Supposing we have this teaching of what I may call intermediate

science, what we want next is technical instruction, in the strict

sense of the word technical; I mean instruction in that kind of

knowledge which is essential to the successful prosecution of the

several branches of trade and industry. Now, the best way of obtaining

this end is a matter about which the most experienced persons entertain

very diverse opinions. I do not for one moment pretend to dogmatise

about it; I can only tell you what the opinion is that I have formed

from hearing the views of those who are certainly best qualified to

judge, from those who have tested the various methods of conveying this

instruction. I think we have before us three possibilities. We have, in

the first place, trade schools--I mean schools in which branches of

trade are taught. We have, in the next place, schools attached to

factories for the purpose of instructing young apprentices and others

who go there, and who aim at becoming intelligent workmen and capable

foremen. We have, lastly, the system of day classes and evening

classes. With regard to the first there is this objection, that they

can be attended only by those who are not obliged to earn their bread,

and consequently that they will reach only a very small fraction of the

population. Moreover, the expense of trade schools is enormous, and

those who are best able to judge assure me that, inasmuch as the work

which they do is not done under conditions of pecuniary success or

failure, it is apt to be too amateurish and speculative, and that it

does not prepare the worker for the real conditions under which he will

have to carry out his work. In any case, the fact that the schools are

very expensive, and the fact that they are accessible only to a small

portion of the population, seem to me to constitute a very serious

objection to them. I suppose the best of all possible organisations is

that of a school attached to a factory, where the employer has an

interest in seeing that the instruction given is of a thoroughly

practical kind, and where the pupils pass gradually by successive

stages to the position of actual workmen. Schools of this kind exist in

various parts of the country, but it is obvious that they are not

likely to be reached by any large part of the population; so that it

appears to me we are shut up practically to schools accessible to those

who are earning their bread, and in such cases they must be essentially

evening classes. I am strongly of opinion that classes of this kind do

an immense amount of good; that they have this admirable quality, that

they involve voluntary attendance, take no man out of his position, but

enable any who chooses, to make the best of the position he happens to

occupy.

Suppose that all these things are desirable, what is the best way of

obtaining them? I must confess that I have a strong prejudice in favour

of carrying out undertakings of this kind, which at first, at any rate,

must be to a great extent tentative and experimental, by private

effort. I don't believe that the man lives at this present time who is

competent to organise a final system of technical education. I believe

that all attempts made in that direction must for many years to come be

experimental, and that we must get to success through a series of

blunders. Now that work is far better performed by private enterprise

than in any other way. But there is another method which I think is

permissible, and not only permissible but highly recommendable in this

case, and that is the method of allowing the locality itself in which

any branch of industry is pursued to be its own judge of its own wants,

and to tax itself under certain conditions for the purpose of carrying

out any scheme of technical education adapted to its needs. I am aware

that there are many extreme theorists of the individualist school who

hold that all this is very wicked and very wrong, and that by leaving

things to themselves they will get right. Well, my experience of the

world is that things left to themselves don't get right. I believe it

to be sound doctrine that a municipality--and the State itself for that

matter--is a corporation existing for the benefit of its members, and

that here, as in all other cases, it is for the majority to determine

that which is for the good of the whole, and to act upon that. That is

the principle which underlies the whole theory of government in this

country, and if it is wrong we shall have to go back a long way. But

you may ask me, "This process of local taxation can only be carried out

under the authority of an Act of Parliament, and do you propose to let

any municipality or any local authority have _carte blanche_ in

these matters; is the Legislature to allow it to tax the whole body of

its members to any extent it pleases and for any purposes it pleases?"

I should reply, certainly not.

Let me point out to you that at this present moment it passes the wit

of man, so far as I know, to give a legal definition of technical

education. If you expect to have an Act of Parliament with a definition

which shall include all that ought to be included, and exclude all that

ought to be excluded, I think you will have to wait a very long time. I

imagine the whole matter is in a tentative state. You don't know what

you will be called upon to do, and so you must try and you must

blunder. Under these circumstances it is obvious that there are two

alternatives. One of these is to give a free hand to each locality.

Well, it is within my knowledge that there are a good many people with

wonderful, strange, and wild notions as to what ought to be done in

technical education, and it is quite possible that in some places, and

especially in small places, where there are few persons who take an

interest in these things, you will have very remarkable projects put

forth, and in that case the sole court of appeal for those taxpayers,

who did not approve of such projects, would be a court of law. I

suppose the judges would have to settle what is technical education.

That would not be an edifying process, I think, and certainly it would

be a very costly one. The other alternative is the principle adopted in

the bill of last year now abandoned. I don't say whether the bill was

right or wrong in detail. I am dealing now only with the principle of

the bill, which appears to me to have been very often misunderstood. It

has been said that it gave the whole of technical education into the

hands of the Science and Art Department. It appears to me nothing could

be more unfounded than that assertion. All I understand the Government

proposed to do was to provide some authority who should have power to

say in case any scheme was proposed, "Well, this comes within the four

corners of the Act of Parliament, work it as you like;" or if it was an

obviously questionable project, should take upon itself the

responsibility of saying, "No, that is not what the Legislature

intended; amend your scheme." There was no initiative, no control;

there was simply this power of giving authority to decide upon the

meaning of the Act of Parliament to a particular department of the

State, whichever it might be; and it seems to me that that is a very

much simpler and better process than relegating the whole question to

the law courts. I think that here, or anywhere else, people must be

extremely sanguine if they suppose that the House of Commons and the

House of Lords will ever dream of giving any local authority unlimited

power to tax the inhabitants of a district for any object it pleases. I

should say that was not in the range of practical politics. Well, I put

that before you as a matter for your consideration.

