PART I_Mussolini as revealed in his political speeches (November 1914-August 1923)

MUSSOLINI

AS REVEALED IN HIS POLITICAL SPEECHES

[Illustration]

MUSSOLINI

AS REVEALED IN HIS POLITICAL SPEECHES

(NOVEMBER 1914–AUGUST 1923)

SELECTED, TRANSLATED AND EDITED BY

BARONE BERNARDO QUARANTA di SAN SEVERINO

[Illustration]

1923

LONDON & TORONTO

J. M. DENT & SONS LTD.

NEW YORK: E. P. DUTTON & CO.

ONLY AUTHORISED EDITION

_All rights reserved_

PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN

THE PRESIDENT OF THE ITALIAN SENATE

TOMMASO TITTONI

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[Illustration]

[Illustration: The most limpid waters in the world appear turbid when

compared to the purity of the waters of the Lethe.]

INTRODUCTION

A NOTE ON ITALIAN FASCISMO

In an interesting article published last year in our Press, Ettore

Ciccotti shows that Italian Fascismo does not represent an absolutely

new political event, but is part of the general historic development of

nations. In the first years of its appearance it was compared to the

“krypteia” of Sparta, to the “eterie” of Athens, and to similar

phenomena, which are repeated as a manifestation of self-defence of

strong and active groups or classes, uniting and forming centres of

resistance; exercising thus, by their extended action, general functions

of State in a period in which its protection is weak or inefficient, and

shows signs of disintegration or degeneration. Other examples of this

phenomenon can be found in the history of the Church and in the Italian

Communes, in England, Germany, in the Clubs of the French Revolution,

and in the rest of Europe. When in a nation which shows such signs this

form of vitality does not exist, we witness the general collapse of that

nation, as in Russia at this moment, where only the radical uprooting of

Bolshevism might lead to the general resurrection of the country.

The after-war period in Italy, as elsewhere, had caused complete apathy,

slackness and disorder in Parliamentary State functions, characterised

by many elaborate programmes, but few facts. The Italian working

classes, moreover, had been hypnotised by the nefarious gospel of Lenin,

which had powerfully contributed to bring about the grave state of

affairs in Italy in 1920, when the Communist peril had reached its acute

stage. The continued strikes in all industries had caused prices to rise

at a tremendous pace; the production of commodities had been reduced to

a minimum; the enormous deficit in the railway and postal departments,

the debt and the general budget of the State were alarming, while

foreign exchanges had reached fantastic figures. The arrogance of the

Communist elements had become unbearable, and officers at times were

obliged to dress in plain clothes in order not to be attacked by

Bolshevists, while soldiers, Carabineers and Guardie Regie were

frequently insulted and in some instances even killed by Communists.

But the gallant fighters of the Trentino, of the Carso and of the

Grappa, the volunteers who had saved Italy and arrested the advance of

the enemy on the Piave could not reconcile themselves to this state of

affairs, to the idea of watching with folded arms the complete loss of

the fruits of victory for which half a million men had left their lives

on the battlefields. These brave youths, with an indomitable courage,

ready to face all, full of the purest ideals and passionate love for our

country, representing a new force and a new Italy, had already in April

1919 grouped themselves together in a “fascio” (bundle), as the “Fascio

Nazionale dei Combattenti” (National Fasces of Combatants), under the

leadership of Benito Mussolini, who was the inspirer and organiser of

the movement and had himself been their comrade at the front.

They became stronger every day and dealt the initial blow to Communism

in 1921, when the first encounter took place between Fascisti and

Communists at Bologna, which marks the waning of Bolshevism and the rise

of Fascismo.

But it was not an easy matter for the new movement to make its way, as

in its laborious progress it met with endless difficulties, and above

all had to fight the apathy of the people and the general scepticism

regarding it. Fascismo had to deal with peculiar mentalities, to fight

various organisations, including the State, which felt itself being

undermined by this new political group, while its chief enemy, the

Bolshevist faction, had made endless victims among its rank and file

during the past.

It was not possible, however, for the Fascisti to deal with the

Communists otherwise than by using violence, as normal means would have

been entirely inadequate against the seditious elements (made all the

more arrogant by the manifest impotence of the State and the _laisser

faire_ attitude of public opinion), in view of the daily increasing

number of crimes committed against property and peaceful individuals.

Fascisti, moreover, started a strong movement against the composition of

the Chamber, maintaining that it no longer represented the nation, that

it had grown prematurely old and must, therefore, be quickly dissolved

and a new appeal to the electors be made as soon as possible. They had

been deeply concerned, on the other hand, with the Italian economic

crisis, which, according to Edmondo Rossoni, the able organiser and

Secretary-General of the Syndicalist Corporations, could not be overcome

without an increase in the production of commodities to be obtained by a

more rigorous discipline in the labour question; thus an economic

victory followed the victory on the battlefields. The masses of the

working classes, many of them previously Socialists and Communists,

enrolled themselves among the Fascisti syndicates scattered all over

Italy and were able to settle various important disputes.

