ESSEX, PHŒBE AND CHERUB--VALPARAISO. MARCH 28TH, A. D. 1814.

This naval action, fought in the vicinity of Valparaiso, during our

last war with Great Britain, is so remarkable for the circumstances

attending it, and for the pertinacity of the American defence against

superior force, that, although not a decisive battle, we have thought

it right to insert it here.

Few Englishmen would now attempt to uphold the breach of neutrality

committed by the two English ships upon the Essex, with her anchor down

upon Chilian soil, and with the Spanish flag flying upon forts and

batteries within sight. But, as it was not the first, so it is not the

last time that England has infringed such laws, where she has been able

to do so with impunity.

The United States frigate Essex, 32, sailed from the Capes of the

Delaware October, 6th, 1812, upon a cruise, the object and destination

of which were kept profoundly secret. Her destination was the

Pacific--still called the “South Seas”--the navigation of which was

still comparatively unknown; new islands being constantly discovered,

the inhabitants of which had never seen any other men than their fellow

islanders.

The object of the cruise was to destroy the “South-sea-men,” or

whalers, of Great Britain; as well as the traders of the same

nation, and thus inflict a heavy blow upon a sensitive part of an

Englishman--his pocket.

The story of the cruise, by Captain Porter, the Commander of the Essex;

with his passage to the Cape Verde Islands, the Coast of Brazil, around

Cape Horn into the Pacific, and his operations there; together with the

incidents of his stay at the Gallapagos and Washington groups, and his

numerous captures, read like a romance of the sea. Yet it is all true;

and the account is written in a circumstantial manner, with day and

date, by a genuine and successful sailor.

This cruise is memorable for another reason--that Farragut, afterwards

the greatest naval commander of his day, made his first cruise then,

and witnessed his first naval action, while still a child, deporting

himself with the coolness and gallantry which ever afterwards

distinguished him.

David Porter, the Commander of the Essex, was born in Boston, in 1780,

and was at this time thirty-three years of age--that glorious period of

life which combines the fire and ability of youth with the experience

and self-control derived from contact with the world. He entered the

navy in 1798, and was a midshipman in the Constellation, in her action

with the French frigate Insurgente, in February, 1799. He afterwards

served on the West India station, as a Lieutenant, and had many

conflicts, in the schooner Experiment, with the pirates and privateers

which, at that time, and long after, infested those waters. In 1801 he

was in the schooner Enterprize, and, off Malta, he captured, after an

engagement of three hours, a Tripolitan cruiser of fourteen guns.

Soon after, in a boat expedition, at Tripoli, he was wounded for the

second time; and in October, 1803, he was captured in the frigate

Philadelphia, and remained a prisoner until the war closed.

He was made a captain in 1812, and appointed to the Essex.

After the war with England, Porter became a member of the Board of Navy

Commissioners, but resigned that post to take command of an expedition

against the West Indian pirates. He was court-martialed for exceeding

his powers during this cruise, and sentenced to be suspended for six

months.

Upon this he resigned his commission and entered the Mexican service

as Naval Commander-in-chief. After serving there for some years he

returned to the United States in 1829, and was made United States

Consul General for the Barbary States. He was afterwards transferred

to Constantinople as _Chargé d’Affaires_, and soon became Minister

Resident.

He died in Constantinople, in March, 1843, and his remains were brought

home in a man-of-war, and interred in the Naval Asylum grounds.

And now, to return to the Essex and her cruise. All Americans should

read Porter’s account, which vies in interest with those of Anson or La

Peyrouse, the difference being that their sole object was discovery,

while Porter had principally in view the crippling of his enemy’s

resources. His attack upon British interests in that part of the globe

was entirely unexpected, and the unbounded rage of the English was

excited when they learned, from prisoners sent in cartels, that such

wholesale destruction was going on, and their trade being completely

annihilated; and they hastened to take means to stop Porter’s career.

The latter, in the meantime, was living off the enemy, showing

the greatest activity and resource, maintaining discipline under

exceptional circumstances, and keeping his crew in good humor, with

much tact and knowledge of sailor character.

In those days no docks or dockyards were to be found anywhere south of

the line. Ports were few and not much frequented, for fear of blockade.

Necessary food, sea-stores, rigging and material for repairs were,

indeed, as far as Porter was concerned, only to be obtained by capture,

and it required a man not only of pluck and nautical ability, but of

resources in many other directions, to make such a cruise as he did. At

the last, through no fault of his, he was overwhelmed in a harbor which

should have afforded him security, and the career of the Essex brought

to an end by a shameful violation of neutrality.

In the course of his cruise, Porter had seized and disarmed a Peruvian

corvette, which had been preying upon American whalers, and then

sent her away with a caution. He had also seized and disposed of, in

different ways, English “South-sea-men,” aggregating 3369 tons, with

302 men and 107 guns; had provisioned his own crew and partly paid his

men, from the prizes. One of the latter, the Atlantic, he had fitted

out for cruising, under his first lieutenant, Mr. Downes, re-naming her

Essex Junior. This ship mounted 20 guns and was efficient as a cruiser

against merchantmen and whalers, but was not expected to stand an

engagement.