Another very important point in this connection is the question of the

supply of teachers. I should say that is one of the greatest

difficulties which beset the whole problem before us. I do not wish in

the slightest degree to criticise the existing system of preparing

teachers for ordinary school work. I have nothing to say about it. But

what I do wish to say, and what I trust I may impress on your minds

firmly is this, that for the purpose of obtaining persons competent to

teach science or to act as technical teachers, a different system must

be adopted. For this purpose a man must know what he is about

thoroughly, and be able to deal with his subject as if it were the

business of his ordinary life. For this purpose, for the obtaining of

teachers of science and of technical classes, the system of catching a

boy or girl young, making a pupil teacher of him, compelling the poor

little mortal to pour from his little bucket, into a still smaller

bucket, that which has just been poured into it out of a big bucket;

and passing him afterwards through the training college, where his life

is devoted to filling the bucket from the pump from morning till night,

without time for thought or reflection, is a system which should not

continue. Let me assure you that it will not do for us, that you had

better give the attempt up than try that system. I remember somewhere

reading of an interview between the poet Southey and a good Quaker.

Southey was a man of marvellous powers of work. He had a habit of

dividing his time into little parts each of which was filled up, and he

told the Quaker what he did in this hour and that, and so on through

the day until far into the night. The Quaker listened, and at the close

said, "Well, but, friend Southey, when dost thee think?" The system

which I am now adverting to is arraigned and condemned by putting that

question to it. When does the unhappy pupil teacher, or over-drilled

student of a training college, find any time to think? I am sure if I

were in their place I could not. I repeat, that kind of thing will not

do for science teachers. For science teachers must have knowledge, and

knowledge is not to be acquired on these terms. The power of repetition

is, but that is not knowledge. The knowledge which is absolutely

requisite in dealing with young children is the knowledge you possess,

as you would know your own business, and which you can just turn about

as if you were explaining to a boy a matter of everyday life.

So far as science teaching and technical education are concerned, the

most important of all things is to provide the machinery for training

proper teachers. The Department of Science and Art has been at that

work for years and years, and though unable under present conditions to

do so much as could be wished, it has, I believe, already begun to

leaven the lump to a very considerable extent. If technical education

is to be carried out on the scale at present contemplated, this

particular necessity must be specially and most seriously provided for.

And there is another difficulty, namely, that when you have got your

science or technical teacher it may not be easy to keep him. You have

educated a man--a clever fellow very likely--on the understanding that

he is to be a teacher. But the business of teaching is not a very

lucrative and not a very attractive one, and an able man who has had a

good training is under extreme temptations to carry his knowledge and

his skill to a better market, in which case you have had all your

trouble for nothing. It has often occurred to me that probably nothing

would be of more service in this matter than the creation of a number

of not very large bursaries or exhibitions, to be gained by persons

nominated by the authorities of the various science colleges and

schools of the country--persons such as they thought to be well

qualified for the teaching business--and to be held for a certain term

of years, during which the holders should be bound to teach. I believe

that some measure of this kind would do more to secure a good supply of

teachers than anything else. Pray note that I do not suggest that you

should try to get hold of good teachers by competitive examination.

That is not the best way of getting men of that special qualification.

An effectual method would be to ask professors and teachers of any

institution to recommend men who, to their own knowledge, are worthy of

such support, and are likely to turn it to good account.

I trust I am not detaining you too long; but there remains yet one

other matter which I think is of profound importance, perhaps of more

importance than all the rest, on which I earnestly beg to be permitted

to say some few words. It is the need, while doing all these things, of

keeping an eye, and an anxious eye, upon those measures which are

necessary for the preservation of that stable and sound condition of

the whole social organism which is the essential condition of real

progress, and a chief end of all education. You will all recollect that

some time ago there was a scandal and a great outcry about certain

cutlasses and bayonets which had been supplied to our troops and

sailors. These warlike implements were polished as bright as rubbing

could make them; they were very well sharpened; they looked lovely. But

when they were applied to the test of the work of war they broke and

they bent, and proved more likely to hurt the hand of him that used

them than to do any harm to the enemy. Let me apply that analogy to the

effect of education, which is a sharpening and polishing of the mind.

You may develop the intellectual side of people as far as you like, and

you may confer upon them all the skill that training and instruction

can give; but, if there is not, underneath all that outside form and

superficial polish, the firm fibre of healthy manhood and earnest

desire to do well, your labour is absolutely in vain.

