he took a

parental care of the soldiers by providing for their wants from his

own funds. He distributed his labourers and servants among the poor

families of the militia from his neighbourhood to labour during the

absence of the men. He was as benevolent as he was patriotic and brave.

In June, 1780, the general assembly of Virginia passed a resolution

to borrow two millions of dollars for the purpose of defraying the

expenses of the war. General Nelson entered into the collection of this

money with great zeal. Public credit was prostrated and government

paper was no longer considered security. Like Robert Morris, he at once

pledged his own fortune and raised large sums upon his own credit, for

which he was but in part remunerated by government.

In the spring of 1781, Virginia was again the scene of murder, rapine,

and wide spread ruin. Judas, alias Arnold, and Lord Cornwallis were

sweeping over the land like a tornado. General Nelson was constantly in

the field, doing all in his power to arrest the bold and savage career

of the invading foe. He became the hero of the Old Dominion. In June

he was elected governor of the state. He immediately entered upon the

discharge of this dignified station, and bent his whole energies in

raising troops to resist the enemy.

About that time Lafayette arrived with a body of regulars. Governor

Nelson joined him in the field, and, yielding his rank, placed himself

and the militia under the command of the marquis. Every thing within

his power he grasped to aid his bleeding country. He placed even his

draught horses and negroes in the public service.

In the midst of these distresses a circumstance occurred that was

exceedingly trying to his mind. By the constitution, the governor acted

only in concert with the council. Two of that body had fallen into the

hands of Tarleton, and two had resigned. It was impossible to raise a

quorum for business. The awful crisis demanded immediate and decisive

action. In this dilemma he transcended the existing law, and proceeded

to act as though the council was with him.

At a subsequent period this was made the foundation of a complaint

against him, after he retired to private life and was sinking under

disease, which was forever put at rest by the legislature, by the

passage of laws sanctioning his every public act during that campaign.

Ingratitude is the prime minister of hell, and revenge its secretary.

At length Lord Cornwallis found himself snugly ensconced in Yorktown. A

dark cloud gathered over his military fame. Awful forebodings haunted

his blood-stained soul. Retributive justice pierced his conscience with

a thousand stings. The cries of widows and orphans, the curling flames

of hospitable mansions, the sweeping destruction of villages and towns,

and the dying groans of innocent victims, the bitter fruits of his

tyranny, preyed upon his imagination like a promethean vulture. The die

was cast. The siege was commenced. At the head of the Virginia troops

was General Nelson—cool, brave, fearless and vigorous. His native

town, his own domicile and property, were now to be razed. At first he

observed that the American batteries carefully avoided the direction of

his house. The principal British officers, anticipating this, had made

it their rendezvous. On hearing that it was out of respect to him, he

directed the gunners to point their guns at once at his mansion. The

first discharge sent a shot through it and killed two of the officers,

a number of whom were enjoying the comforts of a good dinner. They soon

left this retreat for safer quarters.

The following extract from the general orders of the illustrious

Washington, of the 20th of October, 1781, will best inform the reader

how highly the services of Governor Nelson were prized at that

memorable siege that crushed the power of Great Britain in America.

“The general would be guilty of the highest ingratitude, a crime of

which he hopes he shall never be accused, if he forgot to return his

sincere acknowledgements to his excellency Governor Nelson for the

succours which he received from him and the militia under his command,

to whose activity, emulation and bravery, the highest praises are

due. The magnitude of the acquisition will be ample compensation for

the difficulties and dangers which they met with so much firmness and

patriotism.”

The fatigues of this campaign and his arduous gubernatorial duties

proved too much for the physical powers of Governor Nelson. He again

sunk under disease, and on the 20th of November, 1781, he resigned

his station and retired to private life. He spent the remainder of

his days principally on a small estate he had saved from the wreck of

his large fortune, situated at Offly, in the county of Hanover. His

health continued to decline, and on the fourth of January, 1789, he was

numbered with the dead.

His obituary, written by his bosom friend, Colonel Innes, fully

portrays the character of this devoted patriot and deserves a place in

this memoir.

The illustrious general THOMAS NELSON, is no more! He paid the last

debt to nature on Sunday, the fourth of the present month, at his

estate in Hanover. He who undertakes barely to recite the exalted

virtues which adorned the life of this great and good man, will

unavoidably pronounce a panegyric upon human nature. As a man, a

citizen, a legislator and a patriot, he exhibited a conduct untarnished

and undebased by sordid or selfish interests, and strongly marked

with the genuine characteristics of true religion, sound benevolence

and liberal policy. Entertaining the most ardent love for civil and

religious liberty, he was among the first of that glorious band of

patriots whose exertions dashed and defeated the machinations of

British tyranny and gave to United America freedom and independent

empire. At a most important crisis during the late struggle for

American liberty, when this state appeared to be designated as the

theatre of action for the contending armies, he was selected by the

unanimous suffrage of the legislature to command the virtuous yeomanry

of his country. In this honourable employment he remained until the

end of the war. As a soldier, he was indefatigably active and coolly

intrepid. Resolute and undejected in misfortunes, he towered above

distress and struggled with the manifold difficulties to which his

situation exposed him with constancy and courage. In the memorable

year of 1781, when the whole force of the southern British army was

directed to the immediate subjugation of this state, he was called to

the helm of government. This was a juncture which indeed “tried men’s

souls.” He did not avail himself of this opportunity to retire in the

rear of danger, but, on the contrary, took the field at the head of his

countrymen, and, at the hazard of his life, his fame and individual

fortune, by his decision and magnanimity, he saved not only his

country, but all America from disgrace, if not from total ruin. Of this

truly patriotic and heroic conduct, the renowned commander-in-chief,

with all the gallant officers of the combined armies employed at the

siege of York, will bear ample testimony. This part of his conduct even

contemporary jealousy, envy and malignity were forced to approve—and

this, more impartial posterity, if it can believe, will almost adore.

If, after contemplating the splendid and heroic parts of his character,

we shall inquire for the milder virtues of humanity and seek for

the man, we shall find the refined, beneficent and social qualities

of private life, through all its forms and combinations, so happily

modified and united in him, that in the words of the darling poet of

nature, it may be said,

“His life was gentle, and the elements

So mixed in him, that nature might stand up

And say to all the world—THIS IS A MAN.”

JAMES SMITH.

Many men, like apes, are mere imitative beings in their manner of

action. They forsake the path designed for them by their Creator, and

strive to assimilate their mechanical movements to some noble personage

of a higher order by nature than themselves, and thus _ape_ their way

through the world. I refer particularly to public speakers. Some young

men of respectable native talent and good acquirements, when they mount

the rostrum, instead of acting perfectly natural, endeavour to imitate

some orator of notoriety, and thereby render themselves ridiculous.

Originality is the beauty of forensic or any other kind of eloquence.

Like a piece of marble under the hands of the statuary, a more

systematic form may be imparted by art, but its original composition,

like that, is most beautiful unpainted. Originality must form the base,

or the superstructure can never be truly beautiful. No human ingenuity

can remould the work of nature and retain the strength of the grand

original. We should imitate the virtues and wisdom of great and good

men—our _manner_ should be peculiarly our own—and still further—our

language and style of writing should be original to render it forcible

and interesting. Affectation in any thing is disgusting to sensible

men, and a discerning man readily detects a counterfeit.

A fine picture of originality and pleasing eccentricity was exhibited

by JAMES SMITH, one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence.

He was a native of Ireland and came to this country with his father

when quite young. The precise time of his birth is not known. According

to the only record known of his age—the inscription on his tomb, he was

born in 1713. His father was a respectable farmer and settled on the

west side of the Susquehanna river nearly opposite to Columbia. James

was educated under Dr. Allison. He acquired a good classical education,

and retained a peculiar taste for authors of antiquity through life.

He was very partial to mathematics, and became an expert surveyor.

After finishing his course under Dr. Allison he commenced the study

of law in Lancaster, Pennsylvania, some say with Thomas Cookson, but

more probably with his elder brother who was then practising at that

town. When admitted to the bar he located himself on the frontiers

of civilization near the present site of Shippensburg, in Cumberland

county, blending the practice of law and surveying. In that section of

the country the two professions were then very properly and profitably

united. Large tracts of valuable land were held under hasty and

inaccurate surveys, and many others were only located by mere chamber

calculations upon paper. Litigation was the natural consequence, and

no witnesses told the truth more accurately than the compass of

Mr. Smith and the demonstration of his protractor. Possessed of a

penetrating mind, he looked into future prospects and secured much

valuable land and had full employment in his professional business.

He soon found himself on the flood tide of prosperity. Not willing to

sail alone, he took for his mate, Miss Eleanor Armor, of Newcastle,

who superintended his cabin stores with great skill and prudence. In

every thing he was purely original. With a strong mind, an open and

honest heart, a benevolent and manly disposition, he united great

conviviality and amusing drollery, yet so discreet as not to offend

the most modest ear. He delighted in seeing the contortions of the

risible muscles, which were uniformly in motion in all proper circles

when James Smith was present. Whenever he came in contact with a pedant

he would propound some ridiculous question with the utmost gravity,

such as the following, “Don’t you remember that terrible bloody battle

which Alexander the Great fought with the Russians near the straits

of Babelmandel? I think you will find the account in Thucydides or

Herodotus.”

His memory was retentive and stored with numerous anecdotes, which

he used in court either to annoy his opponent and help his case, or

in company to amuse his friends. No one could tell a story with more

effect than Mr. Smith. His manner was original and beyond imitation.

With all his wit and humour, he held religion in the greatest

reverence, and was a communicant of the church. No one that knew him

dare utter a word against it in his presence, knowing that the lash of

the keenest ridicule would at once be applied by him. Such a mixture

of qualities are rarely blended in one man. From the deep toned logic

and the profoundest thought up to the eccentric ridiculous, all

balanced by the happy equilibrium of discretion, his mind ranged with

the rapidity of lightning, using each at the most appropriate time

and place. His manner, his style, and his every thing, from the most

trivial circumstance to the momentous concerns of the nation in which

he participated, were purely original.

Of the affairs of his country Mr. Smith was not an idle spectator.

No man delights in liberty and independence more than an Irishman,

and no nation is more sensitive of its rights than “sweet Ireland.”

When British oppression showed its hydra head to the colonists,

although advanced in age, James Smith took a terrible dislike to

the beast and was for making fight unless it withdrew its visible

deformity forthwith. His heart beat high for his adopted country, and

he at once came boldly forward in its defence. At that time he was

a resident of York and extensively engaged in iron works as well as

in professional business, having become a very distinguished lawyer.

He had never consented to fill public stations, and nothing but the

purest patriotism and the importance of the threatened crisis, could

have induced him to enter the public arena. In the language of Josiah

Quincy, he had become convinced that—“We must be grossly ignorant of

the importance and value of the prize for which we contend—we must be

equally ignorant of the power of those who have combined against us—we

must be blind to that malice, inveteracy and insatiable revenge, which

actuate our enemies, public and private, abroad and in our bosoms, to

hope that we shall end this controversy without the sharpest—sharpest

conflicts; to flatter ourselves that popular resolves, popular

harangues, popular acclamations and popular vapour will vanquish our

foes. Let us consider the issue—let us look to the end.”

Mr. Smith was a man that looked at both the beginning and the end. He

was a man who examined closely causes, effects, and results. He also

understood human nature and knew well the disposition of the colonists.

He was convinced the bone and sinew of the land would never yield to

the tyranny of mother Britain without a “sharp conflict.” For that

conflict he was prepared.

The first step taken in Pennsylvania relative to the existing

oppressions, was the assembling of a convention of delegates from each

county, in order to ascertain the feelings of the people generally

relative to the course proposed by the patriots of New England, where

the revolutionary storm had already commenced its precursory droppings.

Of this convention Mr. Smith was a delegate, and was one of the

committee that prepared the instructions to the members of the next

general assembly of the province, recommending, among other things,

the appointment of delegates to the general Congress to be convened at

Philadelphia, with instructions from which the following is an extract,

sufficient to inform the reader of the grievances most particularly

complained of at that early period.

“We desire of you therefore—that the deputies you appoint may be

instructed by you strenuously to exert themselves at the ensuing

Congress to obtain a renunciation on the part of Great Britain of all

the powers under the statute of the 35th of Henry the Eighth, ch.

2nd—of all powers of internal legislation—of imposing taxes or duties

internal or external and of regulating trade, except with respect to

any new articles of commerce which the colonies may hereafter raise,

as silk, wine, &c., reserving a right to carry them from one colony to

another—a repeal of all statutes for quartering troops in the colonies

or subjecting them to any expense on account of such troops—of all

statutes imposing duties to be paid in the colonies, that were passed

at the accession of his present majesty, or before this time, which

ever period shall be judged most advisable—of the statutes giving the

courts of admiralty in the colonies greater power than the courts of

admiralty have in England—of the statutes of the 5th of George the

Second, ch. 22nd, and of the 23d of George the Second, ch. 29th—of the

statute for shutting up the port of Boston—and of every other statute

particularly affecting the province of Massachusetts bay, passed in

the last session of parliament. If all the terms above mentioned

cannot be obtained, it is our opinion that the measures adopted by the

Congress for our relief, should never be relinquished or intermitted,

until those relating to the troops—internal legislation—imposition of

taxes or duties hereafter—the 35th of Henry the Eighth, ch. 2nd,—the

extension of admiralty courts—the port of Boston and the province of

Massachusetts bay are obtained. Every modification, or qualification of

these points, in our judgment should be inadmissible.”

By the statute of the 35th of Henry the Eighth, ch. 2nd, a citizen of

America was liable to be arrested and carried to England to be tried,

when accused of high crimes. By the 5th of George the Second, ch.

23d, the colonists were prohibited from exporting hats, and hatters

were even limited as to the number of apprentices they should keep to

learn this trade; in order, as the statute declares, “that hatting

may be better encouraged in Great Britain.” The other acts referred

to infringements of sundry local arrangements of the colonies equally

obnoxious with the above; and when the final list of grievances was

completed at a subsequent time, many statutes under George the Third

were complained of as violating the constitution of England and the

charters predicated upon it, which had grown sacred by long and

acknowledged usage, by learned and legal construction, and by numerous

declaratory acts of the British parliament, passed when sitting under

the mantle of reason, equity, justice and sound policy.

By these instructions, directly from the people, we can judge of the

feeling that pervaded the great mass of the yeomanry at that time; and

by referring to the instructions given to the delegates appointed by

the assembly of the province to Congress, it will be seen that royal

influence still pervaded that body, as they contain scarcely a definite

feature or point similar to those from the primary convention of the

people.[E]

[E] See them at large in the biography of George Ross.

So fully convinced was Mr. Smith of the issue between the colonies and

mother Britain, that on his return home he immediately raised a company

of volunteers, and was elected its captain by acclamation. This was the

pioneer company of Pennsylvania, raised for the purpose of resisting

tyranny. This company was organized about nine months before the bloody

affair at Lexington; showing deep penetration and sagacious foresight

in its original. He introduced thorough discipline in the corps, and

imparted to its members the same holy fire of patriotism that was

illuminating his own soul. Around this military nucleus accumulating

force continued to increase, until it formed a regiment. Mr. Smith

accepted the honorary title of its colonel, but imposed the actual

commanding duties upon a younger man. He had given a momentum to the

ball, and was gratified to see it rolling onward towards the temple of

liberty with an increased impetus.

Mr. Smith was a member of the next convention that convened in January,

1775, at Philadelphia. He was among the foremost to oppose force to

force, and peril life for freedom. He was then called an _ultra_

whig, and considered as treating the government of his majesty with

disrespect. His patriotism had carried him six months in advance of

most of the leading men, and no one could outstrip him in zeal for

the cause of equal rights. His course was onward—right onward to

action. For this the time soon arrived. During the year 1775 he took a

conspicuous part in public measures, and in the spring of the ensuing

year was appointed upon a committee, with Dr. Rush and Colonel Bayard,

to organize a camp of four thousand five hundred troops, to be raised

in Pennsylvania. No man was better calculated to render efficient aid

in this important business. The committee immediately prepared, and,

under the sanction of Congress, published an address to the volunteer

and yeomen military of Pennsylvania, urging them to rally under the

standard of liberty. In order that the reader may have a sample of

every kind of proceeding and address that characterized the revolution

that gave to us freedom, I insert an extract from this.

“We need not remind you that you are now furnished with new motives to

animate and support your courage. You are not about to contend against

the power of Great Britain in order to displace one set of villains to

make room for another. Your arms will not be enervated in the day of

battle with the reflection that you are to risk your lives or shed your

blood for a British tyrant, or that your posterity will have your work

to do over again. You are about to contend for permanent freedom, to be

supported by a government which will be derived from yourselves, and

which will have for its object, not the emolument of one man or class

of men only, but the safety, liberty and happiness of every individual

in the community. We call upon you, therefore, by the respect and

obedience which are due to the authority of the UNITED COLONIES, to

concur in this important measure. The present campaign will probably

decide the fate of America. It is now in your power to immortalize your

names by mingling your achievements with the events of the year 1776—a

year which, we hope, will be famed in the annals of history to the

end of time, for establishing, on a lasting foundation, the liberties

of one quarter of the globe. Remember the honour of our colony is at

stake. Should you desert the common cause at the present juncture,

the glory you have acquired by your former exertions of strength and

virtue will be tarnished; and our friends and brethren, who are now

acquiring laurels in the most remote parts of America, will reproach

us, and blush to own themselves natives or inhabitants of Pennsylvania.

But there are other motives before you. Your houses, your fields, the

legacies of your ancestors, or the dear bought fruits of your own

industry and your liberty, now urge you to the field. These cannot

plead with you in vain, or we might point out to you further—your

wives, your children, your aged fathers and mothers, who now look up to

you for aid, and hope for salvation in this day of calamity only from

the instrumentality of your swords.”

This appeal had a most powerful and salutary effect, and met with a

response from the people that drove the royal power from Pennsylvania

like chaff before the wind. Simultaneous with the preparation of the

declaration of independence in Congress, delegates were elected to

raise the arch of a republican constitution and government over the

keystone state. The members of the convention for this purpose convened

on the 15th of July, and in the declaration of rights just promulged

from Congress Hall, had a polar star to guide them—a master piece for a

pattern to direct them.

In this convention Mr. Smith took his seat, and was immediately placed

upon the committee appointed to prepare a declaration of rights. His

_ultraism_ had become an admired quality, and assumed the baptismal

name of _patriotism_. His worth and zeal were now duly appreciated,

and he became one of the most influential men in his state. On the 20th

of July he was called to higher duties than those of the convention, by

his appointment to the Continental Congress. This was as unexpected to

him as it was pleasing to his friends. He immediately enrolled his name

with the apostles of liberty upon the chart of freemen. Anxious to see

the foundations of the new government firmly laid in Pennsylvania, he

continued his services in the convention until the constitution assumed

a visible form. He was one of the committee that remodelled the penal

code. He was as humane in his feelings as he was ardent in the cause of

his country. Justice and mercy were blended in his heart.

Early in October he assumed fully his congressional duties. The first

part of the instructions to the delegation of the keystone state

is worthy of particular notice; and if general obedience could be

enforced, would be quite apropos at the present day. It is as follows:

“The immense and irreparable injury which a free country may sustain

by, and the great inconveniences which always arise from a delay of its

councils, induce us, in the first place, strictly to enjoin and require

you to give not only a _constant_, but a _punctual_ attendance in

Congress.”

At the commencement of our free government, the will of the people

was respected and obeyed. Their public servants were not then their

political masters. Committee rooms were not then diverted from their

proper use by partisan caucuses. The halls of legislation were not then

the forum of personal recrimination and unparliamentary procedure. The

mantle of infantile purity was then spread over those in high stations.

_Pro bono publico_ was the order of the day—_pro libertate patriæ_ was

the motto of each freeman.

Mr. Smith obeyed his instructions to the letter. He entered heart and

soul into the labours of the house and committee room. A dark gloom was

at that time spread over the cause of liberty, and many of its warmest

friends considered success a paradox. At such a time the sprightliness

and drollery of Mr. Smith was a powerful antidote against despondency.

Always cheerful and elastic, always seasoning his conversation and

speeches in the forum with original wit and humour, he imparted

convivial life to those around him. Amidst the waves of misfortune and

the breakers of disappointment, he floated like a buoy on the ocean,

above them all. The following letter written to his wife, when General

Howe was bending his triumphant course towards Philadelphia, from which

place Congress was soon after compelled to retreat before him, shows

that no hyppish feelings pervaded his imagination.

“If Mr. Wilson should come through York, give him a flogging—he

should have been here a week ago. I expect, however, to come home

before election—my three months are nearly up. General left this

on Thursday—I wrote to you by Colonel Kennedy.

“This morning I put on the red jacket under my shirt. Yesterday

I dined at Mr. Morris’s, and got wet going home and my shoulder

got troublesome—but by running a hot smoothing iron over it three

times, it got better. This is a new and cheap cure. My respects

to all friends and neighbours-my love to the children.

I am your loving husband, whilst

“JAMES SMITH.

“_Congress Chamber, 11 o’clock._”

On the 23d of November, he was on the committee with Messrs. Clymer,

Chase, and Stockton, appointed to devise means for reinforcing the

American army, and for arresting the victorious and destructive career

of General Howe. The powers of this committee were soon after very

properly transferred to Washington. Mr. Smith was also on the committee

that laid before Congress the testimony of the inhuman treatment of the

British towards the American prisoners at New York.

Having suffered severe losses by being absent from his private

business, he declined a re-election to Congress for the ensuing year,

but was made to understand by his constituents that he was public

property and must be used. He was continued at his post and abated none

of his zeal. So devoted was he in the service of his country, that

when Congress was compelled to fly to York, his place of residence, he

closed his office against his clients and gave it up to the board of

war. He sacrificed every private consideration that he believed would

promote the public good.

In November, 1778, he resigned his seat in Congress, and once more

enjoyed for a season the comforts of retirement. He deemed his advanced

age an ample excuse, after he was convinced that the independence of

his country was rendered doubly sure by the French alliance.