Porter had sent Downes, with some prizes, to Valparaiso, and upon his

return the latter reported that Commodore James Hillyar, an English

officer of experience, ability and courage, had been sent out in the

frigate Phœbe, of 36 guns, to look for the American frigate, her work

having caused great consternation when the news of it reached England.

The English sloops Raccoon and Cherub were also despatched to the

Pacific, under Hillyar’s orders.

The Essex being in much need of repairs after her long and stirring

cruise, Porter determined to put her in as good condition as his

resources permitted, and then seek to bring the enemy to action, if he

could meet him on anything like equal terms.

He, therefore, went to Nukahivah, or Madison’s Island, in the

Washington group, which had been discovered by Captain Ingraham, of

Boston. Here he caulked his ship and overhauled the rigging, made new

water casks, and took from his prizes provisions and stores for four

months.

On the 12th of December, 1813, he sailed for the coast of Chili, and

arrived on January 12th, 1814. He could hear nothing of the British

squadron reported to be looking for him. Some persons even supposed

that they had been lost in trying to double Cape Horn. At this period

Porter had completely broken up British navigation in the Pacific, as

those vessels which had not been captured by him were laid up, and

dared not venture out of port.

He had, in the meantime, afforded ample protection and assistance to

our own ships. The English whale fishery was entirely destroyed, and

now a squadron was coming out to look for him, involving very great

expense. As has been said, he had lived upon the enemy, and had been

obliged to draw no bills, but, on the contrary, had been able to

advance pay to both officers and crew.

Considering how much they had been at sea, his crew was very healthy,

and he had had but one case of scurvy, then the curse of cruising

ships. Two officers only had been lost: the Surgeon, from disease, and

a Lieutenant, killed in a duel; while eight seamen and marines had been

lost from sickness and ordinary casualties.

Porter believed that Hillyar would try to keep his arrival in the

Pacific secret, and seek him at Valparaiso, and he, therefore, cruised

in that neighborhood, where he hoped also to capture some merchant

vessels expected from England.

On the 3d of February the Essex anchored in Valparaiso bay, and

exchanged the usual salutes and civilities with the Spanish authorities.

These appeared civil, and even cordial, and the governor duly returned

Captain Porter’s visit.

The Essex Junior was directed to cruise off the port, for the twofold

purpose of intercepting the enemy’s merchant vessels, and of informing

Porter immediately of the appearance of any of their men-of-war. Then

work began, to put the Essex in order, after which liberty was given

to the crew. The people of Valparaiso showed great civility, and this

was returned by an entertainment on board the Essex, in which the Essex

Junior participated, but kept a sharp lookout at the same time. They

danced until midnight, and the Essex Junior then went outside.

Next morning they had not had time to take down the awnings, flags and

decorations spread for the party, when the Essex Junior signalized

two English ships in sight. At this time half the Essex’ crew were on

shore, on liberty. A gun was fired as a signal for their return, and

the ship restored to her usual condition as soon as possible. Porter

went out in the Essex Junior to reconnoitre, and found that both the

English vessels appeared to be frigates; returning at once, he anchored

the tender near the Essex, and prepared for mutual defence. When he

returned to his own ship, at about 7.30 A.M., he had the gratification

of not only finding the ship prepared for action, but _every man_

on board. He felt great doubts about the English respecting the

neutrality of the port, but resolved to act upon the defensive entirely.

At 8 A. M. the two English ships, a frigate and sloop of war, came into

the harbor. The frigate, which proved to be the Phœbe, ranged alongside

the Essex, within a few yards, and between her and the Essex Junior.

The Phœbe was seen to be all ready for action.

Captain Hillyar hailed, and politely inquired after Captain Porter’s

health, and the usual compliments were exchanged between them.

Captains Hillyar and Porter had been acquainted in the Mediterranean.

Among the American officers at that time on the station, no British

officer was so much liked as Hillyar, and his family was visited,

at Gibraltar, by Porter and many others. On one occasion Hillyar’s

family had gone, as passengers, with Commodore Rodgers, from Malta to

Gibraltar. The relations between the two Captains, thus brought face to

face, with tompions out and matches lighted, were rather peculiar.

Finding the Phœbe approaching nearer the Essex than either prudence

or the neutrality of the port would permit, Porter called to Hillyar

that the Essex was all ready for action, and that he should act on the

defensive.

Hillyar replied, in an off-hand way, “Oh, I have no intention of

getting on board of you.”

