SECTION VI.

CITIZENSHIP OF PEOPLE OF COLOUR.

Before I entered New England, while I was ascending the Mississippi, I

was told by a Boston gentleman that the people of colour in the New

England States were perfectly well-treated; that the children were

educated in schools provided for them; and that their fathers freely

exercised the franchise. This gentleman certainly believed he was

telling me the truth. That he, a busy citizen of Boston, should know no

better, is now as striking an exemplification of the state of the case

to me as a correct representation of the facts would have been. There

are two causes for his mistake. He was not aware that the schools for

the coloured children in New England are, unless they escape by their

insignificance, shut up, or pulled down, or the school-house wheeled

away upon rollers over the frontier of a pious State, which will not

endure that its coloured citizens should be educated. He was not aware

of a gentleman of colour, and his family, being locked out of their own

hired pew in a church, because their white brethren will not Worship by

their side. But I will not proceed with an enumeration of injuries, too

familiar to Americans to excite any feeling but that of weariness; and

too disgusting to all others to be endured. The other cause of this

gentleman's mistake was, that he did not, from long custom, feel some

things to be injuries, which he would call anything but good treatment,

if he had to bear them himself. Would he think it good treatment to be

forbidden to eat with fellow-citizens; to be assigned to a particular

gallery in his church; to be excluded from college, from municipal

office, from professions, from scientific and literary associations? If

he felt himself excluded from every department of society, but its

humiliations and its drudgery, would he declare himself to be "perfectly

well-treated in Boston?" Not a word more of statement is needed.

A Connecticut judge lately declared on the bench that he believed people

of colour were not considered citizens in the laws. He was proved to be

wrong. He was actually ignorant of the wording of the acts by which

people of colour are termed citizens. Of course, no judge could have

forgotten this who had seen them treated as citizens: nor could one of

the most eminent statesmen and lawyers in the country have told me that

it is still a doubt, in the minds of some high authorities, whether

people of colour are citizens. He is as mistaken as the judge. There has

been no such doubt since the Connecticut judge was corrected and

enlightened. The error of the statesman arose from the same cause; he

had never seen the coloured people treated as citizens. "In fact," said

he, "these people hold an anomalous situation. They are protected as

citizens when the public service requires their security; but not

otherwise treated as such," Any comment would weaken this intrepid

statement.

The common argument, about the inferiority of the coloured race, bears

no relation whatever to this question. They are citizens. They stand, as

such, in the law, and in the acknowledgment of every one who knows the

law. They are citizens, yet their houses and schools are pulled down,

and they can obtain no remedy at law. They are thrust out of offices,

and excluded from the most honourable employments, and stripped of all

the best benefits of society by fellow-citizens who, once a year,

solemnly lay their hands on their hearts, and declare that all men are

born free and equal, and that rulers derive their just powers from the

consent of the governed.

This system of injury is not wearing out. Lafayette, on his last visit

to the United States, expressed his astonishment at the increase of the

prejudice against colour. He remembered, he said, how the black soldiers

used to mess with the whites in the revolutionary war. The leaders of

that war are gone where principles are all,--where prejudices are

nothing. If their ghosts could arise, in majestic array, before the

American nation, on their great anniversary, and hold up before them the

mirror of their constitution, in the light of its first principles,

where would the people hide themselves from the blasting radiance? They

would call upon their holy soil to swallow them up, as unworthy to tread

upon it. But not all. It should ever be remembered that America is the

country of the best friends the coloured race has ever had. The more

truth there is in the assertions of the oppressors of the blacks, the

more heroism there is in their friends. The greater the excuse for the

pharisees of the community, the more divine is the equity of the

redeemers of the coloured race. If it be granted that the coloured race

are naturally inferior, naturally depraved, disgusting, cursed,--it must

be granted that it is a heavenly charity which descends among them to

give such solace as it can to their incomprehensible existence. As long

as the excuses of the one party go to enhance the merit of the other,

the society is not to be despaired of, even with this poisonous anomaly

at its heart.

Happily, however, the coloured race is not cursed by God, as it is by

some factions of his children. The less clear-sighted of them are

pardonable for so believing. Circumstances, for which no living man is

answerable, have generated an erroneous conviction in the feeble mind of

man, which sees not beyond the actual and immediate. No remedy could

ever have been applied, unless stronger minds than ordinary had been

brought into the case. But it so happens, wherever there is an anomaly,

giant minds rise up to overthrow it: minds gigantic, not in

understanding, but in faith. Wherever they arise, they are the salt of

their earth, and its corruption is retrieved. So it is now in America.

While the mass of common men and women are despising, and disliking, and

fearing, and keeping down the coloured race, blinking the fact that they

are citizens, the few of Nature's aristocracy are putting forth a strong

hand to lift up this degraded race out of oppression, and their country

from the reproach of it. If they were but one or two, trembling and

toiling in solitary energy, the world afar would be confident of their

success. But they number hundreds and thousands; and if ever they feel a

passing doubt of their progress, it is only because they are pressed

upon by the meaner multitude. Over the sea, no one doubts of their

victory. It is as certain as that the risen sun will reach the meridian.

Already are there overflowing colleges, where no distinction of colour

is allowed;--overflowing, _because_ no distinction of colour is allowed.

Already have people of colour crossed the thresholds of many whites, as

guests, not as drudges or beggars. Already are they admitted to worship,

and to exercise charity, among the whites.

The world has heard and seen enough of the reproach incurred by America,

on account of her coloured population. It is now time to look for the

fairer side The crescent streak is brightening towards the full, to wane

no more. Already is the world beyond the sea beginning to think of

America, less as the country of the double-faced pretender to the name

of Liberty, than as the home of the single-hearted, clear-eyed Presence

which, under the name of Abolitionism, is majestically passing through

the land which is soon to be her throne.

Society in America, Volume 1 (of 2) · 第 6 / 10 章