In 1780, Mr. Smith was induced to take a seat in the legislature of

his state. He entered upon his duties with the same activity that

had characterized his whole public career. After completing his term

of service he retired finally from political life. He continued to

pursue his professional business with great success and profit, until

1800, having been an active member of the bar for sixty years. His

eccentricity, wit and humour, retained their originality to the last

years of his existence. He was a great admirer of the illustrious

Washington. A castigation from his ironical tongue, was the sure

consequence to any one, at any time or place, who spoke against

religion or Washington, two points upon which he was extremely

sensitive. The former he adored, the latter he revered. He corresponded

regularly with Franklin, Samuel Adams, and several others of the

patriarch patriots, and had preserved a valuable cabinet of letters

from those apostles of liberty, which was destroyed by fire, with his

office and its contents, about a year before his death. Surrounded

by an affectionate family and a large circle of ardent and admiring

friends, this happy son of Erin glided smoothly down the stream of life

until the eleventh day of July, 1806, when his frail bark was anchored

in the bay of death, and his immortal spirit was transferred to the

realms of glory.

In life he had lived usefully and esteemed; in his exit from earth he

left a blank not readily filled. His public and private reputation were

untarnished and unsullied. He had contributed much towards the freedom

of his country; he was the life of every circle in which he moved.

Ennui could not live in his presence. He was warm hearted, kind, and

affectionate, and a friend to the poor. He never entertained malice,

but used his enemies very much as a playful kitten does a mouse—teasing

without a desire to hurt them—a propensity that rendered him more

formidable than a knight of the sword and pistols. Such pure originals

as JAMES SMITH are like the inimitable paintings of the ancient

artists—few in market and difficult to be copied.

JOSEPH HEWES.

The cardinal virtue of charity, like the patriotism of ’76, is more

frequently professed than practised. It is placed at the head of

all the christian virtues by St. Paul, one of the ablest divines

that ever graced a pulpit or wielded a pen. Charity is a child of

heaven—the substratum of philanthropy, the brightest star in the

christian’s diadem—the connecting link between man and his Creator—the

golden chain that reaches from earth to mansions of bliss. It spurns

from its presence the scrofula of green-eyed jealousy—the canker of

self-tormenting envy— the tortures of heart-chilling malice, and the

typhoid of foaming revenge. It neutralizes and tames the fiercer

passions of man and prepares him for that brighter world where this

darling attribute reigns triumphant without a rival. Could its benign

influence reach the hearts of all mankind, the partition walls of

sectarianism would crumble and disappear—national and individual

happiness would increase, and many of the dark clouds of human woe and

misery would vanish before its heart-cheering and soul-enlivening rays,

like the morning fog before the rising sun. It is a true and impartial

mirror set in the frame of love and resting on equity and justice.

These preliminary remarks are elicited from a review of the life of the

subject of this biographette, whose father was among the persecuted

Quakers of New England, and was compelled to fly from Connecticut

to New Jersey in consequence of his religious tenets. It is an

inconsistency of human nature that when those who have suffered by

religious persecution from superior force obtain the reigns of power,

they often become the persecutors of all who will not succumb to their

authority and dogmatical notions. In the biography of Charles Carroll

the reader has recognised one example. Under the administration of

the “Cambridge Platform,” commenced by the ecclesiastical convention

of New England in 1646, and completed in 1648, a sterner policy was

pursued towards the Quakers than against the Roman Catholics. On this

“Platform” the municipal and legislative regulations were based for

about sixty years. In 1656, the legislature of Massachusetts passed a

law prohibiting every master of a vessel from bringing a Quaker into

the colony under a penalty of one hundred pounds. The next year a law

was passed by the same body, inflicting the most barbarous cruelties

upon the members of this sect, such as cutting off their ears, boring

their tongues with a hot iron, &c., unless they would desist from their

mode of worship and doff their straight coats and ugly bonnets. In

1669, a law was passed banishing them on pain of death, and four of

them who refused to go were executed. Some historians have endeavoured

to excuse this cruelty on the ground that the Quakers provoked their

persecutors by promulgating their doctrines too boldly. This reason

is too far-fetched, and shrinks at once from the scrutiny of charity

and justice. No apology can be found until we can convert the baser

passions of human nature into virtues. By recurring to the ignorance,

bigotry and fanaticism of that period, we can readily discover _why_

such a course was pursued, but this affords no healing balm for the

mind of a true philanthropist. We can only regret the past and rejoice

that charity has so far triumphed as to restore men to a degree of

reason that has paralyzed persecution unto blood for opinion’s sake—one

of the happy traits of a free and liberal government.

To avoid the penalties of the “Platform” and the dangers of Indian

incursions, Aaron Hewes and Providence his wife, the parents of the

subject of this narrative, took up their residence near Kingston, New

Jersey, where they lived peacefully and died happily. When they crossed

the Housatonic river in their flight, they were so closely pursued

by the savages that Providence was severely wounded in the neck by a

bullet from one of their guns.

JOSEPH HEWES, their son, was born at the residence of his parents near

Kingston, in 1730. After receiving a good education in the Princeton

school, he commenced his commercial apprenticeship in the city of

Philadelphia. After completing this he entered into the mercantile

business and soon became an enterprising and successful merchant. For

several years he spent his time alternately at Philadelphia and New

York, and during that period was extensively engaged in the shipping

business.

He was a man of a lively disposition, penetrating mind and industrious

in all his undertakings. He was fond of social intercourse, convivial

parties, and sometimes joined in the dance. His figure was elegant, his

manners polished, his countenance intelligent and attractive, and his

whole course highly honourable and just.

At the age of thirty he located at Edenton, North Carolina, and was

soon after called to a seat in the assembly of that province. He became

a substantial and useful member, but made no pretensions to oratory. He

was a faithful working man, a correct voter, and was uniformly in the

assembly until elected to Congress.

When the revolutionary storm commenced, Mr. Hewes was among those who

pledged their lives, fortunes and honours to support the cause of

equal rights. He was a member of the Congress of 1774, and was placed

upon the important committee appointed to report the rights of the

American colonies, the manner they had been infringed and the best

means of obtaining their restoration. From this fact, and from the

report of the committee, we may infer that Mr. Hewes was possessed of

a clear head, a sound and deliberate judgment, and understood well the

principles of constitutional law and chartered privileges.

The report of this committee is a lucid and elaborate document. By

referring to the declaration of independence the reader will learn

the features of its first part—by referring to the instructions from

the primary convention of the delegates of Pennsylvania, in the

biography of James Smith, the nature of the second part will be seen.

The preliminary means of obtaining redress are fully set forth in the

following extract. After reciting the injuries of the mother country,

the report proceeds,

“Therefore we do, for ourselves and the inhabitants of the several

colonies whom we represent, firmly agree and associate under the sacred

ties of virtue, honour and love of our country, as follows:

_First._ That from and after the first day of December next, we will

not import into British America, from Great Britain or Ireland, any

goods, wares or merchandise whatsoever, or from any other place any

such goods, wares or merchandise as shall have been exported from Great

Britain or Ireland; nor will we, after that day, import any East India

tea from any part of the world, nor any molasses, sirups, coffee, or

pimento from the British plantations or from Dominico, nor wine from

Madeira or the West Indies, nor foreign indigo.

_Second._ We will neither import nor purchase any slaves imported

after the first day of December next; after which time we will wholly

discontinue the slave trade, and will neither be concerned in it

ourselves, nor will we hire our vessels, nor sell our commodities or

manufactures to those who are concerned in it.

_Third._ As a non-consumption agreement, strictly adhered to, will be

an effectual security for the observation of the non-importation, we

as above solemnly agree and associate, that from this day we will not

purchase or use any tea imported on account of the East India Company,

or any on which a duty has been or shall be paid—and from the first day

of March next, we will not purchase or use any East India tea whatever;

nor will we, nor shall any person for or under us, purchase or use any

of these goods, wares or merchandise we have agreed not to import,

which we shall know, or have cause to suspect, were imported after

the first day of December, except such as come under the rules and

directions of the tenth article hereafter mentioned.

_Fourth._ The earnest desire we have not to injure our fellow subjects

in Great Britain, Ireland or the West Indies, induces us to suspend

a non-importation until the tenth day of September, 1775, at which

time, if the said acts and parts of acts of the British parliament

thereinafter mentioned[F] are not repealed, we will not, directly or

indirectly, export any merchandise or commodities whatsoever to Great

Britain, Ireland or the West Indies, except rice to Europe.

[F] See biography of James Smith, p. 260, for the acts referred

to in substance.

_Fifth._ Such as are merchants, and use the British and Irish trade,

will give orders as soon as possible to their factors, agents and

correspondents in Great Britain and Ireland, not to ship any goods

to them on any pretence whatsoever, as they cannot be received in

America; and if any merchants residing in Great Britain or Ireland

shall, directly or indirectly, ship any goods, wares or merchandise

for America, in order to break the said non-importation agreement, or

in any manner contravene the same, on such unworthy conduct being well

tested, it ought to be made public; and on the same being so done,

we will not from henceforth have any commercial connexion with such

merchant.

_Sixth._ That such as are owners of vessels will give positive orders

to their captains or masters, not to receive on board their vessels

any goods prohibited by the said non-importation agreement, on pain of

immediate dismission from their service.

_Seventh._ We will use our utmost endeavours to improve the breed of

sheep and increase their number to the greatest extent, and to that

end we will kill them as seldom as may be, especially those of the

most profitable kind, nor will we export any to the West Indies or

elsewhere; and those of us who are, or may become overstocked with

or can conveniently spare any sheep, will dispose of them to our

neighbours, especially to the poorer sort, on moderate terms.

_Eighth._ We will in our several stations encourage frugality, economy

and industry, and promote agriculture, arts and the manufactures of

this country, especially that of wool, and will discountenance and

discourage every species of extravagance and dissipation, especially

all horse racing and all kinds of gaming, cock fighting, exhibitions

of shows, plays, and other expensive diversions and entertainments,

and on the death of any relation or friend, none of us or any of our

families will go into any further mourning dress than a black crape or

ribbon on the arm or hat for gentlemen, and a black ribbon and necklace

for ladies, and we will discontinue the giving of gloves and scarfs at

funerals.

_Ninth._ Such as are venders of goods and merchandise will not take

the advantage of the scarcity of goods that may be occasioned by

this association, but will sell the same at the rate we have been

respectively accustomed to do for twelve months last past: and if any

vender of goods or merchandise shall sell any such goods on higher

terms, or shall in any manner or by any device whatsoever depart from

this agreement, no person ought, nor will any of us deal with any such

person, or his or her factor or agent at any time hereafter, for any

commodity whatever.

_Tenth._ In case any merchant, trader, or other persons shall import

any goods or merchandise after the first day of December, and before

the first day of February next, the same ought forthwith, at the

election of the owners, to be either re-shipped or delivered up to

the committee of the county or town wherein they shall be imported,

to be stored at the risk of the importer, until the non-importation

agreement shall cease, or be sold under the direction of the committee

aforesaid; and in the last mentioned case the owner or owners of such

goods shall be reimbursed out of the sales, the first cost and charges,

the profits, if any, to be applied towards relieving and employing

such poor inhabitants of the town of Boston as are immediate sufferers

by the Boston port bill, and a particular account of all goods so

returned, stored or sold, to be inserted in the public paper; and if

any goods or merchandise shall be imported after the said first day

of February, the same ought forthwith to be sent back again without

breaking any of the packages thereof.

_Eleventh._ That a committee be chosen in every county, city and

town, by those who are qualified to vote for representatives in the

legislature, whose business it shall be attentively to observe the

conduct of all persons touching this association, and when it shall be

made to appear to the satisfaction of a majority of any such committee,

that any person within the limits of their appointment has violated

this association, that such majority do forthwith cause the truth of

the case to be published in the gazette, to the end that all such foes

to the rights of British America may be publicly known and universally

condemned as the enemies of American liberty, and henceforth we

respectively will break off all dealings with him or her.

_Twelfth._ That the committee of correspondence in the respective

colonies do frequently inspect the entries of the custom house, and

inform each other from time to time of the true state thereof, and

of every other material circumstance that may occur relative to this

association.

_Thirteenth._ That all manufactures of this country be sold at

reasonable prices, so that no under-advantage be taken of a future

scarcity of goods.

_Fourteenth._ And we do further agree and resolve, that we will have no

trade, commerce, dealings, or intercourse whatsoever with any colony

or province in North America which shall not accede to, or which

shall have hereafter violated this association, but will hold them as

unworthy of the rights of freemen and inimicable to the rights of their

country.

And we do solemnly bind ourselves and our constituents, under the

ties aforesaid, to adhere to this association until such parts of the

several acts of parliament passed since the close of the war, as impose

or continue duties on tea, wine, molasses, sirups, coffee, sugar,

pimento, indigo, foreign paper, glass, and painters’ colours, imported

into America, and extend the powers of the admiralty courts beyond

their ancient limits, deprive the American subjects of trial by jury,

authorize the judge’s certificate to indemnify the prosecutor from

damages that he might otherwise be liable to from a trial by his peers,

require oppressive security from a claimant of ships or goods before he

shall be allowed to defend his property, are repealed.

And we recommend it to the provincial conventions and to the committee

in the respective colonies, to establish such further regulations as

they may think proper for carrying into execution this association.”

Upon this report all the subsequent proceedings of the Congress

were predicated. We may readily suppose, that nothing but the most

unparalleled violations of their rights, could induce men to enter

into an agreement like the above. By every true patriot it was closely

adhered to.

After a session of about two months, Congress adjourned to meet the

ensuing May, when Mr. Hewes again took his seat in that body and became

conspicuous as a member of important committees. He was continued

at this post of honour the ensuing year and had the satisfaction of

hearing the discussion upon the momentous question of a separation from

Great Britain. He was decidedly in favour of the measure, and when the

set time arrived to strike for liberty, he sanctioned the declaration

of independence by his vote and signature.

He now became a very conspicuous actor upon committees. His industry,

his accurate knowledge of business, his systematic mode of performing

all his duties, gained for him the esteem and admiration of all the

members. It was remarked by one of his cotemporaries: “Mr. Hewes

was remarkable for a devotedness to the business of this” (the

secret) “committee, as ever the most industrious merchant was to his

counting-house.”

He was upon the committee of claims, upon the secret committee, upon

the one to consult with Washington relative to military operations,

upon that of the treasury and several others. The one upon which he

rendered the most important services, was that which had charge of

fitting out a naval armament. The whole business eventually devolved

upon him and he was, _de facto_, the first secretary of the navy. With

the funds placed in his hands he fitted out with great despatch eight

armed vessels. He was also very active in obtaining supplies for his

own state. Indeed so deeply did he feel for his constituents in North

Carolina, that he declined his appointment to Congress in 1777, and

repaired to her assistance, where he remained until July, 1779, when

he again resumed his seat in the national legislature. He was then

worn down with fatigue and in poor health. He endeavoured to resume

his active duties, but disease had already shaken his physical powers

and sown the seeds of death. He continued to attend in the house, when

able, until the 29th of October, when he saw its hall for the last

time. On the 10th of November, his immortal spirit left its earthly

tabernacle and returned to Him who gave it. His premature death was

deeply lamented and sincerely mourned. Congress passed the usual

resolutions and its members wore the mourning badge for thirty days.

His remains were buried in Christ Church yard, Philadelphia, followed

by all the members and officers of Congress, the general assembly and

supreme executive council of Pennsylvania, the minister plenipotentiary

of France, the military and a large concourse of other persons. The

funeral ceremony was performed by the Reverend Mr. White, since Bishop

White, and the chaplain of the Continental Congress. His dust reposes

in peace, his name is recorded on the chart of our liberty, his fame

will live until the last vestige of American history shall be blotted

from the world. Not a blemish rests upon his private character or

public reputation.

JOHN ADAMS.

Genuine moral courage is a sterling quality that ennobles and dignifies

the man. It invigorates the mind like an impregning cloud—shedding its

gentle dews on the flowers of spring. It is a heavenly spark, animating

the immortal soul with the fire of divinity that illuminates the path

of rectitude. It is an attribute that opposes all wrong and propels

its subject right onward to the fearless performance of all right. It

is based upon virtue and equity, and spurns vice in all its borrowed

and delusive forms. It courts no servile favours—it fears no earthly

scrutiny. No flattery can seduce it, no eclat can allure it, no bribe

can purchase it, no tyrant can awe it, no misfortune can bend it, no

intrigue can corrupt it, no adversity can quench it, no tortures can

subdue it. Its motto is—“_Fiat justitia, ruat cœlum_.” [Let justice be

done though the heavens should fall.] Without it, fame is ephemeral

and renown transient. It is the saline basis of a good name that gives

richness to its memory. It is a pillar of light to revolving thought,

and the polar star that points to duty and leads to merit. It is the

soul of reason, the essence of wisdom, and the crowning glory of mental

power. It was this that influenced the signers of the declaration of

independence and nerved them for the conflict.

No one among them was more fully imbued with it than JOHN ADAMS. He was

a native of Quincy, Massachusetts, and born on the 19th of October,

(O. S.) 1735. He was the fourth in descent from Henry Adams, whose

tomb bears this singular inscription—“He took his flight from the

dragon persecution, in Devonshire, England, and alighted, with eight

sons, near Mount Wollaston.” In childhood the career of John Adams was

marked with a rapid developement of strong intellectual powers, which

were skilfully cultivated by Mr. Marsh, at Braintree, a celebrated and

successful teacher. At the age of sixteen years he entered Harvard

College, at Cambridge, where he became a finished scholar and graduated

at the age of twenty. He gained a high reputation for frankness,

honesty and untiring industry, and was greatly esteemed by the

professors and his classmates.

From college he proceeded to Worcester, commenced the study of law

under Mr. Putnam, and finished with Mr. Gridley, supporting himself

in the mean time by teaching a grammar class. At that early age he

possessed wisdom to perceive right, and moral courage to pursue it.

In view of the past and present, he made a philosophic grasp at the

future, as will appear from the following extract from a letter written

by him on the 12th of October, 1755, shortly after he took up his

residence at Worcester.

“Soon after the reformation a few people came over into this new world

for conscience sake. Perhaps this apparently trivial incident may

transfer the great seat of empire into America. It looks likely to me,

if we can remove the turbulent Gallics, our people, according to the

exactest computations, will, in another century, become more numerous

than England herself. Should this be the case, since we have, I may

say, all the naval stores of the nation in our hands, it will be easy

to obtain the mastery of the seas, and then the united force of all

Europe will not be able to subdue us. The only way to keep us from

setting up for ourselves—is to disunite us. * * * Keep us in distinct

colonies, and then some men in each colony, desiring the monarchy of

the whole, will destroy each other’s influence and keep the country in

equilibrio.”

This broad and expansive view of the future, conceived by a youth, was

very remarkable. He saw the one thing needful to render our nation

powerful—the creation of a navy—for which nature has given us all

the stores. The paralysis that pervades our government in its naval

improvements has long astonished the nations of the old world, and a

_few_ of our own statesmen. The time _will_ arrive when our country

will be made to feel most keenly—that “a navy is the right arm of

defence.”

After pursuing his studies three years, Mr. Adams was admitted to

the practice of law. He then commenced his professional career at

Braintree. Questions of constitutional right and law had already become

the subject of investigation and a root of bitterness between the

colonists and the officers of the crown. The latter, that were engaged

in the custom-house, claimed unlimited power to search the private

dwellings of all persons whom they suspected of having dutiable goods.

This suspicion, or pretended suspicion, often arose from personal

animosity, without a shadow of evidence or reasonable cause. The right

of search was of course resisted as arbitrary, unconstitutional and

assumed. This led to an application to the superior court for “writs of

assistance,” which may be considered as one of the first germs of the

revolution. Mr. Gridley, who had led Mr. Adams to the bar, and was then

his friend and admirer, maintained the legality of the proceeding, not

upon the ground of constitutional law, but from the necessity of the

case in order to protect the revenue. Mr. Adams took a deep interest

in the question, which was finally argued before the superior court at

Boston, by Mr. Gridley for the crown and Mr. Otis for the people. In

listening to the latter gentleman, a fire of patriotism was kindled in

the bosom of Mr. Adams, that death alone could extinguish. He asserted

in after life, that “Mr. Otis’s oration against writs of assistance,

breathed into this nation the breath of life. * * * American

independence was then and there born. * * * Every man of an immense

crowded audience appeared to me to go away, as I did, ready to take up

arms against writs of assistance. Then and there was the first scene of

the first act of opposition to the arbitrary claims of Great Britain.”

The court _publicly_ decided against the writs, but _secretly_ issued

them. That people had their houses searched to satisfy revenge, will

appear from the following described incident.

“Mr. Justice Wally had called Mr. Ware, one of the persons in

possession of such a writ, before him, by a constable, to answer for a

breach of the Sabbath-day acts, or for profane swearing. As soon as he

had finished, Mr. Ware asked him if he had done. He replied—yes. Well,

then, said Mr. Ware, I will show you a little of _my_ power. I command

you to permit me to search your house for uncustomed goods—and went on

to search his house from garret to cellar—and then served the constable

in the same manner.”

We can readily imagine the natural consequences of such a procedure,

against which Mr. Adams at once took a bold and decided stand. The

assembly also interfered in behalf of the people, and in 1762 prepared

a bill to prevent these writs from being issued to any but custom-house

officers, and to them only upon a specific information on oath—which

bill was vetoed by the governor. As a blow at the royal authority this

was well aimed, and showed a disposition in the members to do the will

of their constituents. As a retaliative measure they reduced the salary

of the judges.

In 1761, Mr. Adams attained the rank of barrister and rose to eminence

in his profession. In 1764, he married the accomplished Miss Abigail,

the daughter of the Rev. William Smith, who participated with him in

the changing scenes of life for fifty-four years. The following extract

from a letter written by her to a friend, after the commencement of the

revolution, will exhibit the strength of her mind and the patriotic

feelings of the ladies at that eventful era.

“Heaven is our witness that we do not rejoice in the effusion of blood

or the carnage of the human species—but, having been forced to draw

the sword, we are determined never to sheathe it—_slaves to Britain_.

Our cause, sir, I trust, is the cause of truth and justice, and will

finally prevail, though the combined force of earth and hell should

rise against it. To this cause I have sacrificed much of my own

personal happiness, by giving up to the councils of America one of my

nearest connexions, and living for more than three years in a state of

widowhood.”