Porter replied that if he did fall on board of him there would be much

blood shed. Hillyar merely called out again that he had no intention of

falling on board the Essex. Porter, finding that he was luffing up so

much as to cause his ship to be taken aback, and her jib-boom coming

over the Essex’ forecastle, called, “All hands to board the enemy;”

directing them, if the ships touched, to spring on board the Phœbe. The

latter vessel was now in a precarious condition, for not a gun of hers

could be brought to bear upon either of the American vessels, while her

bow was exposed to the raking fire of one, and her stern to that of the

other. The Phœbe’s consort, the Cherub, of 28 guns, was too far off to

leeward to afford any assistance. The Phœbe had been informed, by a

boat which had pulled out from an English merchant ship, that the Essex

was in great confusion, from the entertainment of the night before, and

that half her crew were on shore, on liberty.

Great was the surprise of the Englishmen, then, when they saw a full

crew ready to board them, and kedge-anchors triced up to the yard-arms,

ready to drop and grapple them.

Captain Hillyar at once sang out that he had no intention of boarding;

that it was an accident that his ship was taken aback, and that he was

sorry to be put in an equivocal situation, and had no hostile intention.

The Phœbe was, at this moment, entirely at the mercy of the Essex; and

Porter could have destroyed her. The temptation was great to do so.

Porter would have been justified, upon the plea of self-defence; but

Captain Hillyar’s assurances disarmed him, and Porter at once hailed

the Essex Junior, and ordered Captain Downes not to begin firing

without orders. Captain Hillyar was then allowed to extricate his ship

from her disagreeable position; the Phœbe separating from the Essex,

and drifting by the American vessels, constantly exposed to their

raking fire, to finally anchor on the east side of the harbor, just

within shot of the Essex’ 18-pounders, but beyond the reach of her

carronades. The Cherub anchored quite close upon the port bow of the

Essex; whereupon Porter ordered the Essex Junior to so place herself

that the Cherub would be between two fires; an arrangement which seems

to have excited the ineffectual anger of Captain Tucker, the Commander

of the smaller English vessel.

Porter tells us that, on going on shore, great astonishment was

expressed by the officials and people of Valparaiso, that he had not

taken advantage of the opportunity, and destroyed his enemy. Porter

replied that he respected the neutrality of the port, and should

continue to do so. He had reason, not very long after, to regret his

moderation.

When on shore in Valparaiso Porter generally staid at Senor Blanco’s,

and the two British Captains paid him a visit there, on the day

after their arrival. This visit was returned, and a rather friendly

intercourse was soon established, not only between the Commanders, but

the officers of the respective ships, whenever they met on shore--their

conduct being such that no one could have supposed that they belonged

to nations at war with each other.

At the first meeting on shore, Porter told Hillyar that it was

important to know whether he (Hillyar) intended to respect the

neutrality of the port. Hillyar replied, very emphatically, “_You_ have

paid so much respect to the neutrality of the port that I feel myself

bound in honor to respect it.”

Porter rejoined that his assurance was sufficient, and that he should

henceforth feel at his ease, and not always prepared for action.

The English frigate had hoisted a flag (motto flags were then the

fashion), bearing the words, “God and country; British sailors’ best

rights; traitors offend both.” Porter asked Hillyar what the flag

meant, and was informed that it was a reply to Porter’s motto, “Free

trade and sailors’ rights,” which was particularly offensive to the

British navy; and that he should always hoist it when Porter hoisted

his. The next time the English motto was hoisted Porter replied with a

flag having, “God, our Country, and Liberty--tyrants offend them,” and

each ship gave three cheers for their flag.

In spite of all this, personal intercourse and apparent good feeling

continued between the two Captains. They discussed the objects of the

British squadron; their long hunt for Porter, and the present status.

This intercourse between public enemies was, in fact, a very curious

thing.

Hillyar asked Porter what he intended to do with his prizes; when he

was going to sea; and other pertinent and delicate questions of a like

nature.

Porter told him that whenever he sent away the Cherub the Essex would

go to sea, and that his sailing day would be fixed by Captain Hillyar.

Once met, Porter said he would test the force of the two ships, but

as the Essex was smaller than the Phœbe, he would not be justified to

his country in losing his ship, and so would not challenge him. If,

however, the Captain of the Phœbe would send away the Cherub and then

challenge the Essex, he (Porter) would be willing to fight. No doubt

all this was discussed over a cigar and a glass of wine, but this we

can only conjecture.

Hillyar said that success in naval actions depended upon so many

accidents, and that the loss of a spar or mast sometimes determined the

fate of the day, so he should trust to chance to bring the two ships

together; that he was not disposed to yield the advantage of superior

force, and should blockade Porter until other English men-of-war

arrived, and at all events prevent him from doing further mischief to

British commerce.

Porter told Hillyar that his prizes were only an encumbrance to him

under the circumstances, and that some time he should take them out to

sea and destroy them. To this Hillyar rejoined that he dare not do so

with him in sight. Porter merely answered, “We shall see.”