Let me further call your attention to the fact that the terrible battle

of competition between the different nations of the world is no

transitory phenomenon, and does not depend upon this or that

fluctuation of the market, or upon any condition that is likely to pass

away. It is the inevitable result of that which takes place throughout

nature and affects man's part of nature as much as any other--namely,

the struggle for existence, arising out of the constant tendency of all

creatures in the animated world to multiply indefinitely. It is that,

if you look at it, which is at the bottom of all the great movements of

history. It is that inherent tendency of the social organism to

generate the causes of its own destruction, never yet counteracted,

which has been at the bottom of half the catastrophes which have ruined

States. We are at present in the swim of one of those vast movements in

which, with a population far in excess of that which we can feed, we

are saved from a catastrophe, through the impossibility of feeding

them, solely by our possession of a fair share of the markets of the

world. And in order that that fair share may be retained, it is

absolutely necessary that we should be able to produce commodities

which we can exchange with food-growing people, and which they will

take, rather than those of our rivals, on the ground of their greater

cheapness or of their greater excellence. That is the whole story. And

our course, let me say, is not actuated by mere motives of ambition or

by mere motives of greed. Those doubtless are visible enough on the

surface of these great movements, but the movements themselves have far

deeper sources. If there were no such things as ambition and greed in

this world, the struggle for existence would arise from the same

causes.

Our sole chance of succeeding in a competition, which must constantly

become more and more severe, is that our people shall not only have the

knowledge and the skill which are required, but that they shall have

the will and the energy and the honesty, without which neither

knowledge nor skill can be of any permanent avail. This is what I mean

by a stable social condition, because any other condition than this,

any social condition in which the development of wealth involves the

misery, the physical weakness, and the degradation of the worker, is

absolutely and infallibly doomed to collapse. Your bayonets and

cutlasses will break under your hand, and there will go on accumulating

in society a mass of hopeless, physically incompetent, and morally

degraded people, who are, as it were, a sort of dynamite which, sooner

or later, when its accumulation becomes sufficient and its tension

intolerable, will burst the whole fabric.

I am quite aware that the problem which I have put before you and which

you know as much about as I do, and a great deal more probably, is one

extremely difficult to solve. I am fully aware that one great factor in

industrial success is reasonable cheapness of labour. That has been

pointed out over and over again, and is in itself an axiomatic

proposition. And it seems to me that of all the social questions which

face us at this present time, the most serious is how to steer a clear

course between the two horns of an obvious dilemma. One of these is the

constant tendency of competition to lower wages beyond a point at which

man can remain man--below a point at which decency and cleanliness and

order and habits of morality and justice can reasonably be expected to

exist. And the other horn of the dilemma is the difficulty of

maintaining wages above this point consistently with success in

industrial competition. I have not the remotest conception how this

problem will eventually work itself out; but of this I am perfectly

convinced, that the sole course compatible with safety lies between the

two extremes; between the Scylla of successful industrial production

with a degraded population, on the one side, and the Charybdis of a

population, maintained in a reasonable and decent state, with failure

in industrial competition, on the other side. Having this strong

conviction, which, indeed, I imagine must be that of every person who

has ever thought seriously about these great problems, I have ventured

to put it before you in this bare and almost cynical fashion because it

will justify the strong appeal, which I make to all concerned in this

work of promoting industrial education, to have a care, at the same

time, that the conditions of industrial life remain those in which the

physical energies of the population may be maintained at a proper

level; in which their moral state may be cared for; in which there may

be some rays of hope and pleasure in their lives; and in which the sole

prospect of a life of labour may not be an old age of penury.

These are the chief suggestions I have to offer to you, though I have

omitted much that I should like to have said, had time permitted. It

may be that some of you feel inclined to look upon them as the Utopian

dreams of a student. If there be such, let me tell you that there are,

to my knowledge, manufacturing towns in this country, not one-tenth the

size, or boasting one-hundredth part of the wealth, of Manchester, in

which I do not say that the programme that I have put before you is

completely carried out, but in which, at any rate, a wise and

intelligent effort had been made to realise it, and in which the main

parts of the programme are in course of being worked out. This is not

the first time that I have had the privilege and pleasure of addressing

a Manchester audience. I have often enough, before now, thrown myself

with entire confidence upon the hard-headed intelligence and the very

soft-hearted kindness of Manchester people, when I have had a difficult

and complicated scientific argument to put before them. If, after the

considerations which I have put before you--and which, pray be it

understood, I by no means claim particularly for myself, for I presume

they must be in the minds of a large number of people who have thought

about this matter--if it be that these ideas commend themselves to your

mature reflection, then I am perfectly certain that my appeal to you to

carry them into practice, with that abundant energy and will which have

led you to take a foremost part in the great social movements of our

country many a time beforehand, will not be made in vain. I therefore

confidently appeal to you to let those impulses once more have full

sway, and not to rest until you have done something better and greater

than has yet been done in this country in the direction in which we are

now going. I heartily thank you for the attention which you have been

kind enough to bestow upon me. The practice of public speaking is one I

must soon think of leaving off, and I count it a special and peculiar

honour to have had the opportunity of speaking to you on this subject

to-day.

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THE END OF VOL. III

End of Project Gutenberg's Science and Education, by Thomas H. Huxley

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