When the stamp act was passed, the fire of indignation against lawless

oppression rose in the bosom of Mr. Adams to a luminous flame. He at

once became a public man, and entered into a defence of chartered

rights and rational freedom. He published an “Essay on the Canon and

Feudal Law,” which placed him on a lofty eminence as an able and

vigorous writer. Its raciness penetrated the joints and marrow of royal

power as practised, and the parliamentary legislation as assumed. He

traced the former law to its original source—the Roman clergy—by them

subtlely planned, extensively exercised and acutely managed, to effect

their own aggrandizement. He then delineated the servile dogmas of the

latter, that made each manor the miniature kingdom of a petty tyrant.

He then drew a vivid picture of their powerful but unholy confederacy,

by which they spread the mantle of ignorance over the world, drove

virtue from the earth, and commenced the era of mental obscurity.

He then explored the labyrinthian mazes of the dark ages, portrayed

the first glimmerings of returning light, travelled through the

gigantic struggles of the reformation amidst the bloody scenes of cruel

persecution, and finally placed his readers upon the granite shores of

New England, where, for a century, liberty had shed its happy influence

upon the sons and daughters of freemen, unmolested by canons or feuds.

That liberty was now invaded, and, unless the tyranny that had already

commenced its desolating course was arrested in its bold career,

slavery would be the consequence. This is the syllabus of a pamphlet of

over forty pages, written in a strong, bold and nervous style.

From that time forward Mr. Adams became a leading whig. He became

associated with Samuel Adams, Quincy, Otis and other kindred spirits,

all much older men, but not more zealous in the cause than him. The

repeal of the odious stamp act and the removal of Mr. Grenville from

the ministry was the result of the labours of the patriots in 1765.

A delusive calm ensued in parliamentary and ministerial proceedings,

openly avowed. Mr. Adams was among those who watched closely the signs

of the times. Governor Barnard occasionally showed the cloven foot,

and his officers put on airs that were far from being agreeable to

the yeomanry of the country. Festering wounds occasionally became

irritated, and no balm was found that restored them to perfect

soundness.

In 1766 Mr. Adams removed to Boston, and at the end of two years

had become so conspicuous and had displayed so much talent that the

governor thought him worth purchasing. The lucrative and honourable

office of advocate-general in the court of admiralty was offered to

him, which was deemed a sufficient bribe to allure him. In this the

governor found himself mistaken. Moral courage was the firm basis

on which this devoted patriot stood. He spurned the royal harness,

glittering with gold, with as much disdain as the wild horse of the

prairie looks upon a moping mule.

In 1769 he was one of the committee appointed by the citizens of Boston

to propose instructions for their representatives in the legislative

body, which were highly spiced with free principles, and were very

unsavoury to the royal governor. Many of his measures were severely

censured, particularly that of quartering the mercenary soldiers in the

town. He was unbending in his purposes, and the people determined on

maintaining their rights. The consequences were tragical. On the fifth

of March, 1770, an affray occurred between the military and citizens,

in which five of the latter were killed and others wounded. The

following description of the scene that ensued is from the pen of Mr.

Adams, the present subject of this memoir.

“The people assembled first at Faneuil Hall and adjourned to the

old South Church, to the number, as was conjectured, of ten or

twelve hundred men, among whom were the most virtuous, substantial,

independent, disinterested and intelligent citizens. They formed

themselves into a regular deliberative body, chose their moderator and

secretary, entered into discussions, deliberations and debates, adopted

resolutions and appointed committees. Their resolutions in public were

conformable to every man in private who dared express his thoughts or

his feelings—‘that the regular soldiers should be banished from the

town at all hazards.’ Jonathan Williams, a very pious, inoffensive and

conscientious gentleman, was their moderator. A remonstrance to the

governor, or governor and council, was ordained, and a demand that

the regular troops should be removed from the town. A committee was

appointed to present this remonstrance, of which _Samuel Adams_ was

chairman.

“This was a delicate and dangerous crisis. The question in the last

resort was—whether the town of Boston should become a scene of carnage

and desolation or not. Humanity to the soldiers conspired with a regard

for the safety of the town, in suggesting the measure in calling the

town together to deliberate, for nothing but the most solemn promises

to the people, that the soldiers should, at all hazards, be driven from

the town, had preserved its peace. Not only the immense assemblies of

the people from day to day, but military arrangements from night to

night were necessary to keep the people and the soldiers from getting

together by the ears. The life of a red coat would not have been

safe in any street or corner of the town; nor would the lives of the

inhabitants been much more secure. The whole militia of the city was in

requisition, and military watches and guards were every where placed.

We were all upon a level; no man was exempted; our military officers

were our only superiors. I had the honour to be summoned in my turn and

attended at the State-house with my musket and bayonet, my broad sword

and cartridge box, under the command of the famous Paddock. I know you

will laugh at my military figure; but I believe there was not a more

obedient soldier in the regiment, nor one more impartial between the

people and the regulars. In this character I was upon duty all night in

my turn. No man appeared more anxious or more deeply impressed with a

sense of danger on all sides than our commander Paddock. He called me,

common soldier as I was, frequently to his councils. I had a great deal

of conversation with him, and no man appeared more apprehensive of a

fatal calamity to the town, or more zealous by every prudent measure to

prevent it.”[G]

[G] For the further proceedings, see Samuel Adams and John

Hancock.

Order was finally restored and the civil authorities again assumed

their functions. Captain Preston was arrested and brought before the

court, charged with giving the order to the regulars to fire upon

the citizens; and also the soldiers who committed the outrage. As is

uniformly the case, each party was charged with blame by the respective

friends of the other. Some inconsiderate citizens had thrown snowballs

at the king’s troops, who returned the change in blue pills. The former

were imprudent, the latter were revengeful.

Mr. Adams was employed by the accused to defend them. Some of his

friends were fearful that it might injure his popularity with the

people, whose excitement was still very great. But so ingeniously and

eloquently did he manage the case, that Captain Preston and all the

soldiers but two were acquitted, and those two were only convicted

of manslaughter, and Mr. Adams stood approved and applauded by the

citizens, having performed his professional duty to his clients, and

at the same time vindicated the rights of the people; the result of

being guided entirely by the polar star of moral courage.

The same year he was elected to the legislative body, then called the

“General Court,” and was a bold opposer of the arbitrary measures

of Lieutenant-governor Hutchinson, who undisguisedly followed the

directions of the ministry in violation of the charter of the colony,

in all things that were necessary to carry out the plans of the British

cabinet, pleading his instructions as an excuse.

Mr. Adams was one of the committee that prepared an address to him,

the style of which induces me to think it was penned by him. From

the following extract the reader may judge. After vividly portraying

the violations of right complained of, the address concludes, “These

and other grievances and cruelties, too many to be here enumerated,

and too melancholy to _be much longer borne_ by this injured people,

we have seen brought upon us by the devices of ministers of state.

And we have, of late, seen and heard of _instructions_ to governors

which threaten to destroy all the remaining privileges of our charter.

Should these struggles of the house prove unfortunate and ineffectual,

this province will submit, with pious resignation, to the will of

_Providence_; but it would be a kind of suicide, of which we have the

utmost abhorrence, to be instrumental in our own servitude.” A blind

obstinacy on the part of the ministers increased the opposition of the

people and operated upon them with all the power of centrifugal force,

inducing them to refuse obedience to the king’s officers. Alarmed at

the boldness of the people of Boston, Governor Barnard had ordered

the general court to convene at Cambridge. This was contrary to the

charter which fixed its place of meeting at the former place. The

members convened but refused to proceed to business unless they were

permitted to adjourn to the proper place, to which Lieutenant-governor

Hutchinson, who had succeeded Governor Barnard, refused his assent. A

war of words and paper ensued, in which the patriots were uniformly

victorious. Mr. Adams was a leader of the sharp-shooters and made

great havoc among the officers of the crown. They induced the senior

member of their council, Mr. Brattle, to enter the field against him

with pen in hand. The conflict was short, Mr. Adams put him _hors de

combat_, and showed the people the fallacy of every pretext set up by

the hirelings of the ministry. In 1771, Mr. Hutchinson was appointed

governor, and the next year consented to the return of the legislative

body to Boston as a balm for the wounds he had inflicted. But in this

he gained no popularity—it was deemed an involuntary act forced upon

him by the popular will, or a mere stratagem to quiet the public mind.

There were other sources of complaint. The troops in the castle, that

were under the pay and control of the province, had been dismissed and

their place supplied by fresh regulars from the mother country: the

governor and judges received their salaries from England instead of

from the colony, as had always been the usage, thus aiming to render

the military, executive and judiciary independent of the people whom

they governed, which operated as a talisman to destroy all confidence

and affection for these officers on the part of the citizens. The tax

on tea was another source of grief that touched more tender chords.

Woe unto the ruler that rouses the indignation of the better part of

creation. He had better tempt the fury of Mars, or try his speed with

Atalanta. Tea soon became forbidden fruit, and several vessel loads

were sacrificed to Neptune as an oblation for the sins of ministers

and an oblectation for the fishes of Boston harbour. Royal authority

increased in insolence, and the patriots increased in boldness. At the

commencement of the session of the general court in 1773, Governor

Hutchinson sustained the odious doctrine of supremacy of the parliament

in his message, which was promptly replied to and denied by the members

of that body. A reply was as promptly returned by his excellency,

which was prepared with more than usual ability. Mr. Adams, although

not a member at that time, was employed to write a rejoinder, which

was adopted without any amendment. It paralyzed the pen and closed

the mouth of the governor. It was an exposition of British wrongs and

American rights so clearly exhibited, that no sophistry could impugn

it or logic confront it. So highly was it appreciated by Dr. Franklin,

that he had it republished in England and freely circulated. It was a

luminary to the patriots and confusion to their opponents.

Shortly after, Mr. Adams was elected to the general court and placed on

the list of committees. So vindictive was governor Hutchinson, that he

erased his name—an act that recoiled upon himself with redoubled force

and aided to hasten the termination of his power in the colony. In less

than a year from that time he was succeeded by governor Gage, who was

still better calculated to hasten on the revolutionary crisis—because

more authoritative and ministerial than his predecessor. With the

commencement of his limited administration in 1774, the Boston port

bill took effect. The consequences that followed are familiar to the

reader. Governor Gage embraced the first opportunity to pay a marked

attention to John Adams. His name was placed on the council list at

the first session of the legislature, after his excellency assumed the

helm of government, who at once placed his indignant cross upon it.

He also removed the assembly to Salem. The members proceeded to the

preliminary business of the session, and among other things requested

the governor to fix a day for general humiliation and prayer, which he

peremptorily refused to do. Here again tender chords were touched. The

people _en masse_ venerated religion, and an insult upon that or an

interruption of its usual and ancient usages, was like adding pitch to

a fire already vivid and flaming. The house then proceeded to consider

the project of a general Congress, and in spite of an attempt by the

governor to dissolve it, the door was locked against his secretary,

patriotic resolutions were passed, and five delegates appointed to

meet a national convention, one of which was John Adams. So bold had

been his course that some of his warmest friends and most ardent

admirers advised him to decline his appointment, as the adherents of

the crown had already hinted that he evidently aimed at establishing

an independent government, which they considered endangered the peace

of the country and his life, as the British could and would enforce

every measure they chose to adopt. But John Adams had weighed well the

subject of rights and wrongs and took his stand within the citadel of

MORAL COURAGE, against which the gates of hell can never prevail. He

had resolved to nobly perish in defending the liberty of his country,

or plant the standard of freedom on the ruins of tyranny.

At the appointed time he repaired to the city of Philadelphia and took

his seat in that assemblage of sages whose wisdom has been sung by the

ablest poets, applauded by the most eloquent orators, and admired by

the most sagacious statesmen of the two hemispheres. On reading the

proceedings of the American Congress of 1774, Lord Chatham remarked,

“that he had studied and admired the free states of antiquity, the

master spirits of the world—but that for solidity of reasoning, force

of sagacity and wisdom of conclusion, no body of men could stand in

preference to this congress.”

Mr. Adams, for whom his friends felt so much anxiety for fear his

ardour might lead him to rashness, was as calm as a summer morning, but

firm as the granite shores of his birth place. With all his ardent zeal

he was discreet, prudent and politic. He was the last man to violate

constitutional law, and the last man to submit to its violation. He

kept his helm hard up and ran close to the wind, but understood well

when to luff and when to take the larboard tack, and when to take in

sail. His soundings were deep and his calculations relative to future

storms were truly prophetic. He was one of the few that believed the

ministry would induce the king and parliament of the mother country

to remain incorrigible, and that petitions would be vain, addresses

futile, and remonstrances unavailing. That this Congress adopted the

proper course to pursue, he was fully aware—that dignity might grace

the cause of the people and justice be honoured. The following extract

from a letter written by him at a subsequent period, shows his, and the

conclusions of others at that time.

“When Congress had finished their business as they thought, in the

autumn of 1774, I had with Mr. Henry before we took leave of each other

some familiar conversation, in which I expressed a full conviction that

our resolves, declarations of rights, enumeration of wrongs, petitions,

remonstrances, addresses, associations and non-importation agreements,

however they might be accepted in America and however necessary to

cement the union of the colonies, would be waste water in England.

Mr. Henry said, they might make some impression among the _people_ of

England, but agreed with me that they would be totally lost upon the

_government_. I had just received a short and hasty letter, written

to me by Major Joseph Hawley of Northampton, containing ‘a few broken

hints,’ as he called them, of what he thought was proper to be done,

and concluding with these words, ‘_after all we must fight_.’ This

letter I read to Mr. Henry, who listened with great attention, and as

soon as I had pronounced the words:—‘_after all we must fight_’—he

raised his hand and with an energy and vehemence that I can never

forget, broke out with—‘by G—d I am of that man’s mind.’ * * * * *

The other delegates from Virginia returned to their state in full

confidence that all our grievances would be redressed. The last words

that Mr. Richard Henry Lee said to me when we parted, were ‘we shall

infallibly carry all our points. You will be completely relieved—all

the offensive acts will be repealed, the army and fleet will be

recalled and Britain will give up her foolish project.’ Washington

only was in doubt. He never spoke in public. In private he joined with

those who advocated a non-exportation, as well as a non-importation

agreement. With _both_ he thought we should prevail—with either he

thought it doubtful. Henry was clear in one opinion, Richard Henry Lee

in an opposite opinion, and Washington doubted between the two.”

Here is exhibited a striking picture of the minds of these four great

men, which appears to have escaped the notice of the several writers

that I have consulted. Adams and Henry, drawing their conclusions from

the past, the present and the future, diving into the depths of human

nature and grasping, at one bold view, all the multiform circumstances

that hung over the two nations, concluded truly, “_after all we must

fight_.” They concluded that the confidence inspired in the ministers

by the overwhelming physical force of Great Britain, would prevent

them from relaxing the cords of oppression, and that the independent

spirit of the hardy sons of Columbia would not be subdued without a

struggle. Lee, naturally bouyant, his own mind readily impressed by

reason and eloquence, did not reflect that inflated power, when deluded

by obstinacy and avarice, is callous to all the refined feelings of the

heart, is deaf to wisdom and blind to justice. He was as determined to

maintain chartered rights as them, but did not scan human nature as

closely. Washington, deep in reflection and investigation, his soul

overflowing with the milk of human kindness, did not arrive as rapidly

at conclusions. In weighing the causes of difference between the two

countries, reason, justice and hope on the one side, power, corruption,

and avarice on the other, held his mind, for a time, in equilibrio. He

plainly perceived and pursued the right, and fondly but faintly hoped

that England would see and pursue it too. He was as prompt to defend

liberty as either of the others.

On his return, Mr. Adams was congratulated by his anxious friends upon

the prudent course he had pursued, and was re-elected a member of

the ensuing Congress. During the interim his pen was again usefully

employed. Mr. Sewall, the king’s attorney-general, had written a

series of elaborate and ingenious essays, maintaining the supremacy

of parliament and censuring, in no measured terms, the proceedings of

the whigs. Under the name of “Novanglus,” Mr. Adams stripped the gay

ornaments and gaudy apparel from the high-varnished picture that Mr.

Sewall had presented to the public, and when he had finished his work,

a mere skeleton of visible deformity was left to gaze upon.

The attorney-general was made to tremble before the keen cuts of the

falchion quill of this devoted patriot. So deep was his reasoning, so

learned were his expositions, and so lucid and conclusive were his

demonstrations, that his antagonist exclaimed, as he retired hissing

from the conflict, “he strives to hide his inconsistencies under a huge

pile of learning.” The pile proved too huge for royal power, and was

sufficiently large to supply the people with an abundance of light.

The supremacy of parliament was an unfortunate issue for ministers. It

left the sages of liberty in a position to hurl their arrows freely at

_them_, without denying the allegiance of the colonists to the _king_.

The British cabinet worked out its own destruction, if not with fear

and trembling, it was with blindness and disgrace—a disgrace arising

from the grossest impolicy and injustice, if not to say ignorance and

infatuation. They were entirely mistaken in the people of America—they

awoke the wrong passengers.

In May, 1775, Mr. Adams again took his seat in Congress. The members

convened under quite different feelings from those that pervaded their

bosoms the previous autumn. Revolution was now rolling fearfully upon

their bleeding country, hope of redress was expiring like the last

flickerings of an exhausted taper, dark and portentous clouds were

accumulating, the ministerial ermine was already steeped in blood,

the chains of servitude were clanking in their ears, the dying groans

of their fellow citizens and the mournful lamentations of widows and

orphans were resounding through the land, and the prophetic conclusion

of Adams and Henry, drawn at the previous session, began to force

itself upon the minds of members, that “_after all we must fight_.” As

a preliminary measure, it was necessary to appoint a commander of the

military forces to be raised. To fix upon the _best_ man was of vital

importance. Many were yet chanting the song of peace and thought it

premature to make such an appointment, lest it should widen the breach

which they still hoped might be repaired. The New England delegates

were not of this class. When the purple current was wantonly diverted

from its original channel upon the heights of Lexington, they hung

their syren harps upon the weeping willows that shaded the tombs of

their murdered brethren. They were convinced that war was inevitable.

All soon became satisfied that prudence dictated a preparation for

such an event. A suitable man to lead the armies and direct their

course was a desideratum. The southern members were willing to submit

to any nomination made by the eastern delegates. General Artemas Ward

of Massachusetts was fixed upon by most of them, except John Adams.

In George Washington he had discovered the commingling qualities

of a philanthropist, a philosopher, a statesman and a hero. He was

prompted by the force of moral courage to at once urge his colleagues

to sanction his choice. They were all opposed to it, as were also the

other members of the northern and eastern delegation. Mr. Adams was

firm in his purpose, and met every objection with conclusive arguments.

These discussions were all private, not a word was uttered on the

floor of Congress as to who should be the man. At last Samuel Adams

became convinced that his junior colleague was right. The work was

soon accomplished. Satisfied that his measure would be supported by a

majority, John Adams rose in Congress and proposed that a commander

of the American armies should be appointed. When this resolution was

passed, he proceeded to portray the requisite qualities necessary

to fit a man for this important station, and emphatically remarked

“_such a man is within these walls_.” But few knew who he was about

to nominate, and could not imagine who among their own number was

possessed of all these noble attainments. A transient pause ensued. A

breathless anxiety produced a painful suspense. The next moment the

name of COLONEL GEORGE WASHINGTON of Virginia, was announced, at which

the colonel was more astonished than any other member of the house. He

had not received an intimation of the intended honour from any person.

He was nominated by John Adams about the middle of June, the nomination

was seconded by Samuel Adams, the next day the vote was taken and was

unanimous in his favour. This appointment originated entirely with Mr.

Adams; a high encomium upon his deep penetration and discernment of

human intellect, a clear demonstration of his moral courage manifested

in persevering in his choice although opposed at the threshold by

the entire New England delegation. So judicious and felicitous was

this selection, that the revered La Fayette remarked, “it was the

consequence of providential inspiration.” Be it so; Mr. Adams was the

happy medium through which it was communicated to the Continental

Congress, thereby placing at the head of the American armies just such

a man as the crisis required—prudent, dignified, bold, sagacious,

patient, persevering, and universally esteemed by the patriots, and

admired even by the most violent adherents of the crown.

After Mr. Adams had accomplished this important act, he remained

apparently quiescent during the residue of the session, viewing,

analyzing and scanning public feeling and public acts.

In the spring of 1776, he took his seat a third time in the National

Assembly. The period had then arrived for more decisive action.

Massachusetts had been declared out of the king’s protection by

parliament. England had hired legions of soldiers from German princes

to subdue the rebels in America, the last note of peace had died

upon the voice of echo, every ray of hope in favour of an amicable

settlement was banished, and every member became convinced that the

dilemma was, _resistance or slavery_; but there were many who shrunk

back with astonishment when independence was named to them.

At this juncture Mr. Adams marked out a bold course and had moral

courage to pursue it. On the sixth of May he offered a resolution

in Congress proposing that the colonies should organize governments

independent of the mother country. On the tenth of the same month its

substance was adopted in a modified form, recommending the formation of

such government by the colonies “as might be conducive to the happiness

and safety of their constituents in particular and America in general.”

This startling measure was at first ably opposed by many of the

patriots as premature, admitting its justice, and, but for the weakness

of the colonies, its propriety and necessity. But Mr. Adams knew no

middle course. He had succeeded in obtaining the adoption of the

preface to his broad and expanding folio of an independent compact,

and he proceeded to put the main matter to press. He rose like a

giant and commenced the mighty work of political regeneration. Each

succeeding day brought him new aid. From the legislature of his own

state he received full permission to strike for independence. North

Carolina had declared first, Virginia followed, and on the seventh of

June, Richard Henry Lee became the organ to lay the proposition fairly

before Congress. A most animated discussion ensued. Then it was that

the powers of Mr. Adams were fully developed. Mr. Jefferson said of him

when alluding to his able support of the declaration of independence,

“John Adams was the pillar of its support on the floor of Congress;

its ablest advocate and defender against the multifarious assaults

it encountered. He was our Colossus on the floor; not graceful, not

elegant, not always fluent in his public addresses; yet he came out

with a power, both of thought and of expression, that moved us from our

seats.” Another writer remarks, I think Mr. Trumbull, “The eloquence

of Mr. Adams resembled his general character. It was bold, manly and

energetic, such as the crisis required.” The noblest powers of the soul

of John Adams were raised to the zenith of their strength to accomplish

the mighty work before him. Although on the committee to prepare

the manifesto of eternal separation, he confided its preparation to

his colleagues and bent his whole force, eloquence and energy upon

the opponents to the measure. Most manfully did he contend, most

gloriously did he triumph. He bore down upon his adversaries like a

mountain torrent, a sweeping avalanche, prostrating their arguments

and answering their objections in a manner that left no trace behind.