As Hillyar was determined to lose none of the advantage of superior

force, and it was known that other ships were soon coming to join him,

Porter endeavored still to provoke the English Commodore to challenge

him to a single contest.

The Cherub lying near the Essex, the crews sang original songs directed

at each other. It is said that the Yankee songs had the most point,

which is likely, for the average English nautical mind is not very

brilliant. The officers encouraged this amusement, which took place in

the fine, calm first watches, to the frequent annoyance of the English

and the great amusement of neutrals. Captain Hillyar requested Porter

to put a stop to it, but the latter refused to do so unless the Cherub

ceased first.

At length the quasi-friendly relations between the Commanders became

very much “strained,” as the diplomatists say, by the harboring of

an escaped prisoner from the Essex on board the Cherub. This led to

an exchange of strongly-worded letters. Porter and Hillyar continued

to meet on shore quite frequently, and at this time Porter proposed

an exchange of prisoners by sending one of the prizes to England as

a cartel, to bring thence to the United States an equal number. This

proposition came to nothing, but Porter liberated his English prisoners

on condition that they should not serve until exchanged; and Hillyar

undertook to write to England and have as many Americans liberated.

In the meantime the Essex Junior had gone outside to reconnoitre a

strange sail, and was very nearly cut off by the English vessels both

going out, but the Essex manned her boats, sent them out and towed her

in in safety.

The English ships then continued to cruise outside, and Porter, to try

his rate of sailing with them, chose an opportunity, when they were

well to leeward, to get under way and let them chase him. He found

he could outsail them both, and could escape at almost any time, but

he was led to remain in Valparaiso by the hope of bringing the Phœbe

to single action. This resolution, though chivalric, was not exactly

prudent.

One day Porter towed the ship Hector, a prize, to sea. The two British

ships were then far in the offing, and Porter had the prize set on

fire. He then returned to his anchorage, unmolested, although the

English made every exertion to come up with him. This insult seemed to

have the desired effect, and on the afternoon of the 22d of February,

1814, the Cherub was seen to be about three miles to leeward of the

harbor, while the Phœbe was standing in alone. At 5 P.M. she hove

about, a short distance from the Essex, with head off shore, shortened

sail, fired a gun to windward (a nautical challenge), and hoisted her

motto flag.

Porter instantly accepted the challenge, hoisted his motto, fired a gun

and got under way.

The Phœbe made sail and stood off shore, while Porter followed,

under all sail. He was nearing the English frigate fast, when to his

astonishment, she bore off before the wind, and ran down for her

consort. Porter fired two shots across her fore-foot, but they did not

bring her to, and the Essex hauled her wind and returned to port, where

she anchored before the two British vessels could reach her.

Porter did not spare some caustic remarks upon this affair, and they

reached Hillyar, through British residents on shore.

Defiant letters were interchanged between the ships’ companies. Porter

wrote to Hillyar, and Hillyar to Porter, and, as was natural, angry

feelings increased.

About the middle of March the First Lieutenant of the Phœbe (who was

afterwards killed in the action) came on board the Essex, under a flag

of truce, with a message from Captain Hillyar.

Presuming it was a challenge, Porter required the presence of some of

his officers, and then asked the English officer the purport of his

message.

The Englishman said that Captain Hillyar had heard that Captain Porter

had publicly stated that Hillyar had acted in a cowardly manner, by

running away from the Essex after challenging her, but that he could

not believe the report, and had sent his first Lieutenant to ascertain

the truth.

Porter at once told him that he had said so, and still thought so.

The English Lieutenant then stated that he was instructed to tell

Captain Porter that the hoisting the flag and firing the gun, by the

Phœbe, was not intended as a challenge, but as a signal to her consort.

Porter replied that Captain Hillyar had informed him that the flag was

intended for the Essex, and there “was not a man, woman nor child in

Valparaiso who did not think it a challenge.” The Lieutenant repeated

that Captain Hillyar desired him to assure Captain Porter that it was

not intended for a challenge.

Porter said he was bound to believe Captain Hillyar, if he said so; but

that he should always consider such a proceeding a challenge: and that,

whenever he chose to send away the Cherub, and repeat the manœuvre,

he should act as he had before done. The Lieutenant once more assured

Porter that it was not a challenge, and that Captain Hillyar did not

approve of challenges, as he was a religious man.

Such a state of things as we have been describing could not, of course,

last very long.

Exasperation was fast taking the place of self-control, on both sides;

and as more British vessels were expected, it was necessary for Porter

to take some decided step. A crisis was evidently approaching.

The relative strength of the two nations, in Valparaiso, was then as

follows:--

The Phœbe carried thirty long eighteens; sixteen thirty-two pound

carronades; one howitzer, and six three-pounders in the tops; in all,

fifty-three guns. Her crew consisted of three hundred and twenty men.

The Cherub carried eighteen thirty-two pound carronades; eight

twenty-fours; two long nines; and had a crew of one hundred and eighty

men.