The alleged dissension between Fascismo and the Italian Monarchy had

always been a favourite weapon in the hands of the anti-Fascisti

elements. The Hon. Mussolini, in his speech at the great Fascista Mass

Meeting at Naples on 24th October of last year, clearly manifested his

party feeling in the matter, as can be gathered by his own words uttered

there (see Part IV. page 171, of this collection). The attitude of

Fascismo towards Monarchy clearly defined by its leader was very

opportune, and contributed to the greater popularity of the movement

throughout the country, where this institution rests on a solid base,

represents Italian unity, and is to-day associated with its illustrious

representative, King Victor Emmanuel III., an example of domestic virtue

in private life, one of the most cultured men of our times, beloved by

all classes, who at the front proved himself the first soldier among

soldiers and gained the popularity of the whole nation.

The Army was secretly or openly greatly in favour of Fascismo, the

successful efforts of which to save the country from the

Social-Communist factions it could not forget. The soldiers could,

therefore, never have marched against the Fascisti—who represented

Italian patriotism. The very generals of the regular Army, such as

Generals Fara, Ceccherini, Graziani, de Bono, and others, in black

shirts, themselves directed the famous “March to Rome.”

With reference to religion, Mussolini’s Government promised to respect

all creeds, especially Catholicism. At Ouchy he said to the Press: “My

spirit is deeply religious. Religion is a formidable force which must be

respected and defended. I am, therefore, against anti-clerical and

atheistic democracy, which represents an old and useless toy. I maintain

that Catholicism is a great spiritual power, and I trust that the

relations between Church and State will henceforward be more friendly.”

And while the Minister for Public Instruction, Senator Gentile, has

introduced compulsory religious instruction in the elementary public

schools, the Under-Secretary of the same Ministry, Hon. Dario Lupi, one

of Mussolini’s closest friends, issued, as one of his first acts, a

timely and peremptory order to the school authorities requesting the

immediate replacement of the Crucifix and the picture of the King.

Fascismo, which during the last months of 1922 had seen its membership

increasing by leaps and bounds, finally won with a note of fanaticism

the very heart of the country from the Alps to the southern shores of

Sicily. Latterly it had exercised the functions of State almost

undisturbed, and did not spare either institutions or individuals in the

pursuit of its end. It had demanded and successfully obtained the

dismissal of the Pangermanist Mayor of Bolzano, Herr Perathoner; it had

occupied the Giunta Provinciale of Trento, causing the removal of the

Italian Governor, maintaining that he had been too weak in his attitude

towards arrogant Pangermanists in that region; and had acted

successfully as arbitrator in the labour dispute between Cantiere

Orlando of Leghorn and the Government itself. It was no wonder, then, if

after the big October meeting of last year at Naples and the “March to

Rome” with the famous Quadrumvirate formed by General Cesare de Bono,

Hon. Cesare Maria de Vecchi, Italo Balbo, and Michele Bianchi, then

Secretary-General of the Party, Mussolini, the creator of this mighty

movement, was summoned by the King to form the new Fascista Cabinet.

It might be a cause of surprise to the superficial observer, this sudden

ascent to power of a party which, a few days before it took the

government into its hands, had been threatened with martial law, an

order which the King wisely refused to sign, thus avoiding civil war.

But whoever has followed the development and progress of Fascismo during

the last four years, considers its great strength and power in the

country, its formidable membership (now over a million strong) compared

with that of any other party (the Socialists are reduced to seventy

thousand), and takes into account the high and patriotic principles on

which this movement is founded will not wonder that the party got to

power through an extra-parliamentary crisis. We cannot and must not

forget that these “black shirts”—as the Fascisti are called—have really

saved Italy from Bolshevism, which was sucking her very life-blood, and

that they are thereby entitled to the gratitude of our country and of

the world at large. “The Moscow conspirators, whose object was the

overthrow of Western civilisation, swept with a wide net,” writes Lord

Rothermere in his recent article, _Mussolini: What Europe owes to him_.

“They made great headway in Germany, especially in Berlin; they seized

Budapest under the direction of a convicted thief, but it was upon Italy

they counted most, and when Mussolini struck against them in Italy, he

was fighting a battle for all Europe.”

I do not think—and the Hon. Mussolini agreed with me in one of the

conversations I had with him—that people abroad, especially in England

and the United States, know much about Fascismo. It had been diagnosed

as a sporadic revolutionary movement, which sooner or later would be put

down by drastic measures. Not many have realised that in this after-war

period there is no more important historical phenomenon than Fascismo,

which, as our Prime Minister said, “is at the same time political,

military, religious, economic and syndicalist, and represents all the

hopes, the aspirations and requirements of the people.” The popular air

“Giovinezza” (Youth), the official song of the Fascisti, with its

thrilling notes, which magnetised the heart of the people, the

characteristic black shirts with the shield of the “fascio” on their

breasts, the “gagliardetti” (Fascisti standards)—all these have largely

contributed towards rousing a delirium of enthusiasm among the masses

for the great cause.