He hurled the arrows of conviction so thick and fast, that every

heart was pierced and a majority subdued. At length the time arrived

when the momentous subject must be decided. The fourth of July, 1776,

dawned upon the patriots; they assembled, the past, the present and

the prospective future rushed upon their minds; moments flew, hearts

beat quicker, the question was put, independence was declared, America

was free, liberty was honoured, freedom was proclaimed and a nation

redeemed.

The following copy of a letter written by Mr. Adams to his wife on the

5th of July, will show the feelings of his mind on that occasion:

“Yesterday the greatest question was decided that was ever debated in

America, and greater, perhaps, never was or will be decided among men.

A resolution passed without one dissenting colony—‘that these United

States are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states.’ The

day is passed. The fourth of July, 1776, will be a memorable epoch in

the history of America. I am apt to believe it will be celebrated by

succeeding generations, as the great anniversary festival. It ought to

be commemorated as the day of deliverance, by solemn acts of devotion

to Almighty God. It ought to be solemnized with pomps, shows, games,

sports, guns, bells, bonfires and illuminations, from one end of the

continent to the other, from this time forward and for ever. You will

think me transported with enthusiasm, but I am not. I am well aware of

the toil, and blood, and treasure, that it will cost to maintain this

declaration and support and defend these states; yet, through all the

gloom, I can see the rays of light and glory. I can see that the end

is worth more than all the means, and that posterity will triumph,

although you and I may rue, which I hope we shall not.”

Early in the winter of 1776, Mr. Adams sketched a form of government

to be adopted by each colony, which was substantially the same as the

constitutions of the present time. It was in a letter to Richard Henry

Lee, by whom it was, by permission, published without a name, and may

be considered as the model of the constitutions now in force in the

different states. After the form he remarks, “A constitution founded on

these principles, introduces knowledge among the people and inspires

them with a conscious dignity becoming freemen. A general emulation

takes place which causes good humour, sociability, good manners and

good morals to be general. That elevation of sentiment inspired by

such a government, makes the common people brave and enterprising.

That ambition which is inspired by it makes them sober, industrious

and frugal. You will find among them some elegance perhaps, but

more solidity; a little pleasure but a great deal of business; some

politeness but more civility. If you compare such a country with the

regions of domination, whether monarchial or aristocratical, you will

fancy yourself in Arcadia or Elysium.”

Here, upon the canvass of truth, is a complete picture, exhibiting

the blessings derived from a government like our own in its

_principles_—that these principles are not strictly adhered to by all

politicians, is a fact too fully and fearfully demonstrated. Among all

the great men of the last century of increasing intellectual light,

no one appears to have taken a more comprehensive and at the same

time minute view of human nature and of human government, than John

Adams. He traced causes and effects through all their labyrinthian

meanderings, and drew conclusions as if by inspiration. Many of his

predictions of the future bear the impress of prophecy, and show how

deeply he investigated and the clearness of his perception.

On his return from Congress at the close of the session, he was chosen

a member of the council of Massachusetts under the new constitution,

and aided to organize a free government on a basis purely republican.

He was also appointed chief justice, but declined serving.

In 1777, Mr. Adams resumed his seat in Congress, and engaged in a

course of labour unparalleled in the history of legislation. He was an

acting member of ninety committees, chairman of twenty-five, chairman

of the board of war and of appeals, discharged all those multifarious

duties promptly, besides participating in the debates of the house upon

all important questions. In December of that year he was appointed a

commissioner to France, and embarked on board of the frigate Boston

in February following, from his native town at the foot of Mount

Wollaston. During the voyage a British armed ship was discovered,

and, by the consent of Mr. Adams, Captain Tucker gave chase, strictly

enjoining the commissioner to keep out of danger. No sooner had the

action commenced than Mr. Adams seized a musket and gave the enemy

a well directed shot. The captain discovering him in his exposed

situation, said to him, “I am commanded by the Continental Congress to

carry you in safety to Europe, and I will do it,” and very pleasantly

removed him and placed him out of danger.

On his arrival at France he had the satisfaction to learn that Dr.

Franklin and his colleagues had succeeded in concluding a treaty of

alliance with the French nation. He continued in Europe a little more

than a year and then returned home. Soon after his arrival he was

elected to a convention of his native state convened for the purpose

of perfecting a constitution for the more complete organization of its

government. He was upon the committee to prepare this document, and was

selected to make the draught. He produced an instrument similar to that

sketched for Richard Henry Lee in January 1776, which was sanctioned

and adopted. Before his duties had terminated in this convention he was

appointed by Congress “a minister plenipotentiary for negotiating a

treaty of peace and a treaty of commerce with Great Britain.”

In October, 1779, he embarked from Boston for Europe, and after a long

and tedious passage, he arrived at Paris in February following. The

British ministry were not yet sufficiently humbled to do right, and

Mr. Adams had too much sagacity to be ensnared, and too much moral

courage to consent to any thing wrong. Anxious to benefit his country,

on hearing that Mr. Laurens, the American commissioner to Holland, had

been captured, he immediately repaired to that kingdom, and in August

received a commission from Congress to negotiate a loan and to conclude

a treaty of amity and commerce with the States General of Holland, with

instructions to accede to any treaty of neutral rights that might arise

from regulations to be made by a congress of the European states, then

in contemplation. In a few months he was completely overwhelmed with

diplomatic powers. He was minister plenipotentiary to Great Britain—to

the States General—to the prince of Orange—to all the European states

for pledging the faith of the United States to the armed neutrality,

with letters of credit to the Russian, Swedish and Danish envoys in

Holland, and a commissioner to negotiate a loan of ten millions of

dollars for the support of the home department and foreign embassies.

The duties thus devolving upon him, all of which he discharged with

approbation, will give the reader some idea of the gigantic mental

powers of John Adams. He had the same kind of intrigue to encounter

as that alluded to in the biography of Franklin, which he met at the

threshold and crushed whilst in embryo.

In July, 1781, he received a summons from the court of France to repair

immediately to Versailles to deliberate upon a plan of peace with

England. On his arrival he had occasion for the exercise of that moral

courage that sustained him in every dilemma. The terms offered did

not fully recognise the rights of the United States as an independent

sovereign nation—peace was anxiously desired and ardently urged by the

Duke de Vergennes, who stood at the head of the French cabinet—Mr.

Adams desired it too, but only upon honourable and dignified terms.

The duke, who had uniformly showed a disposition to make the United

States at least _feel_ deeply a dependence upon France, undertook to

dictate to Mr. Adams, and placed him in the position of a subordinate

agent. In this project he was greatly mistaken. Mr. Adams recognised no

dictator but the Continental Congress and his own keen and penetrating

judgment. So chagrined was the French duke at the independence of the

American minister, that he wrote to the chevalier de la Luzerne, then

minister from France in America, to lay a formal complaint against Mr.

Adams before Congress. This he did in a very ingenious manner, but

without success. As a matter of deference to their new and important

ally, the members of Congress very partially modified the instructions

to their minister, but did not place him under the control of the duke

as requested. They knew the spirit of John Adams would never compromise

the dignity of the American name, and they reposed entire confidence

in his ability to perceive the right, and in his moral courage to

pursue it. It became evident that the motives of the French court in

giving assistance to the United States were based entirely on self.

Her objects were to humble her inveterate foe, and when that was

accomplished, to secure her own aggrandizement and that of Spain at the

expense of America. I speak of the _court_ of France, and not of the

good Lafayette and French patriots like him.

Finding that his presence could be of no service at Versailles, Mr.

Adams returned to Amsterdam. Soon after this, so powerfully did the

French minister operate upon Congress, taking the advantage of the

reverses of the American arms, that he induced that body to add to

the commission of Mr. Adams, Dr. Franklin, Messrs. Jefferson, Jay and

Laurens, with the humiliating direction, “that they should govern

themselves by the advice and opinion of the ministers of the king of

France.” The duke de Vergennes now exulted in his power, having been

made by Congress virtually the sovereign minister of the United States

to Great Britain. But his exultation was delusive. Nothing could bend

Mr. Adams or Franklin, and the other commissioners became convinced of

the propriety of the bold stand assumed. Mr. Adams wrote to Congress

and exposed the plans of the duke and his coadjutors, and was the bold

medium of communication that opened the eyes of its members to see and

permit the commissioner to maintain their true dignity, which enabled

them to finally obtain an honourable peace. He also succeeded, after

surmounting many Alpine barriers, in negotiating a loan in Holland of

eight millions of guilders, in September, 1782. The benefits of this

loan were two-fold—it enabled the United States to prosecute the war

with more vigour, and had a direct influence upon England, inducing her

to make proposals of peace soon after this was known to lord Shelburne,

then at the head of the British administration, which secured to

the United States the great privileges insisted on by Mr. Adams. A

provisional treaty was signed at Paris on the thirtieth of November,

1782, and a definitive treaty was signed on the third of September,

1783. This step was taken without consulting the duke de Vergennes,

and completely thwarted his golden schemes of finesse. He addressed a

letter of reproach to the American commissioners, because they dared

to proceed without his approbation, which they did not condescend to

answer. The three grand points in the plan of the court of France

were—in securing to themselves the trade and fisheries of the Unites

States, and for Spain—the sole right of navigating the Mississippi

river.

After the important work of concluding peace with England was

accomplished, Mr. Adams returned to Holland, where he remained a part

of the year 1784, when he returned to France and assumed the duties of

a commission, at the head of which he was placed, having Dr. Franklin

and Mr. Jefferson associated with him, forming a trio of combined,

various and exalted talent, never surpassed if ever equalled. They were

empowered to negotiate commercial treaties with all foreign nations

that desired such an arrangement with the United States.

In 1785, Mr. Adams was appointed the first minister to Great Britain

after the acknowledgement of the independence of the United States

by that kingdom. He was received with marked attention and courtesy,

so far as courtly etiquette and ceremony were concerned, but found

the ministry morose and bitter in their feelings towards the new

republic. They were unwilling to enter into a commercial treaty, and

seemed to treat the peace as a mere truce between the two nations.

Mr. Adams performed the delicate duties of his mission with great

sagacity and wisdom, and patiently removed subsisting difficulties

between the two countries. Nor did he remain passive as to the internal

affairs of his country at home. To win independence he considered one

thing, to preserve it, was a different and more difficult matter. The

theories of a republican form of government that had been published

by Thurgot[H] and others, and freely circulated in America, he

considered wild and visionary, as the transient existence of the French

republic subsequently proved. To strip these delusive theories of

their sophistry, Mr. Adams published a learned and able disquisition

on republican constitutions, which operated as a polar light to his

own countrymen and had a powerful influence in correcting error and

allaying prejudices in England against the government of the United

States. His “Defence of the Constitutions” also placed him on a lofty

eminence in view of the literati of Europe.

[H] Thurgot said of Franklin—“He first snatched the thunderbolt

from Jove, and then the sceptre from kings.”

In 1788, he obtained permission to return home, and in the autumn

of the same year was elected the first vice-president of the United

States under the federal constitution, the duties of which station

he performed with dignity and great ability. He was a confidential

counsellor of Washington, who consulted him on all important questions.

He was re-elected in 1792, with but little opposition; and in 1796,

he was elected president of the republic, to establish which he had

perilled life, fortune and honour. At this time party spirit had

commenced its career of venality and his election was warmly contested.

His opponent, Mr. Jefferson, received sixty-eight votes and Mr. Adams

seventy-one. During all the effervescence of party feeling, which

arrayed father against son and cut asunder the long cherished ties of

friendship between thousands, these two great men remained personal

friends, showing at once the magnanimity of their minds and the folly

of low minded foaming partizans. It was then that the American press

first descended from its lofty and legitimate eminence and planted

it before unsullied feet in the obloquious quagmire of party spirit.

Since that time partisan presses have been sinking deeper and deeper,

until some of them, _pro et con._, have become so deeply planted in the

filth and scum of personal abuse and political slander, that, to use

a simile, Archimedes, with the mighty powers of his lever, could not

raise them to their pristine elevation in half a century. So far were

matters carried by his political friends against the public measures

of Mr. Adams in 1800, that Mr. Jefferson was compelled, from a sense

of duty, to rebuke the slanders that were uttered, in the following

emphatic language, which becomes more forcible from the fact that

his own private character had been shamefully attacked by those who

supported his political opponent.

“Gentlemen, you do not know that man—there is not upon earth a more

perfectly honest man than John Adams. Concealment is no part of his

character—of that, he is utterly incapable. It is not in his nature

to meditate any thing that he would not publish to the world. The

measures of the general government are a fair subject for difference of

opinion—but do not found your opinions on the notion that there is the

smallest spice of dishonesty, moral or political, in the character of

John Adams, for I know him well, and I repeat—that a man more perfectly

honest never issued from the hands of his Creator.”

Mr. Adams proceeded to the conscientious and independent discharge of

his presidential duties, prompted by the best motives for the glory

of his country. His administration, however, became unpopular, and

at the expiration of his term the democratic party triumphed, and

he retired to Quincy, to once more enjoy the long lost comforts of

retirement. Much has been written upon the causes that produced the

political overthrow of Mr. Adams. To my mind the solution is brief and

plain. His cabinet was not of his own choosing—he was too independent

to bend to party management—he opposed the humiliating demands of the

then self-styled democratic France—he advocated, most earnestly, the

augmentation of the navy of the United States, and recommended the law

for suppressing the venality of the press. In the two first points he

was impolitic as the head of a _party_—in the two next, he did what all

now acknowledge to be right—and in the last, he took the wrong method

to correct one of the most alarming evils of that day—an evil that

still hangs over our country like an incubus. The three last were the

strong points seized upon by partisans, and were rendered extremely

unpopular, and enabled his opponents to defeat his re-election. He

retired with a good grace, and remained the personal friend of his

rival until the day of his death. He supported the policy of Mr.

Jefferson towards England, and approved of the declaration of war in

1812. In writing to a friend, in July of that year, he remarked:

“To your allusion to the war, I have nothing to say—but that it is with

surprise that I hear it pronounced, not only in the newspapers, but

by persons in authority, ecclesiastical and civil, and political and

military—that the declaration of it was altogether unexpected * * *

How it is possible that a rational, a social or a moral creature can

say the war is unjust, is to me utterly incomprehensible. How it can be

said to be unnecessary, is very mysterious. I have thought it necessary

for five or six years. How it can be said to be unexpected, is another

wonder. I have expected it more than five-and-twenty years, and have

great reason to be thankful that it has been postponed so long.”

He attributed the opposition of the eastern states to the war to the

impolicy of the government in not cherishing the navy, and compared

them to Achilles, who, in consequence of his being deprived of Briseis,

withdrew from the Grecian confederacy. The augmentation of the navy

was the _ne plus ultra_ of his national policy, and had his views

upon this point been carried out by our government, our nation would

now have been mistress of the seas, instead of having scarcely armed

vessels enough to protect the expanding commerce of our enterprising

merchants—a fact that has become a by-word among other nations, and has

often crimsoned the cheeks of liberal minded Americans.

Soon after his retirement he was offered the gubernatorial chair of

his native state, but declined the honour on account of his advanced

age—but continued to take a deep interest in the welfare of his

country, and wrote many essays and letters in favour of liberal

principles and American rights. After the retirement of Mr. Jefferson,

a most happy and interesting correspondence was continued between these

two great apostles of liberty. In 1815, Mr. Adams had the gratifying

pleasure of seeing his son at the head of the diplomatic commission

to conclude a second treaty with Great Britain, which carried his

mind back, with all the enthusiastic force of an old man’s memory, to

the scenes of 1782–3, when he had performed and executed a similar

mission. In 1817, he was placed at the head of the list of presidential

electors, and three years after was elected president of the convention

that revised the constitution he had written forty years previous. The

compliment was duly appreciated by him, but his infirmities did not

permit him to preside over the deliberations of that body, although he

imparted his counsels and aided greatly in the revision. This was the

last public act of this great man—the curtain of the political drama

then closed upon him for ever. Two years previous the partner of his

bosom had gone to her final rest, which was an affliction most keenly

felt by him. For more than half a century she had shared with him the

pains and pleasures of their eventful career, and had always met the

events of life with christian fortitude. Surrounded by friends who

delighted to honour him, his country prosperous and happy, enjoying

the full fruition of divine grace, which had produced the fruits of

unsophisticated piety through a long life, political animosities

buried in oblivion, his now frail bark glided smoothly down the stream

of time until the fiftieth anniversary of independence dawned upon

his beloved country. On the morning of the fourth of July, 1826, an

unexpected debility seized him, and he was unable to leave his bed,

but no one imagined he was standing on the last inch of his time. He

was asked for a sentiment, to be given for him at the celebration on

that day—“INDEPENDENCE FOR EVER,” burst from his dying lips, which were

the last words that he ever uttered, with a loud and animated voice.

About four o’clock in the afternoon he expired—without an apparent

pain, a groan, a murmur or a sigh, with a full assurance of a happy

reception in that brighter world, where sin and sorrow never cross the

peaceful path of the angelic throng. On the same day, and but a few

hours previous, the immortal spirit of the illustrious Jefferson had

left its prison of clay, thrown off its mortal coil, and perhaps took

its kindred in its flight, and they together “ascended in essence to

an ecstatic meeting with the friends they had loved and lost, and whom

they should still love and never lose,” there to enjoy, through the

rolling ages of eternity, the blissful scenes of angelic purity—the

smiles and favours of their Saviour and their God.

This unparalleled combination of extraordinary circumstances produced

a deep and unusual sensation in the United States and in Europe. The

simultaneous departure of two of the noblest spirits that ever graced

the great theatre of human life, illuminating the world around them

with freedom—whose actions had resounded through the universe—whose

mighty deeds had been and will continue to be a theme of wonder and

admiration to the end of time—was an incident that seemed designed by

the great Jehovah, to impress their precepts, their examples and their

names upon the minds of men with all the force of god-like divinity.

Mr. Adams was a plain man; low in stature, not graceful in his

movements, and was sometimes abrupt and repulsive. His manners were

rather austere and unbending in public, but in the social circle, with

his relatives and friends, he was familiar, pleasing and entertaining.

He was not partial to ceremonious etiquette, and was averse to

pedantry. Plain strong common sense he practised and admired. He spoke

his sentiments freely, and could never have been transformed into a

_technical_ politican, even had he enjoyed the magic advantages of

modern schools. His open frankness was proverbial, and he often alluded

to it as one of his failings. When once in Stewart’s room of paintings,

he fixed his eyes upon the portrait of Washington, and then upon his

own, and observing the compressed mouth of the former and the open

lips of the latter, facetiously remarked as he pointed to it—“Ah! that

fellow never could keep his mouth shut.” This circumstance alone did

much to enhance his unpopularity as a party politician.

In the brilliant career of this great and good man the reader must

discover a higher and holier eulogy than language can express. For more

than fifty years he served his country ably and faithfully in a public

capacity, and continued to impart his counsels until the curtain of

death shut him from the world. In all the relations of private life he

stood upon a lofty eminence—beyond the reach of slander. The escutcheon

of his social name was too pure for the approach of the foulest of all

pestiferous atmospheres—that of party spirit. And now, as his ashes

rest in the peaceful grave, that hydra monster dare not impute to his

actions in life a spark of political dishonesty or impurity of motive,

however much he differed from other great men in his views, lest the

voice of Jefferson should proclaim to them from the tomb—AN HONESTER

MAN THAN JOHN ADAMS NEVER ISSUED FROM THE HANDS OF THE CREATOR.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

This revered name stands associated with every amiable and noble

quality to which mortal man can attain on this dim revolving ball of

human action. A sacred halo encircles it, that renders it dear to every

philanthropist and respected by the whole civilized world. I am aware

that his merits cannot be enhanced by eulogy, nor could detraction

ever tarnish the glory of his fame. I am aware that the whole magazine

of language has been exhausted in his praise. I am aware that talents

of the highest order, hearts of the warmest devotion, imaginations of

the happiest conception, united with the most refined and thrilling

eloquence, have portrayed, in bold and glowing colours, the fair fame

of WASHINGTON. To delineate fully and clearly the virtues of this great

and good man, would require an angel’s pen dipped in etherial fire, and

an angel’s hand to guide it. His life cannot be too often reviewed; his

examples cannot be too closely imitated. Like some magnificent scenes

of nature, his history is

“Ever charming, ever new,

The prospect never tires the view.”

The lustre of his virtues was of that celestial character, that,

like the luminary of day, it is seen and felt, but cannot be fully

described. His picture is one on which we may gaze with increased

delight, and discover new beauties to the last. His memory should be

rehearsed by every print in our land; every new press and fount of

type should spread, in glowing capitals, the name of the beloved, the

illustrious WASHINGTON. The aged sire should impress it on the hearts

of the rising generation; the mother should teach it to her lisping

babe; the preceptor should point his pupils to this polar star of

virtue, goodness and magnanimity; and the friends of union, liberty and

order, should read often, carefully and attentively, the biography of

the father of our country. These are deemed reasons sufficiently strong

to prompt this humble effort to delineate the interesting career of the

man who was first in peace—terrible in war—the friend of humanity—the

HERO OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE—and the founder of our country’s glory.

To me, the subject possesses a peculiar zest, fraught with pleasure and

delight.

GEORGE WASHINGTON was born in the county of Fairfax, Virginia, on the

22nd of February, 1732. He lost his father at an early age, and to the

wisdom of his mother he declared himself indebted for the correct

formation of his youthful mind. Matrons of America, if the mother of

Washington moulded _his_ mind with such beauty and greatness, how

much may _you_ do to perpetuate, through your sons, the prosperity

and happiness of your favoured country! Train their youthful minds

in wisdom’s ways; guide them in the paths of virtue and patriotism;

teach them to love their country and its liberty; and to prize, dearer

than life, the sacred boon of freedom that was nobly won and sacredly

transmitted by the sages and patriots of ’76.

Washington, during his childhood and youth, exhibited a strong and

enquiring mind. His habits were those of industry, perseverance and

stability. He was assiduous in his studies and enriched his memory

with solid and useful knowledge. He possessed a large share of merit

and modesty, which gained for him the love and esteem of all who had

the pleasure of his acquaintance. He was frank, open, generous, humane

and honest. Nothing could induce him to utter a falsehood, practice

deceit, or disobey his fond mother. He soared above the vain and

trifling amusements that so often divert youth from wisdom’s ways. He

was designed to be a star of the first magnitude on the great theatre

of action; he studied well his part before he entered upon the stage,

and when the curtain rose, he was prepared for his audience, acquitted

himself nobly, and retired amidst the plaudits and cheers of astonished

and admiring millions.