On the American side, the Essex mounted forty-six guns. Forty of these

were thirty-two pound carronades, and six were long twelves. Her crew,

reduced by those in prizes, was only two hundred and fifty-five men.

The Essex Junior, built for whaling, was principally a store-ship, or

tender. She mounted twenty guns, taken from captured whalers. Ten of

these were eighteen-pound carronades, and ten were short sixes. She had

a crew of sixty men.

For six weeks the English ships had been mostly under way, and

cruising off the port; and Porter was finally induced to put to

sea by the certain intelligence that the Tagus, 38, and two other

English frigates, were on their way to the Pacific. The Raccoon was

also expected; which sloop had been sent up to the northwest Coast

of America for the purpose of destroying the American Fur Company’s

establishment, on the Columbia river.

Having agreed upon a rendezvous where he could meet the Essex Junior,

Porter determined to allow the two British vessels to chase him off the

coast, and thereby to permit his tender to escape.

On March 28th the wind came out fresh from the southward, and the Essex

parted one of her cables, and dragged the other anchor directly out to

sea; so that it was necessary to get sail on the ship instantly. The

enemy were, at the time, close in with the western point of the bay;

but when Porter had made sail, and opened them, he saw a chance of

passing them to windward; and, taking in top-gallant-sails, which had

been set over single-reefed top-sails, he braced up for that purpose.

Unfortunately, as the Essex came up with the point, and was passing it,

it happened (as it often does in such localities) that a heavy squall

struck the ship, and carried away her main-top-mast; and all the men

aloft, furling the top-gallant-sail, were lost.

Admiral Farragut said, in after years, that the reason why they lost

the main-top-mast was, that the yard jammed, and would not come down

when the halliards were let go--the top-gallant-sail being clewed down.

The loss of this spar was most disastrous. Both the English ships

at once gave chase, and the crippled Essex endeavored to regain the

port. Finding he could not reach the usual anchorage, Porter ran into

a small bay, about three-quarters of a mile to leeward of a small

Chilian battery, on the east side of the harbor, and anchored within

pistol-shot of the shore; intent upon repairing damages as soon as

possible. The enemy’s vessels continued to approach, and showed every

intention of attacking him, regardless of the fact that the Essex was

anchored close to neutral shores. They bore down with caution, however,

hoisting a number of motto flags and jacks.

Porter went to quarters and got his ship clear of the wreck and ready

for action as soon as possible, but he had not time to get a spring

upon his cable, for at about 4 P. M. the attack was made, the Phœbe

assuming a position under the Essex’ stern, and the Cherub one on

her starboard bow. Their fire was promptly returned, and the Cherub

soon found her position a hot one, and she bore up to join the Phœbe

under the Essex’ stern, whence they delivered a severe raking fire.

The Essex could not get her broadside to bear, but fought three long

twelve-pounders out of the stern ports, which were worked with such

bravery, skill and rapidity, that in half an hour both English ships

were obliged to draw off to repair damages.

During the firing, the Essex succeeded, by dint of great exertion, in

getting a spring upon the cable no less than three times, but the fire

of the enemy was so heavy that it was each time shot away before her

broadside could be brought to bear.

The Essex was already much damaged and had a good many killed and

wounded, but the ship’s company were in good spirits, and though they

were caught at such a disadvantage, resolved to resist to the last.

The gaff, with the motto flag and ensign, had been shot away, but “Free

Trade and Sailor’s Rights” continued to fly at the fore. The ensign

was now made fast in the main rigging, and several jacks displayed

at different points. The enemy soon repaired damages and were ready

to renew the attack, and both his ships now placed themselves on

the Essex’ starboard quarter, out of the reach of her broadside

carronades, and where her stern guns would not bear. They then opened

and kept up a galling fire, which the Essex could not return at all,

and there was no chance for the American ship, unless she could get

underway and assail in turn. The Essex’ top-sail sheets and halliards

were all shot away, as well as the jib and stay-sail halliards. Indeed,

the only rope of that kind not cut was the flying-jib halliards. This,

the only available sail, was set, the cable cut, and Porter steered

down upon the English vessels, intending to lay the Phœbe aboard.

The firing on both sides was now incessant. Porter let fall his

fore-top-sail and fore-sail, but the want of tacks and sheets rendered

them almost useless. Yet he approached his enemy slowly, and although

the decks were thickly strewn with dead, and the cockpit filled with

wounded, and although the ship had been several times on fire and was

almost a wreck, they still had some hopes, for the Cherub was just then

compelled to haul off. This ship did not come into close action again,

although she kept up a distant fire from her long guns. The disabled

state of the Essex enabled the Phœbe, by edging off, to choose her own

distance, and use her long guns, with which she kept up a tremendous

fire, which mowed down the Essex’ crew in a fearful way. Farragut,

in his recollections, praises the Surgeons for their coolness and

dexterity, although they had, at this time, patients killed under their

hands.