His talents and merit attracted the attention of Governor Dinwiddie,

who then presided over Virginia, the frontiers of which were greatly

annoyed by the French and Indians. It was deemed necessary to send

a messenger to them, demanding the reasons for their unprovoked

hostility, and, if possible, to induce them to evacuate their forts,

smoke the pipe of peace and disperse. Young Washington, then only

twenty-one years of age, was selected to perform this important

mission, which was fraught with dangers on every side. His path lay

through a dense wilderness for four hundred miles, inhabited by roving

Indians seeking for prey. He undertook the hazardous enterprise and

arrived at his place of destination in safety. Whilst the French

commandant was writing an answer to Governor Dinwiddie, Washington,

unobserved, took the dimensions of the fort and returned unmolested.

It was soon found necessary to raise a regiment of troops to arrest

the bloody career of the savages on the frontiers. Washington was

placed in command over them with the commission of colonel, and marched

towards the Great Meadows in April, 1754. On his way he surprised and

captured a body of the enemy. On his arrival at the Great Meadows

he erected a small stockade fort, very appropriately naming it Fort

Necessity. Here he was reinforced, swelling his little army to four

hundred men. He then made preparations to attack Fort Du Quesne (now

Pittsburgh,) but soon learned that the enemy was advancing upon him

to the number of 1500 men, commanded by M. de Villiers. The attack

was soon commenced with great fury, and continued for several hours,

when the French commander offered terms of capitulation and was glad

to permit the young champion to march away unmolested. This brilliant

and bold adventure placed the talents of Washington high on the scale

of eminence, as a bold, skilful and prudent officer. It occurred on

the 4th of July, a happy prelude to the glorious 4th of ’76, the grand

birthday of American Independence.

The following year another expedition was sent against Fort Du Quesne

of about two thousand troops, under the command of the unfortunate

General Braddock, who had more courage than prudence, more self-conceit

than wisdom. He spurned the advice of the “beardless boy,” and rushed

into a snare, where he and nearly half of his army met the cold embrace

of death. The deliberate courage and superior skill of Washington, by

a judicious retreat, saved the remainder from the bloody tomahawk and

scalping-knife. He arrived with them safe at Fort Cumberland. By his

rashness, Braddock led his men into an ambuscade of about five hundred

French and Indians, who were secreted in three deep ravines forming a

triangle, secure from danger unless charged, where he remained with

them until he had five horses shot under him, nearly half of his men

cut down, himself mortally wounded, and not an enemy to be seen. One

hundred men headed by Washington, with fixed bayonets, would have

dispersed them in ten minutes.

Washington, unwilling to witness again such waste of human life,

resigned his military command and retired to private life. But his

sterling talents were not suffered to remain long inactive. He was

elected to the legislature from Frederick, and subsequently from

Fairfax, and was highly respected as a wise, discerning legislator,

exhibiting a mind imbued with philanthropy and liberal principles,

guided by a clear judgment and a sound discretion, adorned by a

retiring modesty, too rare in men of talent.

From this field of action, Washington entered one of greater magnitude

and importance, big with events, involving consequences of the deepest

interest to himself, to his country, and to the world. After serving

the mother country in the French war with blood and treasure, after

submitting to taxation, oppression, and insult for years, the colonists

resolved to burst the chains of slavery, throw off the shackles of

tyranny, and assume their native dignity. Every source of redress

had been exhausted; every avenue of conciliation had been explored;

more than reason could demand had been offered; all that was clearly

_right_, and much that was clearly _wrong_, the pilgrims had submitted

to, and still their ungracious, their unfeeling, their blinded mother,

cried give—give—give. They had not dreamed of independence; they had

only demanded sheer justice; this being denied, they resorted to the

last, the only alternative. Instead of submitting to taxation, without

representation—instead of yielding obedience to the pernicious stamp

act, they stamped their names with unfading glory, their country with

lasting fame. In the autumn of 1774, the first great Congress of the

American nation assembled at Philadelphia, of which Washington was a

member. The solemnities of that thrilling scene have been repeatedly

alluded to as of the most imposing character. No one felt them more

deeply than the father of our country. When the proceedings were opened

by prayer, Washington alone was upon his knees. His mind, on all

occasions, seems to have reached to heaven, his soul seemed to dwell

in the bosom of his God. Devoted, unsophisticated and humble piety

marked his whole life—a piety sincere in its motives and consistent in

all its exhibitions. But Washington was not to remain in the hall of

the Continental Congress. A mighty work was in store for him. On the

memorable 19th of April, 1775, on the heights of Lexington, American

blood was spilt by order of Major Pitcairn. Justice looked at the

purple current as it flowed, and sighed; mercy carried the sad news to

the etherial skies; the eagle of liberty caught the mournful sound,

descended in a stream of liquid fire, planted the torch of freedom in

the serum of the bleeding patriots and bid eternal defiance to the

British lion.

The effect was electrical. The alarm spread with the rapidity of

lightning. It was sounded from church-bells and signal-guns; echo

carried it from hills to dales, from sire to son. Vengeance was roused

from its lair; the hardy yeomanry left their ploughs in the furrow; the

merchant forsook his counting-house; the professional man his office;

the minister his pulpit; and with powder-horn and slug, shouldered

their rusty muskets, hastened to the scene of action determined to

avenge their injured rights, defend their bleeding country, or perish

in the attempt. The implements of husbandry were exchanged for those

of war; the mechanic shop, the bar, the desk and the forum, were

exchanged for the dangers and fatigues of the army. A band of veterans

arose, with “hearts of oak and nerves of steel,” headed by that bright

luminary the illustrious WASHINGTON, who stood forth the champions

of LIBERTY, the advocates of FREEDOM; resolved upon emancipation or

death; pledging their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honours

in defence of their common country; looking to Heaven for strength,

guidance and support. Illustrious heroes! disinterested patriots! yours

exceeded all Greek, all Roman fame.

In June following, Washington was appointed by the unanimous voice of

the Continental Congress commander-in-chief of the American armies.

This appointment he accepted with diffidence and reluctance, feeling

that it involved responsibilities, consequences and results too mighty

for him to assume, too vast for him to encounter.

He did not view it as the field of glory, of conquest, of ambition, or

of fame. He did not thirst for human blood or exult in the profession

of arms. Love of country, of liberty, of human rights, of liberal

principles, and the oppressive chains of tyranny, prompted him to

action.

Before his arrival at Cambridge, to enter upon the important duties of

his command, the fortress of Crown Point and Ticonderoga had fallen

into the hands of the colonists.

The sanguinary battle of Bunker Hill had been fought, which convinced

the British that men contending for their just rights, their dearest

interests, their bosoms fired with indignation and patriotism, could

not be made to yield to the glittering arms of a haughty monarch

without a bold and daring effort to maintain that liberty which they

had received at their birth from the hands of their Creator.

War now assumed a serious aspect, the bloody toils of the revolution

commenced. England poured in her legions by thousands, and, to cap

the climax of the terrific scene, called to her aid the blood-thirsty

Indian with his tomahawk and scalping-knife. The welkin rang with the

savage war-whoop and the expiring groans of mothers and babes. The

contest seemed to be that of an infant with a giant, a lamb with a

lion. The dark clouds blackened as they rose, charged with the fury of

demons and the lightning of revenge.

Washington viewed their fiery aspect with calm serenity, heard their

portentous roar without a tremor. With a soul reaching to heaven, he

met the awful crisis with firmness and wisdom before unknown; his

gigantic mind soared above the highest pinnacle difficulty could

rear; his course was onward towards the goal of LIBERTY; beneath his

conquering arm monarchy trembled, tottered and fell.

His whole energy was now directed to the organization of the army and

a preparation for future action. An important expedition was planned

against Canada, which was attended with great hardship, boldness and

perseverance. It was entrusted to Generals Montgomery and Schuyler,

who were subsequently followed by Arnold. It was crowned with success,

until an unfortunate attack was made upon Quebec, where the brave

Montgomery fell with many other valuable officers and soldiers. The

ensuing spring the American army evacuated Canada. The royal governors

in some of the colonies, by the aid of the king’s troops, still

maintained the authority of the crown, but they were soon compelled

to flee on board of the British ships of war, where they issued their

proclamations with about as much effect as the puffing of a porpoise.

Early in March, 1776, Washington appeared before Boston, where lord

Howe had concentrated his army, and took a position that induced the

English general to evacuate the town on the 17th of the same month. In

July, the fort on Sullivan’s Island was attacked by General Clinton

and Sir Peter Parker, and after an action of ten hours, Sir Peter

was compelled to retire with his silk breeches disfigured by the

rudeness of a cannon ball, his ships badly torn to pieces by the rebel

artillery, and two hundred of his men killed and wounded. The fort

was defended by Colonel Moultrie with about five hundred men, with

twenty-six nine and eighteen pounders. Sir Peter had two fifty gun

ships, four frigates and several small vessels, with three thousand

veteran troops. There was so much elasticity in the southern climate

on this occasion, that the royalists did not venture there again for

nearly two years.

On the 7th of June, Richard Henry Lee, a member from Virginia, made a

motion in Congress to break off all allegiance with the mother country,

and assume the rightful dignity of a free and independent nation. This

resulted in the appointment of Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Benjamin

Franklin, Roger Sherman and Philip Livingston, a committee to draft a

declaration of independence; and, on the 4th of July, they arose in

all the majesty of greatness, and in view of an admiring heaven and an

astonished world, published that master-piece of composition which gave

us national birth, absolved us from kingly power, planted the tree of

liberty deep in our soil, and showed to anxious and gazing millions,

that a nation could be born in a day and live. Language can never

express, and none but those who witnessed the thrilling scene can fully

conceive with what enthusiastic joy this declaration was received by

the people. The bells sounded a requiem and funeral knell for monarchy;

illuminations and roaring artillery quickly conveyed the glad news from

the central arch of the union to its remotest bounds; the blazing torch

of liberty rose, like a pillar of fire, to guide the patriots in their

onward march; on the wings of thanksgiving and praise the happy tidings

ascended to the throne of heaven, received the sanction of Jehovah’s

high authority, and were recorded by the hand of justice, with an

angel’s pen, in the book of everlasting fame. Kindred hearts mingled in

joy and gratitude, and every FREEMAN shouted a hearty response—a loud

AMEN.

On the 2nd of July, Admiral and General Howe landed near the narrows,

nine miles below the city of New York, with twenty-four thousand men.

They sent an insulting communication to Washington, which he very

properly refused to receive. That part of the American army stationed

at Brooklyn, under the command of General Sullivan, was attacked and

defeated with great loss, on the 27th of August; and Generals Sullivan,

Sterling and Woodhull were taken prisoners. Two days after, Washington

planned and effected a retreat, and landed the troops from Long

Island safely in New York, before the movement was discovered by the

enemy. Chagrined and mortified at the loss of their prey, the British

prepared to attack the city, which induced the Americans to evacuate

it and retire to White Plains. Here they were attacked on the 28th of

September; the British were repulsed, a considerable loss was sustained

on both sides, neither party gaining a decided advantage. The disasters

of the patriots multiplied rapidly; fort Washington and fort Lee fell

into the hands of the English, and the American army was flying before

a barbarous and conquering foe.

Washington crossed the Hudson, and retreated through New Jersey into

Pennsylvania, with Lord Cornwallis pressing on his rear. His army was

now reduced to three thousand men, who were destitute of almost every

comfort of life; they could be tracked by blood from their naked feet

on the frozen ground; disaster had chilled the zeal of many leading

men who at first espoused the cause of liberty; a cloud of fiery

indignation hung over the bleeding colonies, ready to devour them. But

in the archives of heaven their FREEDOM was recorded; guardian angels

directed their destiny; the bold career of the lion was arrested; this

Spartan band was crowned with victory, and the red coats, in their

turn, beat a retreat.

On the night of the 25th of December, Washington recrossed the Delaware

amidst the floating ice, surprised and took one thousand of the enemy

prisoners at Trenton, pushed on to Princeton, killed sixty more, took

three hundred prisoners, and spread consternation in the ranks of the

British army. These successes removed much of the gloom and despondency

that hung over the cause. Washington retired to Morristown for the

winter; the English occupied Brunswick. In the spring of 1777, the army

of Washington amounted to about seven thousand men. No action occurred

between the main armies until in August, when the British landed in

Maryland with the intention of capturing Philadelphia.

On the 11th of September the two armies met at Brandywine; a desperate

battle ensued, and partial victory attended the English army. On the

approach of the enemy Philadelphia was abandoned and Congress retired

to Lancaster. Another severe battle was fought at Germantown on the 4th

of October, which proved disastrous to Washington, owing to a thick

fog, by which his troops became separated and thrown into confusion.

These keen misfortunes were much alleviated by the capture of the

whole British army in the north under Burgoyne, by General Gates, on

the 17th of October. The surrender of Burgoyne had a happy effect at

home and abroad. France, on the reception of this news, recognised the

independence of the United States, entered into a treaty of alliance,

and furnished important aid in advancing the glorious cause, and sent

many of her bravest sons to the rescue.

The treaty of alliance between the United States and France, and

the loss of their northern army, induced the English to evacuate

Philadelphia in the spring of 1778, and retreat to New York. From there

they made frequent descents upon various places, burning and destroying

property, murdering the inhabitants, and spreading desolation wherever

they went.

An expedition was sent to Georgia which proved successful, and the

south now became the principal theatre of action. Many feats of bravery

were performed, but no decisive battle occurred between the main

armies. The same mode of warfare characterized the campaign of 1779,

the British seeming to aim more at predatory excursions than pitched

battles, which they performed with a savage barbarity, disgraceful to

themselves and heart-rending to humanity.

The exertions of Washington were almost paralyzed for the want of men

and money; the French Admiral, D’Estaing, was unfortunate in all his

movements, and the British lion was prowling through the land in all

the majesty of cruelty. The anchor of hope could scarcely keep the

shattered bark of liberty to its moorings; the cable of exertion lost

thread after thread, until a small band of sages and heroes, who formed

the nucleus, were left to contend with the fury of the storm that

rolled its fiery and foaming surges over them.

The campaign of 1780 opened favourably to the royal arms, but more

exertion was used on the part of the Americans. General Sumpter gave

the British much trouble in the south, and a considerable force from

the north was on its march to avenge the blood of slaughtered victims.

The cruelties of the enemy had re-illumined the cause of freedom, and

the people once more rallied around her sacred banner, determined on

death or victory.

The southern army was now put under the command of General Gates,

the hero of Saratoga—fresh aid arrived from France and the conflict

was renewed with fury and desperation. On the 18th of August the two

armies met near Camden, S. C.,—a decided advantage was gained by Lord

Cornwallis. But defeat and misfortune no longer disheartened the

friends of liberty. In the midst of adversity they rose like a phœnix

from ashes, and hurled, with the fury of Mars, the thunderbolts of

vengeance amongst their enemies.

The battle of the Cowpens, on the 17th of January, 1781, shed new

lustre on the American arms. General Morgan there met the high-toned

Colonel Tarleton, killed rising of one hundred men, wounded two

hundred, took five hundred prisoners, two pieces of cannon, twelve

standards, eight hundred muskets, thirty-five baggage wagons, one

hundred dragoon horses, with a loss of only twelve killed and sixty

wounded. His force amounted to only five hundred militia and a few

regulars—that of Tarleton to over one thousand regulars, the flower of

the British army.

Morgan now effected a junction with General Green, who had succeeded

General Gates, and on the 8th of March they met the forces of Lord

Cornwallis at Guilford court-house, where an obstinate battle was

fought and the Americans compelled to leave the field. On the 9th of

April General Green again put his troops in motion—on the 25th the two

armies once more measured arms,—Green was compelled to retreat—not

before a pursuing foe, but towards the British garrison Ninety-Six,

which he reached and besieged on the 22nd of May, and gave it a

hearty salute; but on the approach of Lord Rawdon with a large force,

he modestly retired to the Santee hills to spend the hot and sickly

season. In the meantime the English army encamped at Eutaw Springs,

where Green renewed the attack on the 8th of September, and after

a hard fought action, in which neither gained a decided victory,

the enemy retired to Charleston, with a loss in killed, wounded and

prisoners, of eleven hundred men. The Americans lost five hundred and

fifty-five.

Although General Green had not gained any decided victory, he had

gained many advantages and greatly weakened the enemy. Generals Lee

and Wayne had been more successful, and the British were annoyed and

harassed in every quarter—volunteers flocked around their beloved

Washington, and the tide of war turned in his favour.

The patriotic Lafayette was now in the field. Morgan, Wayne, Greene

and Lee were at their posts. Count de Grasse was co-operating with his

fleet; and, in their turn, the English lords, admirals and generals,

found themselves surrounded with impending danger. An awful crisis

awaited them—retribution stared them in the face—their deeds of blood

haunted their guilty souls, and consternation seized their troubled

minds. Lord Cornwallis hastened to concentrate his forces at Yorktown,

which he fortified in the best possible manner.

On the 6th of October the combined forces of Washington and Rochambeau

commenced a siege upon this place, which surrendered on the 19th of

the same month. The grand Rubicon was now passed, the colonies were

free—the work was finished. This was the dying struggle of British

monarchy in America. The last expiring hope of conquering the colonies

now fled for ever. Heaven had decreed they should be free—that decree

was now consummated. The eagle of liberty, like Jordan’s dove,

descended—pronounced a benediction upon the conquering heroes—snatched

the laurels from Britain’s brow and placed them triumphantly upon the

CHAMPIONS OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE. To the friends of FREEDOM the scene

was grand and joyful—to the enemies of LIBERTY, it was painful and

humiliating.

The result of this victory was hailed with joy, and placed Washington

on the lofty summit of immortal fame—gave freedom to his bleeding

country—sealed the foundations of our republic, now towering to the

skies—prepared an asylum for the oppressed, and planted deep in

Columbia’s soil the long nursed tree of LIBERTY.

On the 30th of September, 1783, a definitive treaty was signed at Paris

by Mr. Fitzherbert and Mr. Oswald, on the part of Great Britain, and by

John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay and Henry Laurens, on the part

of the United States.

On the second of November, Washington issued his farewell orders to

his army, in terms of affectionate eloquence and parental solicitude.

On the 3d, the troops were disbanded by Congress, and, with mingling

tears of joy and gratitude, they once more repaired to their homes to

meet the warm embrace of friends, and reap the fruit of their toils

and fatigues—no longer embittered by the iron scourge of despotism.

On the 23d of December, Washington appeared in the hall of Congress

and resigned his commission. This last act was one of grandeur and

thrilling interest. The past, the present and the future, were all

in the mind of this great and good man, as he invoked the blessings

of Heaven to descend and guide the destinies of his beloved, his

emancipated country. Every heart beat quicker and higher—his commission

was laid upon the table—a burst of applause rent the air, a flood of

tears closed the scene.

The people of the United States, no longer under the paternal

care of their old mother, were now left to try the experiment

of self-government. Difficulties arose from local jealousies

and interests—a debt of forty millions of dollars had been

contracted—government paper became greatly depreciated—the public

credit could not be sustained, and the liberty that the patriots had

fought and bled to obtain, seemed doomed to a premature dissolution and

to be lost in the whirlpool of anarchy and confusion. In view of these

accumulating difficulties, commissioners from every state, except Rhode

Island, convened at Philadelphia, for the purpose of devising means to

preserve and perfect that freedom which had cost millions of treasure

and fountains of noble blood. Washington was unanimously elected

president of this august body. After long deliberation, the labours of

the delegates resulted in the production of the federal constitution,

one of the brightest specimens of legislation on record. It is the

polar star of freedom, the great palladium of our liberty, the golden

chain that connects our union, the grand rallying point of republicans,

a shield against innovation and corruption, a terror to tyrants, a

shining light to patriots, and stamps with immortal and lasting fame

the names of its illustrious authors.

This was reported to Congress on the 17th of September, received their

warm approbation, and was immediately sent to the several states for

their consideration, all of which gave it their sanction, except

North Carolina and Rhode Island—the former of which acceded to it in

1789, the latter in 1790. A degree of confidence was then restored,

and from that time down to the present our nation has rolled on in

the full tide of successful experiment, and enjoyed an increasing and

towering prosperity without a parallel in the annals of history. The

star-spangled banner waves on every sea, and is respected by every

nation in the civilized world: our improvements at home have marched

in advance of the boldest views of the most visionary projector, the

fondest anticipations of their most ardent friends.

By the unanimous voice of a free and grateful people, Washington was

elected the first president of the new republic, and, with the same

modest diffidence that had marked his whole career, he took the oath

of office on the 30th of April, 1789, in the city of New York, in the

presence of the first Congress under the new constitution, and in the

presence of a crowded assembly, who deeply felt and strongly expressed

their love and gratitude to him. He then entered upon the important

duties that devolved upon him.

A revenue was to be raised, the judiciary system to be organized, its

officers to be appointed, a cabinet to be formed and every department

of government to be established on a basis at once firm, impartial,

just and humane. In performing these various and arduous duties he

exhibited great wisdom, a sound discretion, a clear head and good

heart. In the cabinet, as in the field, prudence and deliberation

guided his every action. He was found equal to every emergency and

duty that his country demanded at his hands—he acted up to, but never

exceeded the bounds of delegated authority—an angel could do no

more—Washington did no less. During his administration of eight years

he put forth the noblest energies of his lucid mind to advance the

prosperity of his country—meliorate the condition of those who were

suffering from the effects of a protracted war—improve the state of

society, arts, science, agriculture and commerce—disseminate general

intelligence—allay local difficulties—and render the infant republic as

happy and glorious as it was free and independent.

His exertions were crowned with success; his fondest anticipations were

realized; he finished the work his country had called him to perform;

the government stood on a basis firm as the rock of ages, and, on the

4th of March, 1797, he resigned his power to the sovereign people,

retired from public life, honoured and loved by his fellow-citizens,

respected and admired by a gazing world, and crowned with an unsullied

fame that will endure unimpaired the revolutions of time.