Many of the American guns had been rendered useless, and many had their

entire crews destroyed by this fire.

The remaining guns were again manned, however, and one gun was three

times re-manned--fifteen people having been killed at that one piece

during the action. The captain of this same gun alone escaped, with a

slight scratch.

Finding that the enemy had it in his power to choose his distance, and

thus destroy him at leisure, and as the wind at the moment favored,

Porter determined to run his ship on shore, land his men, and destroy

her. When he was within musket-shot of the beach the wind suddenly

shifted right off shore, and paid the Essex off, with her head towards

the Phœbe; exposing her again to a deadly raking fire.

The Essex was by this time totally unmanageable, yet as her head was

towards the enemy, and the latter was to leeward, Porter still had a

faint hope that he might be able to board her.

Just then Lieutenant Downes, the Commander of the Essex Junior,

thinking that the Essex would soon be taken, pulled out in his boat,

and came on board to receive Porter’s orders. In the wretched condition

of the ship Downes could be of no use, and finding that the enemy had

put his helm up and ran off, so that he could not board her, Porter

directed Downes to return to his own ship, prepare for her defence,

and if necessary, destroy her. Downes, therefore, took several of the

wounded, left three of his own crew, and rejoined the Essex Junior.

The slaughter on board the Essex was now horrible; and the enemy

continued to rake her, while she could not bring a gun to bear.

Porter then bent a hawser to his sheet-anchor, and cut the anchor away,

thus bringing her head round.

Her broadside was then again brought to bear, and as the Phœbe was

much crippled, and unable to hold her own, it is probable he would

have drifted out of gunshot before he discovered that the Essex had

anchored again, had not the hawser unfortunately parted. The case of

the Essex now seemed hopeless. Several fires had been extinguished

during the engagement; but now fire made headway both forward and aft;

and flames, supposed to come from near the magazine, were shooting up

the hatchways. At this juncture they were about three-quarters of a

mile from the shore, and there was a bare chance for those of the crew

who could swim well to reach the land. The boats were all destroyed by

the enemy’s shot, and the fire was now burning fiercely, close to the

after magazine.

Orders were given for those who could swim to jump overboard and make

for the shore. Many did so, some with clothes already on fire. Some

reached the beach, some were captured by the enemy’s boats, and some

perished. Most of the surviving officers and crew preferred to share,

with the Captain, the fate of the ship. These were now wholly employed

in endeavors to extinguish the flames; and in this they finally

succeeded.

They then once more manned the guns, and renewed the engagement; but

the crew were now so weakened that all saw the impossibility of further

resistance, and entreated Captain Porter to surrender, as the ship

was entirely disabled, and such a step was necessary, to save the

wounded. Porter sent for the division officers, to consult them; but

found only Lieutenant McKnight remaining. He confirmed the reports of

the bad condition of the ship, below, and the disabled state of the

guns, and their crews. Lieutenant Wilmer had been knocked overboard

by a splinter, while getting the sheet-anchor overboard, and had been

drowned, after fighting gallantly through the whole action. Acting

Lieutenant Cowell had lost a leg. The Sailing Master, Mr. Barnewell,

was badly wounded. Acting Lieutenant Odenheimer had been knocked

overboard, but managed to sustain himself upon some floating wreck, not

succeeding, however, in regaining the ship until after her surrender.

The cockpit, steerage, wardroom, and berth-deck were full of wounded;

some of whom were killed while the Surgeons were operating upon them.

More than this, it was evident that unless something was done the ship

must soon sink, with all on board, from the numerous shot-holes below

the water line.

The Carpenter reported that all his men were either killed or wounded;

and he himself had narrowly escaped drowning, as the slings in which

he was suspended, while overboard, stopping shot-holes, had been shot

away. It was impossible to reach the enemy with the carronades; while

they, from the smoothness of the water, and immunity from shot, were

enabled to use their long guns upon the Essex, as upon a target.

It is said that, at this time, Lieutenant Ingram, of the Phœbe, wanted

Captain Hillyar to bear down and board the Essex--saying it was

deliberate murder to lie off and fire in this way. This gallant English

officer was killed, among the last, that day.

The American ship continued to be hulled at every shot, and was cut up

in a way seldom witnessed. In a word, there was no hope of saving her,

and at half-past six in the evening Porter was forced to strike his

colors.

Only seventy-five officers and men remained fit for duty; and many of

these were wounded, and some afterwards died.

In spite of the colors being down, the enemy continued his deliberate

fire, and the survivors continued to fall. Porter ordered an opposite

gun to be fired, to intimate his surrender, but the fire continued, and

several more men fell.

Porter now believed that they intended to show no quarter; and he was

upon the point of hoisting his flag again, when, about ten minutes

after the colors had been struck, the enemy ceased firing.

It is only fair to suppose that the smoke prevented them from seeing

that the flag was down.