He then retired to Mount Vernon to enjoy once more the felicity of

domestic retirement and the sweets of his own fireside. He had served

his country long and ably; he could look back upon a life well and

nobly spent in the cause of human rights, liberal principles and

universal philanthropy.

For his arduous services during the revolution Washington took no

compensation, and virtually paid about three-fourths of his own

expenses. He only charged his actual disbursements, for each item of

which he produced a written voucher. He made a book entry of every

business transaction with as much system as if he had enjoyed the quiet

of a counting-room. A fac simile of his journal is now before me, which

has been politely furnished by Timothy Caldwell, Esq. of the city of

Philadelphia, one of the few survivors of “the times that tried men’s

souls.”

The first entry is dated the 22nd of June, 1775, and marked No. 1.

£239. It commences with the outfit of the commander-in-chief and his

staff at Philadelphia, and the expenses of the journey to Cambridge,

immediately after his appointment by Congress, amounting to £466 2_s._

10_d._ lawful money. But £3 of this amount was drawn from government at

that time. The balance was furnished from his own pocket and credit,

having received from Thomas Mifflin, Esq., £129 8_s._ 2_d._ The account

current which is before me runs through a period of eight years, at

the end of which time a balance was due to him of £1972 9_s._ 4_d._

His expenses for the eight years amounted to £16311 17_s._ 1_d._ He

received $104,364 paper money, after March 1780, and passed it to the

credit of the United States at forty for one, agreeably to the scale of

depreciation, for which he did not obtain one for a hundred, by reason

of which a large proportion of his expenses were actually paid with his

own private money, for which he refused any remuneration. His expenses

during his presidential terms exceeded his salary over five thousand

dollars a year, which he paid from his private funds.

Had I time and power to trace the fair lines of Washington’s private

worth and routine of life, I would present the picture of a man graced

with native dignity, reducing all things around him to as perfect

a system of order, economy, harmony and peace, as was ever devised

by man. It should be chastened with sterling merit and magnanimity,

and mellowed with benevolence and charity. It should be enlivened by

the richest colours of virtue and consistency, and finished with the

finest touches of a master’s hand. I would crown it with an amaranthine

bouquet, richer and sweeter than the epic or civic wreath that decked

his brow in the public view of an admiring world. He was a pattern of

all that was great and good—the widow’s solace, the orphan’s father,

the bountiful benefactor, the faithful friend, the kind husband, the

true patriot, the humble christian, the worthy citizen and the honest

man.

With the exception of his appointment to preside over the American army

in 1798, when France threatened an invasion, Washington was relieved

from any further participation in public affairs. He continued to live

at Vernon’s sacred mount until the 14th of December, 1799, when his

immortal spirit left its tenement of clay, soared aloft on angel’s

wings to realms of ceaseless bliss, there to receive a crown of

unfading glory, as the reward of a spotless life spent in the service

of his country and his God.

His body was deposited in the family tomb, where its ashes slumber in

peace, amidst the groves of his loved retreat.[I] This hallowed spot

is visited yearly by large numbers, who approach it with veneration,

gratitude and awe. Foreigners are proud to say they have visited the

tomb of Washington—all nations revere his memory, unborn millions will

perpetuate his praise.

[I] Since writing this sketch I have been informed, that when

the remains of Washington were placed in the sarcophagus

prepared for their reception, in the autumn of 1837, his

face retained its fleshy appearance and was but slightly

changed—a fact as remarkable as the history of his life.

_His_ history, like that of our nation, is without a parallel.

Unblemished virtue marked his whole career, philanthropy his whole

course, justice and integrity his every action. A calm resignation, to

the will of God, under the most trying circumstances and under every

dispensation, added a brilliant lustre to all his amiable qualities.

His course was not tarnished with bold strides of misguided ambition,

or base attempts at self-aggrandizement. He was consistent to the last.

His character, like a blazing luminary, outdazzles the surrounding

stars, and illuminates, with meridian splendour, the horizon of

biography. His brilliant achievements were not stained with that

unnecessary effusion of human blood which characterized the ambitious

Cæsar, the conquering Alexander and the disappointed Bonaparte. His

fame is beyond the reach of slander or the attacks of malice. He has

left an example of human conduct worthy the contemplation and imitation

of all who move in the private walks of life or figure on the stage

of public action. His sacred memory will live through the rolling

ages of time, until the wreck of worlds and the dissolution of nature

shall close the drama of human action, Gabriel’s dread clarion rend

the vaulted tomb, awake the sleeping dead, and proclaim to astonished

millions—TIME SHALL BE NO LONGER.

PATRICK HENRY.

This distinguished name stands conspicuous upon the pages of the

history of our country, and shines with peculiar brilliancy amidst the

constellations of the revolution. Time and the critic’s pen have not

detracted from the lustre of its fame—the patriot delights to dwell

upon the bright and bold career of PATRICK HENRY.

He was a native of Studley, Hanover county, Virginia, born on the

29th of May, 1736. His father was a highly respectable man, of Scotch

descent; his mother was the sister of Judge Winston, who was justly

celebrated as an eloquent and forcible orator.

During his childhood and youth Patrick Henry was remarkable for

indolence and a love of recreation—consequently, he arrived at manhood

with a limited education and unaccustomed to industry. His native

talents were not developed, his mind was not cultivated, nor his genius

expanded, until after he was a husband and a father. His friends

endeavoured in vain to direct his course to a close application to

business by setting him up in the mercantile line. In this he soon

failed, preferring his fishing rod and gun to the business of his

store. After finding himself a bankrupt, he concluded that the toils

of life and the troubles of his pilgrimage were too much to bear

alone, and accordingly married a wife, the daughter of a respectable

planter, and became a tiller of the ground. Unacquainted with this

new vocation, he soon found himself in the quagmire of adversity, and

again tacked about and entered into the mercantile business. Still

he was unfortunate, and poverty claimed him as one of her favourite

children. An increasing family needed increased means of support,

creditors became clamorous, duns showered in upon him, and in a short

time Patrick Henry was reduced to misery and want. At last he was

driven to his books, and resolved on the study of law. He now felt

most keenly the misspent time of his childhood and youth, and saw many

of his age who had already ascended high on the ladder of fame, whose

native powers of mind he knew to be inferior to his. He accordingly

commenced the study he had chosen, and in six weeks after, at the age

of twenty-four, he was admitted to the bar, more as a compliment to

his respectable connexions and his destitute situation, than from the

knowledge he had obtained of this lucid but laborious science during

the brief period he had been engaged in its investigation.—The ensuing

three years, folded in the coil of extreme want, he made but slow

advances in his profession, and obtained the necessaries of life by

assisting his father-in-law at a _tavern_ bar, instead of shining at

the bar of the court. He was still ardently attached to his gun, and

often carried his knapsack of provisions and remained several days

and nights in the woods. On his return, he would enter the court in

his coarse and blood-stained hunting dress, when he would take up his

causes, carry them through with astonishing adroitness and skill, and

finally succeeded in gaining a popular reputation as an advocate.

In 1764, he was employed as counsel in a case of contested election

to be tried at the seat of the government of his native state, which

introduced him among the fashionable and gay, whose exterior appearance

and manners formed a great contrast with his. He made no preparation

for meeting his learned and polished adversaries, and as he moved

awkwardly around among them, was looked upon by some who were gazing

at his coarse habiliments and his eccentric actions, as _non compos

mentis_. When the case came up for trial, the astonished audience and

the court were completely electrified by his bursts of native eloquence

and the cogency of his logic. Judges Tyler and Winston who tried the

case, declared they had never before witnessed so happy and triumphant

an effort, in point of sublime rhetoric and conclusive argument, by

any man. From that time forward the fame of Patrick Henry spread its

expansive wings, and he was enabled to banish want and misery from his

door by a lucrative and increasing practice. From his childhood he had

been a close observer of human nature; the only remarkable trait in

favour of his juvenile character. He had always cultivated and improved

this advantageous propensity, which was of great use to him in after

life. So well versed had he become with the nature, propensities, and

operations of the human mind, that he seemed to comprehend and divine,

at a single glance, all its intricacies, impulses and variations. This

gave him a great advantage over many of his professional brethren,

who had studied Latin and Greek _more_, but human nature _less_, than

this self-made man. He took a deep and comprehensive view of the

causes that impel men to action, and of the results produced by the

multifarious influences that control and direct them. He investigated

the designs of creation, the duty of man to his fellow and his God,

the laws of nature, reason and revelation, and became a bold advocate

for liberty of conscience, equal rights and universal freedom. Nor did

he bury these principles of philanthropy in his own bosom. In the

expansive view he had taken of the rights of man, of the different

modes of government, of the oppression of kings, of the policy pursued

by the mother country towards the American colonies, he came to the

conclusion, that any nation to be great and happy, must be free and

independent.

He had viewed, with a statesman’s eye, the growing oppressions of the

crown; they had reached his very soul, and roused that soul to action.

In Virginia, Patrick Henry first charged the revolutionary ball with

patriotic fire, and gave it an impetus that increased and gathered new

force as it rolled along. Had not the mighty theme of freedom engaged

the mind of this bold and elevated patriot, he might have closed his

career with its gigantic powers half unspent, and left his noblest

qualities of soul to expire in embryo. Nature had so moulded him, that

the ordinary concerns of life never roused him to vigorous action. It

required occasions of deep and thrilling interest to awaken and put in

motion his stronger energies. The exciting cause of the revolution was

exactly calculated to bring him out in all the majesty of his native

greatness.

In 1765, he was chosen a member of the Virginia Assembly, and at

once took a bold and decisive stand against British oppression. He

introduced resolutions against the stamp act that were so bold and

independent as to alarm the older members, who, although they approved

and applauded the principles and liberal views of this young champion

of liberty, wanted his moral courage to design and execute. To impart

this to them, and stamp the impress of his own upon their trembling

hearts, was now the great business of Patrick Henry. In this he

succeeded, and his resolutions were passed. Each resolution was drawn

from the translucent fountain of eternal justice, equity and law, and

was based upon the principles of Magna Charta, which had been the polar

star of England for centuries. The following is a correct copy:

“Resolved, That the first adventurers and settlers of this his

majesty’s colony and dominion, brought with them, and transmitted to

their posterity, and all other his majesty’s subjects, since inhabiting

in this, his majesty’s said colony, all the privileges, franchises and

immunities, that have, at any time, been held, enjoyed and possessed by

the people of Great Britain.

“Resolved, That by two royal charters granted by King James I., the

colonists aforesaid are declared entitled to all the privileges,

liberties and immunities of denizens and natural born subjects, to all

intents and purposes, as if they had been abiding and born within the

realm of England.

“Resolved, That the taxation of the people by themselves, or by persons

chosen by themselves to represent them, who can only know what taxes

the people are able to bear, and the easiest mode of raising them, and

are equally affected by such taxes themselves, is the distinguishing

characteristic of British freedom, and without which the ancient

constitution cannot subsist.

“Resolved, That his majesty’s liege people of this most ancient

colony, have uninterruptedly enjoyed the right of being thus governed

by their own Assembly, in the article of their taxes and internal

police, and that the same hath never been forfeited, or in any other

way given up, but hath been constantly recognised by the King and

people of Great Britain.

“Resolved therefore, that the general assembly of this colony has the

sole right and power to lay taxes and impositions upon the inhabitants

of this colony: and that every attempt to vest such power in any person

or persons whosoever, other than the general assembly aforesaid, has a

manifest tendency to destroy British as well as American freedom!”

The justice of these resolutions, based as they were upon the well

known principles of the English constitution, confined within the

limits of the ancient landmarks of that sacred instrument, could not be

denied by the cringing sycophants of a corrupt and corrupting ministry,

and were hailed by every patriot as the firm pillars of the temple of

American liberty. They were enforced by the overwhelming eloquence and

logic of the mover, and seconded by Mr. Johnston, who sustained them

by arguments and conclusions that imparted new strength and courage to

many a bosom that was, a few moments before, poising on the agonizing

pivot of hesitation. They were strongly opposed by several members,

who subsequently espoused the cause of equal rights, and affixed their

names to the great charter of our independence. This opposition brought

forth, for the first time, the gigantic powers of Patrick Henry. In

all the sublimity of his towering genius, he stood among the great,

the acknowledged champion of that legislative hall which he had but

recently entered. Astonishment and admiration held his electrified

audience in deep suspense as he painted, in bold and glowing colours,

the increasing infringements of the hirelings of the crown upon the

chartered rights and privileges of the colonists, who had waded through

torrents of blood and seas of trouble and toil, to plant themselves

in the new world. He pointed to the chains forged by the hands of

tyranny, already clanking, with terrific sound, upon every ear. To be

free or slaves, was the great, the momentous question. He, for one,

was prepared and determined to unfurl the banner of freedom, drive

from his native soil the task masters of oppression, or perish in the

glorious attempt. His opponents were completely astounded, and found it

impossible to stem the strong current of popular feeling put in motion

by the proceedings of that eventful crisis. Seconded and supported by

the cool and deep calculating Johnston, the resolutions passed amidst

the cry of “_treason_,” from the tories, and “_liberty or death_,” from

the patriots.

The seeds of freedom were deeply planted on that glorious day, and old

Virginia proved a congenial soil for the promotion of their future

growth. From that time forward, Patrick Henry was hailed as the

great advocate of human rights and rational liberty. He stood on the

loftiest pinnacle fame could rear, unmoved and unscathed by the fire of

persecution, calmly surveying the raging elements of the revolutionary

storm, already in commotion around him.

In August, 1774, the Virginia convention met at Williamsburg, and

passed a series of resolutions, pledging themselves to sustain

their eastern brethren in the common cause of their common country.

As delegates to the first colonial Congress they appointed Peyton

Randolph, Richard Henry Lee, George Washington, Richard Bland, Patrick

Henry, Benjamin Harrison and Edmund Pendleton.

On the 4th of September following, this august assembly of patriotic

sages and heroes met in Carpenters’ Hall, at the city of Philadelphia.

The object for which they had convened was one of imposing and

thrilling interest, big with events, absorbing in character and full

of importance. The eyes of gazing millions were turned upon them, the

kindling wrath of the crown was flashing before them, the anathemas of

tyranny were pronounced against them. But they still resolved to go on.

Liberty or death had become the watchword—the hallowed fire of freedom

had warmed their bosoms and impelled them to action. After an address

to the throne of grace, they commenced their proceedings by appointing

Peyton Randolph, of Virginia, president of their body. A deep and

solemn silence ensued, as if each member was appealing to Heaven for

aid and direction. At length Patrick Henry rose, as echo lingered to

catch a sound. With the eloquence of a Demosthenes, the philosophy of

a Socrates, the justice of an Aristides, and the wisdom of a Solon, he

took a broad, impartial and expansive view of the past, the present and

the future; exhibited, in their true light, the relations between the

mother country and her distant colonies; unveiled the designs of the

base and unprincipled ministry that claimed the high and unwarranted

prerogative of wielding an iron sceptre over America, and of reducing

her sons to unconditional submission, and painted, in the most vivid

and lively colours, a nation’s rights and a nation’s wrongs. The

dignity and calmness of his manner, the clearness of his logic, the

force of his eloquence and the solemnity of his voice and countenance

combined to inspire an admiration and awe until then unknown to the

astonished audience. On that occasion his powers of thought seemed

supernatural; he seemed commissioned by Heaven to rouse his countrymen

to a sense of approaching danger. He sat down amidst repeated bursts

of applause, the acknowledged Demosthenes of the new world, the most

powerful orator of his day and generation.

The succeeding year he was a member of the convention of Virginia that

convened at Richmond, where he proposed immediate measures of defence,

sufficient to repel any invasion from the mother country. In this he

was strenuously opposed by several of the most influential members, who

still felt a disposition to cringe to royal power.

That power, based as it was upon wrongs and injury, Patrick Henry held

in utter contempt. His dauntless soul soared above the trappings of a

crown, backed by military pomp and show, and looked for rest only in

the goal of liberty.

The following extract from his speech in that convention will best

convey a correct idea of his feelings and emotions, deeply felt and

strongly told.

“Mr. President, it is natural for man to indulge in the illusions of

hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen

to the song of that syren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this

the part of wise men engaged in a great and arduous struggle for

liberty! Are we disposed to be of the number of those, who, having eyes

see not, and having ears hear not the things that so nearly concern

their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it

may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth—to know the worst and

provide for it.

“I have but one lamp to guide my feet, and that is the lamp of

experience. I know of no way of judging the future but by the past.

Judging from the past, I wish to know what there has been in the

conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those

hopes with which gentlemen are pleased to solace themselves and the

house? Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has lately

been received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet.

Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed by a kiss. Ask yourselves how

this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike

preparations that cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets

and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we

shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be

called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir.

These are the implements of war and subjugation—the last arguments

to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial

array if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen

assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy

in this quarter of the world to call for all this accumulation of

navies and armies? No, sir; she has none. They are meant for us—they

can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon

us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging.

And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we

have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we any thing new to

offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every

light of which it is capable, but it has been all in vain. Shall we

resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find

which have not already been exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir,

deceive ourselves longer. Sir, we have done every thing that could be

done to avert the storm that is coming on. We have petitioned—we have

remonstrated—we have supplicated—we have prostrated ourselves before

the throne and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical

hands of the ministry and parliament. Our petitions have been slighted,

our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult, our

supplications have been disregarded, and we have been spurned with

contempt from the foot of the throne.

“In vain after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and

reconciliation. _There is no longer any room for hope._ If we wish to

be free; if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges

for which we have been so long contending; if we mean not basely to

abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and

which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious

object of our contest shall be obtained, _we must fight_! I repeat it,

sir, _we must fight_! An appeal to arms and the God of Hosts is all

that is left us! It is vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen

may cry peace, peace; but there is no peace. The war is actually begun.

The next gale that comes from the north, will bring to our ears the

clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field. Why

stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they

have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the

price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what

course others may take, but as for me, _give me liberty or death_!”

The effect of this speech was electrical. The cry, “_to arms_,” burst

from every quarter—“_liberty or death_,” resounded and rang through

every ear and was responded by every patriot. The resolutions were

seconded and supported by Richard Henry Lee, and were adopted without

further opposition. A committee was immediately appointed to carry them

into effect. From that time forward, the old dominion was renewed,

regenerated, and free. Her richest blood was poured out freely in the

cause of liberty and equal rights.

Soon after this convention had adjourned, Lord Dunmore removed a part

of the powder from the magazine at Williamsburg on board of one of his

majesty’s ships. On being informed of this transaction, Patrick Henry

collected a military force in Hanover and King William counties, and

repaired to the seat of government, demanding the restoration of the

powder or its equivalent in cash. An order for the amount in money was

received, and no blood shed. A proclamation was issued against these

daring rebels, which only seemed to unite the people more strongly in

favour of their orator and soldier, whose conduct they highly approved

at several public meetings convened on the occasion.

In August, 1775, Mr. Henry was again chosen a delegate to the

Continental Congress, and in June of the following year, governor of

his native state. He held this important office during that and the

ensuing year, but declined serving the third year, although unanimously

re-elected. His zeal in the glorious cause he had espoused did not

languish or grow cold. In 1780 he took his seat in the assembly of his

state, and manifested all the activity and vigour that characterized

the commencement of his bold and useful career. In 1788 he was a

member of the Virginia convention convened for the consideration of

the constitution of the United States, then submitted for approval or

rejection. To that instrument Mr. Henry was then strongly opposed,

because, as he contended, it consolidated the states into one

government, thereby destroying the sovereignty of each. His eloquence

on that occasion was raised to its highest pitch, but could not

prevail. His resolution against it was lost. His closing speech on

that now revered instrument, was said to have surpassed either of his

former efforts, and operated so powerfully, that but a small majority

voted for the new constitution. During his remarks an incident occurred

which enabled him to almost paralyze his audience. After describing

the magnitude of the question, on the determination of which hung the

happiness or woe of the present generation, and millions yet unborn,

with a voice and countenance solemn as eternity, and his eyes raised

upwards, he appealed to the God of heaven and to angels then hovering

over their heads, to witness the thrilling scene, and invoked their aid

in the mighty work before him. At that moment a sudden thunder gust

commenced its fury and shook the very earth. Upon the wings of the

tempest his stentorian voice continued to rise—he figuratively seized

the artillery of the elements as by supernatural power, hurled the

liquid lightning at the heads of his opponents, and seemed commissioned

by the great Jehovah to execute a deed of vengeance. The scene was

awfully sublime, the effect tremendous. The purple current rushed back

upon the fountain of life, every countenance was pale, every eye was

fixed, every muscle was electrified, every vein was contracted, every

heart was agonized, the scene became insupportable, the members rushed

from their seats in confusion and left the house without the formality

of an adjournment.

He remained in the assembly until 1791, when he declined a re-election,

and expressed a strong desire to retire from public life. He had toiled

long, faithfully and successfully, and wished for that repose found

only in the bosom of our families.

In 1795, president Washington, for whom he had an unbounded veneration,

offered him the high station of secretary of state. With becoming

gratitude to his friend and the father of his country, he declined the

proffered honour, and chose to remain in retirement. The following

year he was again elected governor of his native state, but declined

serving. In 1799 he was appointed by president Adams an envoy to France

in conjunction with Messrs. Murray and Ellsworth. His declining health

would not permit him to accept of this last appointment with which he

was honoured. Disease was fast consummating the work of death, and

destroying rapidly the hardy constitution and athletic frame that had

enabled him to perform his duty so nobly during the trying scenes of

the revolution. He was aware that the work of dissolution was going

on, and awaited his final exit with calm submission and Christian

fortitude. On the 6th of June, 1799, he resigned his spirit to Him who

gave it, threw off the mortal coil and was numbered with the dead,

aged but 61 years. His loss was deeply mourned by the American nation,

and most strongly felt by those who knew him best. The following

affectionate tribute is from the pen of one who knew him well.

“Mourn, Virginia, mourn! your Henry is gone. Ye friends to liberty

in every clime, drop a tear. No more will his social feelings spread

delight through his happy house. No more will his edifying example

dictate to his numerous offspring the sweetness of virtue and the

majesty of patriotism. No more will his sage advice, guided by zeal

for the common happiness, impart light and utility to his caressing

neighbours. No more will he illuminate the public councils with

sentiments drawn from the cabinet of his own mind, ever directed to

his country’s good, and clothed in eloquence sublime, delightful and

commanding. Farewell, first rate patriot, farewell. As long as our

rivers flow, or mountains stand, so long will your excellence and worth

be the theme of our homage and endearment; and Virginia, bearing in

mind her loss, will say to rising generations—imitate my Henry.”

In reviewing the character of this truly great man from the

commencement of his public career, his examples in public and private

life are worthy of veneration and the closest imitation. The rust of

his youth was soon removed, and he became in all respects a brilliant

and polished man. His habits were rigidly temperate, his conduct, as

a gentleman, a public functionary, an amiable citizen and a devoted

christian, was beyond reproach. Although when he believed himself in

the right, he maintained his position with great zeal and ardour, he

was always open to conviction. Although he opposed the adoption of the

federal constitution when it was under consideration, he subsequently

became convinced of its utility, and highly approved of its form and

substance.

As a husband, a father, a master, a neighbour and a friend, he had no

superior. As an advocate, an orator, a statesman and a patriot, his

fame stands in all its glory, uneclipsed and unsurpassed. As Grattan

said of Pitt, there was something in Patrick Henry that could create,

subvert, or reform; an understanding, a spirit, an eloquence to summon

mankind to society, or to break the bonds of slavery asunder, and to

rule the wilderness of free minds with unbounded authority; something

that could establish or overwhelm empire, and strike a blow in the

world that should resound through the universe.

He was twice married and the father of fifteen children. The closing

paragraph of his will is worthy of record, and shows the veneration he

felt for the religion of the Cross.

“I have now disposed of all my property to my family; there is one

thing more I wish I could give them, and that is the christian

religion. If they had this and I had not given them one shilling,

they would be rich; and if they had not that, and I had given them

all the world, they would be poor.” This short paragraph, coming from

one of the most gigantic minds that ever investigated the truths of

revelation, speaks volumes in favour of that religion which is despised

by some—neglected by millions—and is the one thing needful to fit us

for heaven and prepare us for the

“Great day for which all other days were made,

For which earth rose from chaos,—man from earth,

And an eternity—the date of gods,

Descended on poor earth-created man!”

APPENDIX.

WASHINGTON’S FAREWELL ADDRESS

TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES.

Friends and Fellow Citizens,

The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the executive

government of the United States being not far distant, and the time

actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating the

person who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to

me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression

of the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolution I

have formed—to decline being considered among the number of those out

of whom a choice is to be made.

I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured, that

this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the

considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful

citizen to his country, and that, in withdrawing the tender of service,

which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no

diminution of zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful

respect for your past kindness—but am supported by a full conviction

that the step is compatible with both.

The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to which

your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice

of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what

appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped, that it would have

been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives which I was

not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which

I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do

this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation

of an address to declare it to you. But mature reflection on the then

perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and

the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me

to abandon the idea.

I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as

internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible

with the sentiment of duty or propriety; and am persuaded, whatever

partiality may be retained for my services, that, in the present

circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination

to retire.

The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust, were

explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust I will

only say, that I have with good intentions contributed towards the

organization and administration of the government the best exertions

of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in the

outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own

eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the

motives to diffidence of myself: and every day the increasing weight

of years admonishes me more and more that the shade of retirement

is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any

circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were

temporary, I have the consolation to believe, that while choice and

prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not

forbid it.

In looking forward to the moment which is intended to terminate the

career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend

the deep acknowledgement of that debt of gratitude which I owe to

my beloved country, for the many honours it has conferred upon me;

still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported

me; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my

inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in

usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country

from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and

as an instructive example in our annals, that, under circumstances

in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to

mislead; amidst appearances sometimes dubious; vicissitudes of fortune

often discouraging; in situations in which not unfrequently want of

success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy of

your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee

of the plans by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with

this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement

to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens

of its beneficence; that your union and brotherly affection may

be perpetual! that a free constitution, which is the work of your

hands, may be sacredly maintained, that its administration, in every

department, may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; that, in fine, the

happiness of the people of these states, under the auspices of Heaven,

may be made complete by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use

of liberty, as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the

applause, the affection and the adoption of every nation which is yet a

stranger to it.

Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare,

which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger,

natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present,

to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your

frequent review, some sentiments, which are the result of much

reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me

all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These

will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in

them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly

have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an

encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a

former, and not dissimilar occasion.

Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your

hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm

the attachment.

The unity of government which constitutes you one people, is also now

dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of

your real independence; the support of your tranquillity at home, your

peace abroad—of your safety—of your prosperity—of that very liberty

which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, that from

different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken,

many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this

truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which

the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly

and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of

infinite moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of

your national Union, to your collective and individual happiness; that

you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it;

accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the Palladium of

your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation

with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a

suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly

frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any

portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties

which now link together the various parts.

For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest.

Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has

a right to concentrate your affections. The name of AMERICAN, which

belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just

pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local

discrimination.—With slight shades of difference, you have the same

religion, manners, habits and political principles. You have, in a

common cause, fought and triumphed together. The independence and

liberty you possess are the work of joint councils and joint efforts;

of common dangers, sufferings and successes.

But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves

to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more

immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds

the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the

union of the whole.

The NORTH, in an unrestrained intercourse with the SOUTH, protected

by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the productions

of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial

enterprise, and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The

SOUTH, in the same intercourse benefitting by the agency of the NORTH,

sees its agriculture grow, and its commerce expand. Turning partly

into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular

navigation invigorated; and while it contributes, in different ways,

to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation,

it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which

itself is unequally adapted. The EAST, in a like intercourse with the

west, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior

communications, by land and water, will more and more find a valuable

vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures

at home. The WEST derives from the EAST supplies requisite to its

growth and comfort; and what is, perhaps, of still greater consequence,

it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets

for its own production, to the weight, influence, and the future

maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the union, directed by an

indissoluble community of interest, as one nation. Any other tenure, by

which the west can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from

its own separate strength, or from an apostate or unnatural connexion

with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious.

While then every part of our country thus feels an immediate and

particular interest in union, all the parties combined cannot fail

to find, in the united mass of means and efforts, greater strength,

greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger,

a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations.

And, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union an

exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so

frequently afflict neighbouring countries, not tied together by the

same government; which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient

to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments and

intrigues, would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will

avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which

under any form of government are inauspicious to liberty, and which

are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty. In

this sense it is, that your union ought to be considered as a main prop

of your liberty, and that love of the one ought to endear to you the

preservation of the other.

These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting

and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance in the UNION as a

primary object of patriotic desire. Is there a doubt, whether a common

government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it.

To listen to mere speculation, in such a case, were criminal. We are

authorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole, with the

auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will

afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and

full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to Union,

affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have

demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to

distrust the patriotism of those, who, in any quarter, may endeavour to

weaken its bands.

In contemplating the causes which may disturb our union, it occurs, as

a matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished

for characterizing parties by GEOGRAPHICAL discriminations; NORTHERN

and SOUTHERN; ATLANTIC and WESTERN; whence designing men may endeavour

to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests

and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within

particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other

districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies

and heart burnings which spring from these misrepresentations; they

tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together

by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our western country have

lately had a useful lesson on this head; they have seen, in the

negotiation by the executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the

senate of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at

that event throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded

were the suspicions propagated among them, of a policy in the general

government, and in the Atlantic states, unfriendly to their interest in

regard to the Mississippi. They have been witnesses to the formation

of two treaties: that with Great Britain and that with Spain; which

secure to them every thing they could desire, in respect to our foreign

relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their

wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union

by which they were procured? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those

advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren

and connect them with aliens?

To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a government for the

whole is indispensable. No alliances, however strict, between the

parts, can be an adequate substitute; they must inevitably experience

the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times

have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved

upon your first essay by the adoption of a constitution of government

better calculated than your former for an intimate union, and for the

efficacious management of your common concerns. This government, the

offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon

full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its

principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with

energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment,

has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its

authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are

duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis

of our political systems is the right of the people to make and alter

their constitutions of government. But the constitution which at any

time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole

people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and

the right of the people to establish government, presupposes the duty

of every individual to obey the established government.

All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and

associations, under whatever plausible character, with a real design

to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation

and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this

fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize

faction; to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put in

the place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party,

often a small, but artful and enterprising minority of the community;

and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to

make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and

incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent

and wholesome plans, digested by common counsels, and modified by

mutual interests.

However combinations or associations of the above description may now

and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time

and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious

and unprincipled men, will be enabled to subvert the power of the

people and to usurp for themselves the reins of government; destroying

afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion.

Towards the preservation of your government, and the permanency of

your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily

discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority,

but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its

principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may

be to effect in the forms of the constitution, alterations which will

impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be

directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited,

remember, that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the

true character of governments as of other human institutions; that

experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of

the existing constitution of a country; that facility in change upon

the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change

from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember,

especially, that for the efficient management of your common interests

in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigour as

is consistent with the perfect security of liberty, is indispensable.

Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly

distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little

else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the

enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within

the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure

and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.

I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state,

with the particular reference to the founding of them on geographical

discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn

you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit

of party generally.

This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having

its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under

different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled,

or repressed. But in those of the popular form, it is seen in its

greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.

The alternate dominion of one faction over another, sharpened by the

spirit of revenge natural to party dissension, which, in different ages

and countries, has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a

frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a formal and permanent

despotism. The disorders and miseries which result, gradually incline

the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power

of an individual: and, sooner or later, the chief of some prevailing

faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this

disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of

public liberty.

Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, (which,

nevertheless, ought not to be entirely out of sight,) the common and

continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it

the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it.

It serves always to distract the public councils and enfeeble the

public administration. It agitates the community with ill founded

jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against

another; foments occasionally riot and insurrection; and opens the door

to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to

the government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the

policy and will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of

another.

There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks

upon the administration of the government, and serve to keep alive

the spirit of liberty. This, within certain limits, is probably true:

and in governments of a monarchial cast, patriotism may look with

indulgence, if not with favour, upon the spirit of party. But in those

of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a

spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain

there will always be enough of this spirit for every salutary purpose.

And there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by

force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be

quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a

flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.

It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking, in a

free country, should inspire caution in those intrusted with its

administration, to confine themselves within their respective

constitutional spheres, avoiding, in the exercise of the power of

one department, to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment

tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and

thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A

just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which

predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the

truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks, in the

exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into

different depositories, and constituting each the guardian of public

weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments

ancient and modern; some of them in our country and under our own

eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If,

in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the

constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected

by an amendment in the way which the constitution designates. But let

there be no change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance,

may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which

free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly

overbalance, in permanent evil, any partial or transient benefit which

the use can at any time yield.

Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity,

religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that

man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labour to subvert

these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the

duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the

pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not

trace all their connexions with private and public felicity. Let it be

simply asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for

life, if the sense of religious obligations desert the oaths, which

are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice? And let us

with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained

without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined

education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both

forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of

religious principle. It is substantially true, that virtue or morality

is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule indeed extends

with more or less force to every species of free government. Who that

is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to

shake the foundation of the fabric?

Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the

general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a

government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public

opinion should be enlightened.

As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public

credit. One method of preserving it, is to use it as sparingly as

possible; avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace; but

remembering also that timely disbursements to _prepare_ for danger

frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding

likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of

expense, but by vigorous exertions, in time of peace, to discharge the

debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned; not ungenerously

throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear.

The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives; but it

is necessary that public opinion should co-operate. To facilitate to

them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should

practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must

be revenue; that to have revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes

can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant;

that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from the selection of

the proper object, (which is always a choice of difficulties,) ought

to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of

the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the

measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any

time dictate.

Observe good faith and justice towards all nations; cultivate peace

and harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this conduct:

and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will

be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period, a great

nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a

people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can

doubt that in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan

would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a

steady adherence to it? Can it be that providence has not connected the

permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? The experiment at least

is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is

it rendered impossible by its vices!

In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that

permanent inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and

passionate attachment for others, should be excluded; and that in place

of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated.

The nation, which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or

an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to

its animosity or to its affections, either of which is sufficient

to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one

nation against another, disposes each more readily to offer insult and

injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and

intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur.

Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed and bloody contests.

The nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to

war the government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The

government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and

adopts through passion, what reason would reject; at other times, it

makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility

instigated by pride, ambition and other sinister and pernicious

motives. The peace, often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations

has been the victim. So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation

for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favourite

nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest,

in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one

the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in

the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or

justification. It leads also to concessions to the favourite nation,

of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the

nation making the concessions, by unnecessarily parting with what

ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a

disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are

withheld: and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens,

(who devote themselves to the favourite nation,) facility to betray or

sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes

even with popularity; gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense

of obligations, commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable

zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition,

corruption or infatuation.

As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments

are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent

patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic

factions, to practise the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion,

to influence or awe the public councils! Such an attachment of a small

or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be

the satellite of the latter.

Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, (I conjure you to

believe me, fellow citizens,) the jealousy of a free people ought to

be CONSTANTLY awake; since history and experience prove that foreign

influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But

that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial; else it becomes the

instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence

against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive

dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only

on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence

on the other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the

favourite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools

and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender

their interests.

The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is,

in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little

_political_ connection as possible. So far as we have already formed

engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us

stop.

Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very

remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies,

the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns.

Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves

by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics,

or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or

enmities. Our detached and distant situation invites and enables

us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an

efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy

material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an

attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon,

to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the

impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard

the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our

interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own

to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with

that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the

toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humour, or caprice.

It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any

portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty

to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing

infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable

to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best

policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in

their genuine sense. But in my opinion it is unnecessary and would be

unwise to extend them.

Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, in

a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary

alliances for extraordinary emergencies.

Harmony and a liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended

by policy, humanity and interest. But even our commercial policy

should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting

exclusive favours or preferences; consulting the natural course of

things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of

commerce, but forcing nothing: establishing, with powers so disposed,

in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our

merchants, and to enable the government to support them, conventional

rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual

opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time

abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate;

constantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for

disinterested favours from another; that it must pay with a portion

of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character;

that by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having

given equivalents for nominal favours, and yet of being reproached with

ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to

expect or calculate upon real favours from nation to nation. It is an

illusion which experience must cure—which a just pride ought to discard.

In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and

affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and

lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual

current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course

which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations! but, if I may even

flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit,

some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate

the fury of party spirit; to warn against the mischiefs of foreign

intrigue; to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this

hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by

which they have been dictated.

How far, in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided

by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and

other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To

myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least

believed myself to be guided by them.

In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclamation of

the 22nd of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your

approving voice, and by that of your representatives in both houses

of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me,

uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.

After a deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I

could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the

circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in

duty and interest, to take a neutral position. Having taken it, I

determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it with

moderation, perseverance and firmness. The considerations which respect

the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to

detail. I will only observe, that according to my understanding of the

matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent

powers, has been virtually admitted by all.

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred without any thing

more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every

nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the

relations of peace and amity towards other nations.

The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will be best

referred to your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant

motive has been to endeavour to gain time to our country to settle

and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress, without

interruption, to that degree of strength and consistency, which is

necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.

Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am

unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of

my defects, not to think it probable that I may have committed many

errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to

avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry

with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with

indulgence; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to

its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities

will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions

of rest.

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by

that fervent love towards it which is so natural to a man who views

in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several

generations, I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in

which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment

of partaking in the midst of my fellow-citizens the benign influence

of good laws under a free government; the ever favourite object of my

heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labours

and dangers.

G. WASHINGTON.

_United States, 17th September, 1796._

IN CONGRESS, PHILADELPHIA, JULY 5, 1775.

A DECLARATION

BY THE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED COLONIES OF NORTH AMERICA,

SETTING FORTH THE CAUSES AND NECESSITY OF THEIR TAKING UP ARMS.

_Directed to be published by General Washington, upon his arrival

before Boston._

If it was possible for men, who exercise their reason, to believe that

the Divine author of our existence intended a part of the human race to

hold an absolute property in and an unbounded power over others, marked

out by his infinite goodness and wisdom as the objects of a legal

domination never rightfully resistible, however severe and oppressive,

the inhabitants of these colonies might at least require from the

parliament of Great Britain some evidence that this dreadful authority

over them has been granted to that body. But a reverence for our great

Creator, principles of humanity and the dictates of common sense,

must convince all those who reflect upon the subject, that government

was instituted to promote the welfare of mankind, and ought to be

administered for the attainment of that end. The legislature of Great

Britain, however, stimulated by an inordinate passion for a power, not

only unjustifiable, but which they know to be peculiarly reprobated by

the very constitution of that kingdom, and desperate of success in any

mode of contest, where regard should be had to truth, law or right,

have at length, deserting those, attempted to effect their cruel and

impolitic purpose of enslaving these colonies by violence, and have

thereby rendered it necessary for us to close with their last appeal

from reason to arms. Yet, however blinded that assembly may be, by

their intemperate rage for unlimited domination, so to slight justice

and the opinion of mankind, we esteem ourselves bound by obligations

of respect to the rest of the world, to make known the justice of our

cause.

Our forefathers, inhabitants of the island of Great Britain, left

their native land to seek on these shores a residence for civil and

religious freedom. At the expense of their blood, at the hazard of

their fortunes, without the least charge to the country from which

they removed, by unceasing labour and an unconquerable spirit, they

effected settlements in the distant and inhospitable wilds of America,

then filled with numerous and warlike nations of barbarians. Societies

or governments, vested with perfect legislatures, were formed under

charters from the crown, and an harmonious intercourse was established

between the colonies and the kingdom from which they derived their

origin. The mutual benefits of this union became in a short time so

extraordinary as to excite astonishment. It is universally confessed

that the amazing increase of the wealth, strength and navigation of

the realm arose from this source; and the minister, who so wisely and

successfully directed the measures of Great Britain in the late war,

publicly declared, that these colonies enabled them to triumph over her

enemies. Towards the conclusion of that war it pleased our sovereign to

make a change in his counsels. From that fatal moment the affairs of

the British empire began to fall into confusion, and gradually sliding

from the summit of glorious prosperity, to which they had been advanced

by the virtues and abilities of one man, are at length distracted by

the convulsions that now shake it to its deepest foundations. The new

ministry finding the brave foes of Britain, though frequently defeated,

yet still contending, took up the unfortunate idea of granting them a

hasty peace, and of then subduing her faithful friends.

These devoted colonies were judged to be in such a state as to present

victories without bloodshed, and all the easy emoluments of statuteable

plunder. The uninterrupted tenor of their peaceable and respectful

behaviour from the beginning of colonization, their dutiful, zealous

and useful services during the war, though so recently and amply

acknowledged in the most honourable manner by his majesty, by the

late king and by parliament, could not save them from the meditated

innovations. Parliament was influenced to adopt the pernicious project,

and, assuming a new power over them, have, in the course of eleven

years, given such decisive specimens of the spirit and consequences

attending this power, as to leave no doubt concerning the effects of

acquiescence under it. They have undertaken to give and grant our

money without our consent, though we have ever exercised an exclusive

right to dispose of our own property; statutes have been passed for

extending the jurisdiction of courts of admiralty and vice-admiralty

beyond their ancient limits; for depriving us of the accustomed and

inestimable privilege of trial by jury, in cases affecting both life

and property; for suspending the legislature of one of the colonies;

for interdicting all commerce to the capital of another; and for

altering, fundamentally, the form of government established by charter,

and secured by acts of its own legislature solemnly confirmed by the

crown; for exempting the “murderers” of colonists from legal trial,

and, in effect, from punishment; for erecting in a neighbouring

province, acquired by the joint arms of Great Britain and America, a

despotism dangerous to our very existence; and for quartering soldiers

upon the colonists in time of profound peace. It has also been resolved

in parliament that colonists, charged with committing certain offences,

shall be transported to England to be tried.

But why should we enumerate our injuries in detail? By one statute

it is declared, that parliament can “of right make laws to bind us

in all cases whatsoever.” What is to defend us against so enormous,

so unlimited a power? Not a single man of those who assume it is

chosen by us, or is subject to our control or influence; but, on the

contrary, they are all of them exempt from the operation of such

laws, and an American revenue, if not diverted from the ostensible

purposes for which it is raised, would actually lighten their own

burthens in proportion as they increase ours. We saw the misery to

which such despotism would reduce us. We for ten years incessantly

and ineffectually besieged the throne as supplicants; we reasoned, we

remonstrated with parliament in the most mild and decent language.

The administration, sensible that we should regard these oppressive

measures as freemen ought to do, sent over fleets and armies to enforce

them. The indignation of the Americans was roused, it is true—but it

was the indignation of a virtuous, loyal and affectionate people.

A Congress of delegates from the united colonies was assembled at

Philadelphia on the fifth day of last September. We resolved again to

offer an humble and dutiful petition to the king, and also addressed

our fellow subjects of Great Britain. We have pursued every temperate,

every respectful measure; we have even proceeded to break off our

commercial intercourse with our fellow subjects, as the last peaceable

admonition, that our attachment to no nation upon earth should supplant

our attachment to liberty. This we flattered ourselves was the ultimate

step of the controversy: but subsequent events have shown how vain was

this hope of finding moderation in our enemies.

Several threatening expressions against the colonies were inserted in

his majesty’s speech; our petition, though we were told it was a decent

one, and that his majesty had been pleased to receive it graciously,

and to promise laying it before his parliament, was huddled into both

houses among a bundle of American papers and there neglected. The

lords and commons in their address, in the month of February, said,

that a rebellion at that time actually existed within the province of

Massachusetts Bay; and that those concerned in it had been countenanced

and encouraged by unlawful combinations and engagements, entered

into by his majesty’s subjects in several of the other colonies;

and therefore they besought his majesty that he would take the most

effectual measures to enforce due obedience to the laws and authority

of the supreme legislature. Soon after, the commercial intercourse of

whole colonies with foreign countries and with each other was cut off

by an act of parliament: by another, several of them were entirely

prohibited from the fisheries in the seas near their coast, on which

they always depended for their sustenance; and large reinforcements of

ships and troops were immediately sent over to General Gage.