Porter, and his officers and crew, had shown unparalleled bravery,

skill, zeal, and patriotism; and nothing but the absolute requirements

of humanity caused their surrender--to save the helpless wounded. Had

they been disposed of, there is little doubt they would have let the

Essex sink under them, and have taken the chance of gaining the shore.

The action had been fought almost entirely with the great guns;

musketry being only used during the first half hour. During most of the

time the Essex could only use her six long twelves; and it is fair to

say that every one did his whole duty. Farragut, then a mere child, was

mentioned, among others, for gallantry, but was “too young to recommend

for promotion.”

The Essex’ ship’s company were unfortunate, but not disgraced. Out

of them fifty-eight were killed, or died subsequently of wounds;

thirty-nine were severely wounded; twenty-seven were slightly wounded;

and thirty-one were missing--mostly drowned. Lieutenant Cowell, whose

leg was shattered, insisted upon waiting his turn, with the other

wounded, for amputation, and thereby lost his life.

The enemy’s loss, which was comparatively light, from the circumstances

under which the battle was fought, included the First Lieutenant of the

Phœbe, killed, and Captain Tucker, of the Cherub, severely wounded.

Both the Essex and the Phœbe were in a sinking state, and were with

difficulty kept afloat until morning, when they anchored in the port of

Valparaiso.

The Essex was afterwards repaired, and sent to England, when she was

added to the British navy. The Phœbe had eighteen shot-holes through

her, below the water line, and nothing saved both ships but the fact

that the water was very smooth.

During the action the American Consul General, Mr. Poinsett, demanded

from the Governor of Valparaiso that his batteries should protect the

Essex.

This was refused; but he was promised that, if she fought her way in

to the usual anchorage, he would send to the British Commander, and

request him to desist, but would not use force under any circumstances.

This, and other evidences of bias in favor of the British were so

strong, that Mr. Poinsett left the country, having no hope that any

claim for the restoration of the ship would be entertained.

The change of feeling in the authorities of Valparaiso, Porter

attributed to a revolution, which had lately put new people into power;

beside the fact that the South American nations always favored the

strongest force.

Soon after their capture Captain Hillyar allowed the prisoners to

proceed to the United States in the Essex Junior, which ship was

disarmed, and furnished with a passport, to prevent recapture.

Porter, in his remarks upon the battle, says that while he could never

be reconciled to Hillyar’s course in attacking the Essex in neutral

waters, he must do the English Captain the justice to say that, after

the capture he did all he could to alleviate the misery of the wounded

and prisoners. Their private property was pilfered, to be sure, but it

was against Hillyar’s positive orders. Porter also very truly remarks

that the Essex would almost certainly have escaped to sea, but for the

accident to her mast, and that it was a wonderful thing that the two

ships should not have captured or destroyed her in a much shorter time.

The English frigate Tagus arrived a few days after the battle. She,

with other English ships, had been sent to look for Porter in the China

Seas, Timor and Australia. Porter estimated the cost to the English

government of the capture of the Essex as, at least, $6,000,000.

We now pass to the singular termination of the voyage of the Essex

Junior, which ship left Valparaiso with the paroled American prisoners.

She made a remarkably good passage of 73 days, to Sandy Hook, the

prisoners hoping to be in time to be exchanged, fit out a vessel, and

intercept the prize on her passage to England. But off Sandy Hook they

fell in with the British ship Saturn, the Captain of which at first

passed them, but two hours after boarded them again, and revoked the

pass. As Captain Hillyar’s pass was thus violated, Captain Porter

revoked his parole, and declared himself the Saturn’s prisoner. The

Essex Junior was directed to remain all night under the Saturn’s guns.

The next morning the ships were some thirty miles off Long Island,

within musket-shot of each other, and in a dense fog. Porter determined

to escape. A boat was lowered and manned, and Porter entered it,

leaving with Lieutenant Downes a message for Captain Nash, of the

Saturn, to the effect that he was “satisfied that British officers were

destitute of honor, and regardless of the honor of each other. That he

was armed and intended to defend himself against boats sent out after

him.” He got nearly a gunshot off, in the fog, before it was discovered

that he had left, and when he was pursued he eluded the enemy’s boats

and landed at Babylon, Long Island. The English asserted breach of

parole in his case, but the Government took up the matter, and it was

finally satisfactorily arranged.

In connection with the homeward passage of the Essex Junior, we

must not omit to mention the sad fate of Lieutenant Stephen Decatur

McKnight, the only Lieutenant of the Essex who escaped unhurt from the

sanguinary engagement with the Phœbe and Cherub.

Lieutenant McKnight and Midshipman Lyman had remained behind, and

went to Rio Janeiro in the Phœbe, to make the affidavits necessary to

condemn the Essex as a prize. They were then allowed the option of

going to England in the Phœbe, or to be allowed to go to Europe in a

merchant vessel, and thence home, on parole. They preferred the latter,

and sailed from Rio in a Swedish brig called the Adonis. On the passage

they met, at sea, the United States ship Wasp, Captain Blakely, on a

cruise, and left the Adonis and joined the Wasp, in mid-ocean. The Wasp

was never seen again after the Adonis left her.