Fruitless were all the intreaties, arguments, and eloquence of an

illustrious band of the most distinguished peers and commoners, who

nobly and strenuously asserted the justice of our cause, to stay,

or even to mitigate the heedless fury with which these accumulated

and unexampled outrages were hurried on. Equally fruitless was the

interference of the city of London, of Bristol, and many other

respectable towns in our favour. Parliament adopted an insidious

manœuvre calculated to divide us, to establish a perpetual auction

of taxations, where colony should bid against colony, all of them

uninformed what ransom would redeem their lives; and thus to extort

from us, at the point of the bayonet, the unknown sums that would be

sufficient to gratify, if possible to gratify, ministerial rapacity,

with the miserable indulgence left to us of raising, in our own mode,

the prescribed tribute. What terms more rigid and humiliating could

have been dictated by remorseless victors to conquered enemies? In our

circumstances to accept them, would be to deserve them.

Soon after the intelligence of these proceedings arrived on this

continent, General Gage, who in the course of the last year had taken

possession of the town of Boston, in the province of Massachusetts Bay,

and still occupied it as a garrison, on the 19th day of April, sent out

from that place a large detachment of his army, who made an unprovoked

assault on the inhabitants of the said province, at the town of

Lexington, as appears by the affidavits of a great number of persons,

some of whom were officers and soldiers of that detachment, murdered

eight of the inhabitants, and wounded many others. From thence the

troops proceeded in warlike array to the town of Concord, where they

set upon another party of the inhabitants of the same province, killing

several and wounding more, until compelled to retreat by the country

people suddenly assembled to repel this cruel aggression. Hostilities,

thus commenced by the British troops, have been since prosecuted by

them without regard to faith or reputation. The inhabitants of Boston

being confined within that town by the general, their governor, and

having, in order to procure their dismission, entered into a treaty

with him, it was stipulated that the said inhabitants, having deposited

their arms with their own magistrates, should have liberty to depart,

taking with them their other effects. They accordingly delivered up

their arms; but, in open violation of honour, in defiance of the

obligation of treaties, which even savage nations esteem sacred, the

governor ordered the arms deposited as aforesaid, that they might

be preserved for their owners, to be seized by a body of soldiers;

detained the greatest part of the inhabitants in the town, and

compelled the few who were permitted to retire, to leave their most

valuable effects behind.

By this perfidy, wives are separated from their husbands, children from

their parents, the aged and the sick from their relations and friends,

who wish to attend and comfort them; and those who have been used to

live in plenty and even elegance, are reduced to deplorable distress.

The general, further emulating his ministerial masters, by a

proclamation bearing date on the 12th day of June, after venting the

grossest falsehoods and calumnies against the good people of these

colonies, proceeds to “declare them all, either by name or description,

to be rebels and traitors, to supersede the course of the common law,

and instead thereof to publish and order the use and exercise of the

law martial.” His troops have butchered our countrymen, have wantonly

burnt Charlestown, besides a considerable number of houses in other

places; our ships and vessels are seized; the necessary supplies of

provisions are intercepted, and he is exerting his utmost power to

spread destruction and devastation around him.

We have received certain intelligence, that general Carleton, the

governor of Canada, is instigating the people of that province, and the

Indians, to fall upon us; and we have but too much reason to apprehend,

that schemes have been formed to excite domestic enemies against us. In

brief, a part of these colonies now feel, and all of them are sure of

feeling, as far as the vengeance of administration can inflict them,

the complicated calamities of fire, sword and famine. We are reduced to

the alternative of choosing an unconditional submission to the tyranny

of irritated ministers, or resistance by force. _The latter is our

choice. We have counted the cost of this contest, and find nothing so

dreadful as voluntary slavery._ Honour, justice, and humanity, forbid

us tamely to surrender that freedom which we received from our gallant

ancestors, and which our innocent posterity have a right to receive

from us. We cannot endure the infamy and guilt of resigning succeeding

generations to that wretchedness which inevitably awaits them, if we

basely entail hereditary bondage upon them.

Our cause is just. Our union is perfect. Our internal resources are

great, and, if necessary, foreign assistance is undoubtedly attainable.

We gratefully acknowledge, as a signal instance of the divine favour

towards us, that his providence would not permit us to be called

into this severe controversy until we were grown up to our present

strength, had been previously exercised in warlike operations, and

possessed the means of defending ourselves. With hearts fortified

with these animating reflections, we most solemnly before God and the

world DECLARE, that, exerting the utmost energy of those powers which

our beneficent Creator hath graciously bestowed upon us, the arms we

have been compelled by our enemies to assume, we will, in defiance of

every hazard, with unabating firmness and perseverance, employ for the

preservation of our liberties—_being with one mind resolved to die_

FREEMEN _rather than to live_ SLAVES.

Lest this declaration should disquiet the minds of our friends and

fellow subjects in any part of the empire, we assure them that we mean

not to dissolve that union which has so long and so happily subsisted

between us, and which we sincerely wish to see restored. Necessity has

not yet driven us into that desperate measure, or induced us to excite

any other nation to war against them. We have not raised armies with

ambitious designs of separating from Great Britain and establishing

independent states. We fight not for glory or for conquest. We exhibit

to mankind the remarkable spectacle of a people attacked by unprovoked

enemies, without any imputation or even suspicion of offence. They

boast of their privileges and civilization, and yet proffer no milder

conditions than servitude or death.

In our own native land, in defence of the freedom that is our

birthright, and which we ever enjoyed till the late violation of it,

for the protection of our property, acquired solely by the honest

industry of our forefathers and ourselves, against violence actually

offered, we have taken up arms. We shall lay them down when hostilities

shall cease on the part of the aggressors, and all danger of their

being renewed shall be removed, and not before.

With an humble confidence in the mercies of the supreme and impartial

Judge and Ruler of the universe, we most devoutly implore his divine

goodness to protect us happily through this great conflict, to dispose

our adversaries to reconciliation on reasonable terms, and thereby to

relieve the empire from the calamities of civil war.

ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION.

IN CONGRESS, JULY 8, 1778.

ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION AND PERPETUAL UNION

_Between the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode

Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New

Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North

Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia._

ARTICLE 1. The style of this confederacy shall be, “_The United States

of America_.”

Art. 2. Each state retains its sovereignty, freedom, and independence,

and every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this

confederation expressly delegated to the United States, in Congress

assembled.

Art. 3. The said states hereby severally enter into a firm league of

friendship with each other, for their common defence, the security

of their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare, binding

themselves to assist each other against all force offered to, or

attacks made upon them, or any of them, on account of religion,

sovereignty, trade, or any other pretence whatever.

Art. 4. § 1. The better to secure and perpetuate mutual friendship and

intercourse among the people of the different states in this union,

the free inhabitants of each of these states, paupers, vagabonds, and

fugitives from justice excepted, shall be entitled to all privileges

and immunities of free citizens in the several states; and the people

of each state shall have free ingress and regress to and from any

other state, and shall enjoy therein all the privileges of trade and

commerce, subject to the same duties, impositions, and restrictions, as

the inhabitants thereof respectively; provided that such restrictions

shall not extend so far as to prevent the removal of property

imported into any state, to any other state, of which the owner is an

inhabitant; provided also, that no imposition, duties, or restriction,

shall be laid by any state on the property of the United States, or

either of them.

§ 2. If any person guilty of, or charged with, treason, felony, or

other high misdemeanor in any state, shall flee from justice, and

be found in any of the United States, he shall, upon the demand of

the governor or executive power of the state from which he fled, be

delivered up, and removed to the state having jurisdiction of his

offence.

§ 3. Full faith and credit shall be given, in each of these states,

to the records, acts, and judicial proceedings of the courts and

magistrates of every other state.

Art. 5. § 1. For the more convenient management of the general

interests of the United States, delegates shall be annually appointed

in such a manner as the legislature of each state shall direct, to meet

in Congress on the first Monday in November, in every year, with a

power reserved to each state to recall its delegates, or any of them,

at any time within the year, and to send others in their stead, for the

remainder of the year.

§ 2. No state shall be represented in Congress by less than two, nor

more than seven members: and no person shall be capable of being a

delegate for more than three years, in any term of six years; nor shall

any person, being a delegate, be capable of holding any office under

the United States, for which he, or any other for his benefit, receives

any salary, fees, or emolument of any kind.

§ 3. Each state shall maintain its own delegates in a meeting of the

states, and while they act as members of the committee of these states.

§ 4. In determining questions in the United States in Congress

assembled, each state shall have one vote.

§ 5. Freedom of speech and debate in Congress shall not be impeached

or questioned in any court or place out of Congress, and the members

of Congress shall be protected in their persons from arrests and

imprisonments during the time of their going to and from, and

attendance on, Congress, except for treason, felony, or breach of the

peace.

Art. 6. § 1. No state, without the consent of the United States,

in Congress assembled, shall send any embassy to, or receive any

embassy from, or enter into any conference, agreement, alliance, or

treaty, with any king, prince, or state; nor shall any person holding

any office of profit or trust under the United States, or any of

them, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title of any kind

whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state; nor shall the United

States, in Congress assembled, or any of them, grant any title of

nobility.

§ 2. No two or more states shall enter into any treaty, confederation,

or alliance whatever, between them, without the consent of the United

States, in Congress assembled, specifying accurately the purposes for

which the same is to be entered into, and how long it shall continue.

§ 3. No state shall lay any imposts or duties which may interfere with

any stipulations in treaties entered into by the United States, in

Congress assembled, with any king, prince, or state, in pursuance of

any treaties already proposed by Congress to the courts of France and

Spain.

§ 4. No vessels of war shall be kept up in time of peace, by any

state, except such number only as shall be deemed necessary by the

United States, in Congress assembled, for the defence of such state,

or its trade: nor shall any body of forces be kept up, by any state,

in time of peace, except such number only as, in the judgment of the

United States, in Congress assembled, shall be deemed requisite to

garrison the forts necessary for the defence of such state; but every

state shall always keep up a regular and well disciplined militia,

sufficiently armed and accoutred, and shall provide and constantly

have ready for use, in public stores, a due number of field pieces and

tents, and a proper quantity of arms, ammunition, and camp equipage.

§ 5. No state shall engage in any war without the consent of the United

States, in Congress assembled, unless such state be actually invaded

by enemies, or shall have received certain advice of a resolution

being formed by some nation of Indians to invade such state, and the

danger is so imminent as not to admit of delay till the United States,

in Congress assembled, can be consulted; nor shall any state grant

commissions to any ships or vessels of war, nor letters of marque or

reprisal, except it be after a declaration of war by the United States,

in Congress assembled, and then only against a kingdom or state, and

the subjects thereof, against which war has been so declared, and

under such regulations as shall be established by the United States,

in Congress assembled, unless such state be infested by pirates, in

which case vessels of war may be fitted out for that occasion, and kept

so long as the danger shall continue, or until the United States, in

Congress assembled, shall determine otherwise.

Art. 7. When land forces are raised by any state for the common

defence, all officers of, or under the rank of colonel, shall be

appointed by the legislature of each state respectively by whom such

forces shall be raised, or in such manner as such state shall direct,

and all vacancies shall be filled up by the state which first made the

appointment.

Art. 8. All charges of war, and all other expenses that shall be

incurred for the common defence or general welfare, and allowed by the

United States, in Congress assembled, shall be defrayed out of a common

treasury, which shall be supplied by the several states, in proportion

to the value of all land within each state, granted to, or surveyed

for, any person, as such land and the buildings and improvements

thereon shall be estimated, according to such mode as the United

States, in Congress assembled, shall, from time to time, direct and

appoint. The taxes for paying that proportion shall be laid and levied

by the authority and direction of the legislatures of the several

states, within the time agreed upon by the United States, in Congress

assembled.

Art. 9. § 1. The United States, in Congress assembled, shall have the

sole and exclusive right and power of determining on peace and war,

except in the cases mentioned in the sixth article, of sending and

receiving ambassadors, entering into treaties and alliances, provided

that no treaty of commerce shall be made, whereby the legislative

power of the respective states shall be restrained from imposing such

imposts and duties on foreigners, as their own people are subjected to,

or from prohibiting the exportation or importation of any species of

goods or commodities whatsoever; of establishing rules for deciding,

in all cases, what captures on land or water shall be legal, and in

what manner prizes taken by land or naval forces in the service of the

United States, shall be divided or appropriated; of granting letters of

marque and reprisal in times of peace; appointing courts for the trial

of piracies and felonies committed on the high seas; and establishing

courts for receiving and determining finally appeals in all cases of

captures; provided that no member of Congress shall be appointed a

judge of any of the said courts.

§ 2. The United States, in Congress assembled, shall also be the last

resort on appeal, in all disputes and differences now subsisting,

or that hereafter may arise between two or more states concerning

boundary, jurisdiction or any other cause whatever, which authority

shall always be exercised in the manner following: Whenever the

legislative or executive authority, or lawful agent of any state in

controversy with another, shall present a petition to Congress stating

the matter in question, and praying for a hearing, notice thereof

shall be given by order of Congress to the legislative or executive

authority of the other state in controversy, and a day assigned for

the appearance of the parties by their lawful agents, who shall then

be directed to appoint, by joint consent, commissioners or judges to

constitute a court for hearing and determining the matter in question;

but if they cannot agree, Congress shall name three persons out of each

of the United States, and from the list of such persons each party

shall alternately strike out one, the petitioners beginning, until the

number shall be reduced to thirteen; and from that number not less than

seven, nor more than nine names, as Congress shall direct, shall, in

the presence of Congress, be drawn out by lot; and the persons whose

names shall be so drawn, or any five of them, shall be commissioners

or judges, to hear and finally determine the controversy, so always

as a major part of the judges, who shall hear the cause, shall agree

in the determination; and if either party shall neglect to attend at

the day appointed, without showing reasons which Congress shall judge

sufficient, or being present, shall refuse to strike, the Congress

shall proceed to nominate three persons out of each state, and the

secretary of Congress shall strike in behalf of such party absent or

refusing; and the judgment and sentence of the court, to be appointed

in the manner before prescribed, shall be final and conclusive; and

if any of the parties shall refuse to submit to the authority of such

court, or to appear or defend their claim or cause, the court shall

nevertheless proceed to pronounce sentence or judgment, which shall in

like manner be final and decisive; the judgment or sentence and other

proceedings being in either case transmitted to Congress, and lodged

among the acts of Congress, for the security of the parties concerned;

provided, that every commissioner, before he sits in judgment, shall

take an oath, to be administered by one of the judges of the supreme

or superior court of the state where the cause shall be tried, “well

and truly to hear and determine the matter in question, according to

the best of his judgment, without favour, affection or hope of reward.”

Provided also, that no state shall be deprived of territory for the

benefit of the United States.

§ 3. All controversies concerning the private right of soil claimed

under different grants of two or more states, whose jurisdiction, as

they may respect such lands, and the states which passed such grants

are adjusted, the said grants or either of them being at the same

time claimed to have originated antecedent to such settlement of

jurisdiction, shall, on the petition of either party to the Congress

of the United States, be finally determined, as near as may be, in the

same manner as is before prescribed for deciding disputes respecting

territorial jurisdiction between different states.

§ 4. The United States, in Congress assembled, shall also have the sole

and exclusive right and power of regulating the alloy and value of coin

struck by their own authority, or by that of the respective states;

fixing the standard of weights and measures throughout the United

States; regulating the trade and managing all affairs with the Indians,

not members of any of the states; provided that the legislative right

of any state, within its own limits, be not infringed or violated;

establishing and regulating post offices from one state to another,

throughout all the United States, and exacting such postage on the

papers passing through the same as may be requisite to defray the

expenses of the said office; appointing all officers of the land forces

in the service of the United States, excepting regimental officers;

appointing all the officers of the naval forces, and commissioning all

officers whatever in the service of the United States; making rules for

the government and regulation of the said land and naval forces, and

directing their operations.

§ 5. The United States, in Congress assembled, shall have authority

to appoint a committee, to sit in the recess of Congress, to be

denominated, “_A Committee of the States_,” and to consist of one

delegate from each state; and to appoint such other committees and

civil officers as may be necessary for managing the general affairs

of the United States under their direction; to appoint one of their

number to preside; provided that no person be allowed to serve in the

office of president more than one year in any term of three years; to

ascertain the necessary sums of money to be raised for the service of

the United States, and to appropriate and apply the same for defraying

the public expenses; to borrow money or emit bills on the credit of

the United States, transmitting every half year to the respective

states an account of the sums of money so borrowed or emitted; to

build and equip a navy; to agree upon the number of land forces, and

to make requisitions from each state for its quota, in proportion to

the number of white inhabitants in such state, which requisition shall

be binding; and thereupon the legislature of each state shall appoint

the regimental officers, raise the men, clothe, arm, and equip them,

in a soldier-like manner, at the expense of the United States; and the

officers and men so clothed, armed, and equipped, shall march to the

place appointed, and within the time agreed on by the United States, in

Congress assembled; but if the United States, in Congress assembled,

shall, on consideration of circumstances, judge proper that any state

should not raise men, or should raise a smaller number than its quota,

and that any other state should raise a greater number of men than the

quota thereof, such extra number shall be raised, officered, clothed,

armed, and equipped in the same manner as the quota of such state,

unless the legislature of such state shall judge that such extra number

cannot be safely spared out of the same, in which case they shall

raise, officer, clothe, arm, and equip as many of such extra number as

they judge can be safely spared, and the officers and men so clothed,

armed, and equipped, shall march to the place appointed, and within the

time agreed on by the United States in Congress assembled.

§ 6. The United States, in Congress assembled, shall never engage in

a war, nor grant letters of marque and reprisal in time of peace, nor

enter into any treaties or alliances, nor coin money, nor regulate

the value thereof, nor ascertain the sums and expenses necessary for

the defence and welfare of the United States, or any of them, nor

emit bills, nor borrow money on the credit of the United States, nor

appropriate money, nor agree upon the number of vessels of war to be

built or purchased, or the number of land or sea forces to be raised,

nor appoint a commander-in-chief of the army or navy, unless nine

states assent to the same, nor shall a question on any other point,

except for adjourning from day to day, be determined, unless by the

votes of a majority of the United States in Congress assembled.

§ 7. The Congress of the United States shall have power to adjourn to

any time within the year, and to any place within the United States,

so that no period of adjournment be for a longer duration than the

space of six months, and shall publish the journal of their proceedings

monthly, except such parts thereof relating to treaties, alliances,

or military operations, as in their judgment require secrecy; and the

yeas and nays of the delegates of each state, on any question shall be

entered on the journal, when it is desired by any delegate; and the

delegates of a state, or any of them, at his or their request, shall

be furnished with a transcript of the said journal, except such parts

as are above excepted, to lay before the legislatures of the several

states.

Art. 10. The committee of the states, or any nine of them, shall be

authorized to execute, in the recess of Congress, such of the powers of

Congress as the United States, in Congress assembled, by the consent

of nine states, shall, from time to time, think expedient to vest them

with; provided that no power be delegated to the said committee, for

the exercise of which, by the articles of confederation, the voice

of nine states, in the Congress of the United States assembled, is

requisite.

Art. 11. Canada acceding to this confederation, and joining in the

measures of the United States, shall be admitted into, and entitled to

all the advantages of this Union: but no other colony shall be admitted

into the same, unless such admission be agreed to by nine states.

Art. 12. All bills of credit emitted, moneys borrowed, and debts

contracted by or under the authority of Congress, before the assembling

of the United States, in pursuance of the present confederation, shall

be deemed and considered as a charge against the United States, for

payment and satisfaction whereof the said United States and the public

faith are hereby solemnly pledged.

Art. 13. Every state shall abide by the determination of the United

States, in Congress assembled, in all questions which, by this

confederation, are submitted to them. And the articles of this

confederation shall be inviolably observed by every state, and the

Union shall be perpetual; nor shall any alteration at any time

hereafter be made in any of them, unless such alteration be agreed to

in a Congress of the United States, and be afterwards confirmed by the

legislature of every state.

And whereas it hath pleased the Great Governor of the world to incline

the hearts of the legislatures we respectively represent in Congress,

to approve of, and to authorize us to ratify the said articles of

confederation and perpetual union, Know ye, that we, the undersigned

delegates, by virtue of the power and authority to us given for that

purpose, do, by these presents, in the name and in behalf of our

respective constituents, fully and entirely ratify and confirm each

and every of the said articles of confederation and perpetual union,

and all and singular the matters and things therein contained. And

we do further solemnly plight and engage the faith of our respective

constituents, that they shall abide by the determination of the United

States, in Congress assembled, in all questions which by the said

confederation are submitted to them; and that the articles thereof

shall be inviolably observed by the states we respectively represent,

and that the Union shall be perpetual. In witness whereof, we have

hereunto set our hands, in Congress.

_Done at Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania, the 9th day of

July, in the year of our Lord, 1778, and in the third year of the

Independence of America._

NEW HAMPSHIRE.

Josiah Bartlett,

John Wentworth, Jr.

MASSACHUSETTS BAY.

John Hancock,

Samuel Adams,

Elbridge Gerry,

Francis Dana,

James Lovel,

Samuel Holten.

RHODE ISLAND, &c.

William Ellery,

Henry Marchant,

John Collins.

CONNECTICUT.

Roger Sherman,

Samuel Huntingdon,

Oliver Wolcott,

Titus Hosmer,

Andrew Adams.

NEW YORK.

Jas. Duane,

Fra. Lewis,

Wm. Duer,

Gouv. Morris.

NEW JERSEY.

Jno. Witherspoon,

Nath. Scudder.

PENNSYLVANIA.

Robert Morris,

Daniel Roberdeau,

Jona. Bayard Smith,

William Clingan,

Joseph Reed.

DELAWARE.

Thos. M’Kean,

John Dickinson,

Nicholas Van Dyke.

MARYLAND.

John Hanson,

Daniel Carroll.

VIRGINIA.

Richard Henry Lee,

John Bannister,

Thomas Adams,

John Harris,

Francis Lightfoot Lee.

NORTH CAROLINA.

John Penn,

Cons. Harnett,

Jno. Williams.

SOUTH CAROLINA.

Henry Laurens,

William Henry Drayton,

Jno. Matthews,

Richard Hutson,

Thomas Heyward, Jr.

GEORGIA.

Jno. Walton,

Edwd. Telfair,

Edwd. Langworthy.

CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.

PREAMBLE.

We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect

union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the

common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings

of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this

constitution for the United States of America.

ARTICLE I.

_Of the Legislature._

SECTION I.

1. All legislative powers herein granted, shall be vested in a congress

of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of

Representatives.

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