It may further be of interest to have Admiral Farragut’s recollections

of this battle, as well as his comments thereon, when ripe in years and

experience.

Farragut was only thirteen years old at the time of the battle; but, as

we have seen, he was commended for his coolness and conduct.

He said that, when the English ships first came in, and while the Essex

and Phœbe were close together, and the Captains talking to each other,

a young fellow stationed at a gun-deck gun of the Essex, who had just

come off from liberty, rather tipsy, fancied he saw a man on board the

Phœbe grinning at him.

“My fine fellow,” said he, “I’ll soon stop your making faces!” and was

about to fire his gun, when Lieutenant McKnight saw him, and knocked

him over. Farragut remarks that, if this gun had been fired, the battle

would then have taken place, under such circumstances that the Phœbe

would most likely have been taken.

He also mentions (which Captain Porter does not), that one night, while

the English ships were outside, the Americans manned all boats, to

board and capture them; but finding them prepared, and their men lying

at their quarters, they returned.

In his later years the gallant Admiral gave his opinion as follows:

“In the first place, I consider our original and greatest error was

in attempting to regain the original anchorage, as, being of very

fine sailing qualities, the Essex should have borne up and run before

the wind. If we had come in contact with the Phœbe, we could have

boarded her. If she avoided us--having all her masts, and ability to

manœuvre--then we could have taken her fire, and passed on, leaving

both vessels behind, until we could have replaced our topmast. By this

time they would have separated, or it would have been no chase, as the

Cherub was a dull sailer.

“Secondly. When it was apparent to everybody that we had no chance of

success, under the circumstances, the ship should have been run on

shore, throwing her broadside to the beach, to prevent raking; fought

as long as was consistent with humanity, and then set on fire. But,

having determined upon anchoring, we should have bent a spring on the

ring of the anchor, instead of upon the cable, where it was exposed,

and could be shot away as fast as it could be put on. This mode of

proceeding would have given us, in my opinion, a better opportunity

of injuring our opponents.” Farragut further says, “It has been quite

common to blame Captain Hillyar for his conduct in this affair; but

when we come to consider the characteristics of the two Commanders, we

may be inclined to judge more leniently; although Porter’s complaints

in the matter will excite no surprise. Porter was then about thirty-one

years of age, and the ‘pink of chivalry,’ and of an ardent and

impetuous temperament; while Hillyar was a cool and calculating man, of

about fifty; and he himself said, ‘had gained his reputation by several

single-ship combats; and only expected to retain it on the present

occasion by implicit obedience to his orders, viz: to capture the Essex

with the least possible risk to his vessel and crew;’ and as he had

a superior force, he had determined not to leave anything to chance,

believing any other course would call down on him the disapprobation of

his government.”

Among other reminiscences by Farragut, we find that when Lieutenant

Ingram visited the Essex, under a flag of truce, he was shown all over

her, and made a very good impression by his frank and manly bearing. He

said the happiest moment of his life would be to take her to England

should she be captured in equal combat. Porter replied that, should

such an event occur, he knew no British officer to whom he would more

readily yield the honor. Poor Ingram was killed by a splinter, and the

American officers who survived attended his funeral, in Valparaiso.

“During the action,” says Admiral Farragut, in his later years, “I was,

like ‘Paddy in the Catharpins,’ a man on occasions. I performed the

duties of Captain’s aid, quarter-gunner, powder-boy, and, in fact, did

everything that was required of me. I shall never forget the horrible

impression made upon me at the sight of the first man I had ever seen

killed. He was a boatswain’s mate, and was fearfully mutilated. It

staggered and sickened me at first, but they soon began to fall around

me so fast that it all appeared like a dream, and produced no effect

upon my nerves. I can remember well, while I was standing near the

Captain, just abaft the main-mast, a shot came through the water-ways

and glanced upward, killing four men who were standing by the side of

a gun, taking the last one in the head, and scattering his brains over

both of us. But this awful sight did not affect me half as much as

the death of the first poor fellow. I neither thought of nor noticed

anything but the working of the guns.”

During the action Midshipman Farragut was knocked down a ladder by the

body of a heavy man, who was killed. Farragut was only bruised.

The Admiral also tells an amusing story of a fight he had, on board

the English frigate, after the action, when they were taken on board,

prisoners. He saw an English midshipman who had captured a pet pig,

called Murphy, belonging to him, and he stoutly claimed it. The English

midshipman refused to surrender it, but his older messmates told

Farragut that if he licked the English midshipman he should have his

pig. A ring was formed, and, encouraged by shouts, of “Go it! my little

Yankee! if you can thrash Shorty you shall have your pig!” he went in

and licked the Englishman handsomely.

[Illustration]

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