But three other important elements account for the success of the

“National Fascista Party” (as it is now officially constituted, with its

“Great National Council”), namely its military organisation, its

powerful Press, and, above all, the personality of Mussolini himself,

the “Duce,” as he is called. The military organisation is entirely on

Roman lines, with Roman names of “legion,” “Consul,” “cohort,” “Senior,”

“Centurion,” “Decurion,” “Triari,” etc. The symbol of Fascismo is the

same as that of the lictors of Imperial Rome—a bundle of rods with an

axe in the centre—and the Fascista salute is that of the ancient

Romans—by outstretched arm. The coins which are being struck bear on one

side the King’s head and on the other the Roman “fascio;” in the same

way special gold coins of one hundred lire will be issued shortly, to

celebrate the first anniversary of the “March to Rome.” There is the

most rigorous discipline, and the motto: “No discussion, only

obedience,” has proved of immense value in all the sudden mobilisations

and demobilisations carried out, often at a few hours notice, which

could give points to the best organised army in the world. On the

occasion of the mass meeting preceding the “March to Rome,” which was

attended by over half a million men, in less than twenty-four hours

forty thousand left the town in perfect order and without the slightest

hitch.

Fascismo possesses a large Press, which comprises five dailies and a

large number of weekly, fortnightly and monthly publications and a

publishing house in Milan.

But the decisive factor in the great victory of Fascismo is due to the

personality of the great leader of this army of Italy’s salvation, the

very soul of this mighty movement.

Few public men of our time have had a more rapid, brilliant and

interesting career than Benito Mussolini, the son of a blacksmith. He is

the youngest of his predecessors in this office, as he was born only

forty years ago at Predappio, in the province of Forli, where the

villagers still call him simply “Our Benit.” He was deeply attached to

his mother, Rosa Maltoni, and her death caused him intense sorrow. He

has one sister, Edvige, and a younger brother, Arnaldo, who, since the

elder one has become Prime Minister, has taken his place as editor of

_Il Popolo d’Italia_. Mussolini first worked in his father’s forge and

then, having occupied for a time the position of village schoolmaster,

emigrated to Switzerland, from which country he was, however, expelled

on account of articles he had written advocating the Marxist doctrines.

Returning once more to Italy, he became an active member of the

Socialist Party and finally editor of its organ, the _Avanti_. Upon the

outbreak of war in 1914, with his keen political insight, Mussolini saw

the necessity of Italian intervention, and in consequence was forced to

leave the official Socialist Party, giving up all the positions he held

in it. He founded his _Popolo d’Italia_, and began fiercely to sound the

trumpets of war, inciting his country to abandon her neutral attitude

and to throw in her lot with the Allies. He gained his end, and in 1915

he went to the front as a simple soldier in the 11th Bersagliere

Regiment. In 1917, as the result of the bursting of a shell, he received

thirty-eight simultaneous wounds; he was obliged to go to hospital, was

promoted on the field, and invalided out of the Army. He then returned

to Milan, and having resumed the editorship of his paper, the _Popolo

d’Italia_, began his political battles, and continued to fight through

its columns, spurring his countrymen on to final victory.

With no exaggeration it can be stated that since the advent to power of

Mussolini every day has seen a steady advance in the direction of the

rebuilding of the country within and a notable enhancement of our

prestige abroad. His strenuous everyday work is inspired by an

indomitable determination to make Italy worthy of the glories of

Vittorio Veneto, strengthened and disciplined, and he will spare neither

himself nor those around him in his attempt to bring about its

realisation.

He wishes to secure Italy’s rightful position in the world. Mussolini’s

foreign policy of dignity, honesty and justice has already been outlined

in his opening speech before the Chamber, and can be summarised thus:

“No imperialism, no aggressions, but an attitude which shall do away

with the policy of humility which has made Italy more like the

Cinderella and humble servant of other nations. Respect for

international treaties at no matter what cost. Fidelity and friendship

towards the nations that give Italy serious proofs of reciprocating it.

Maintenance of Eastern equilibrium, on which depends the tranquillity of

the Balkan States and, therefore, European and world peace.”

It is enough to cast an eye on the numerous legislative and

administrative work accomplished by Mussolini’s Government in these

first eleven months to convince oneself that he is in deep earnest as to

the vast programme of reconstruction he means to carry through. With

reference to domestic matters, the Fascista Government has passed a

great number of bills and projects of laws concerning the Electoral

Reform Bill approved by the Chamber last July, radical reform of the

entire school system, institution of the National Militia, and abolition

of the Guardie Regie (which was a poor substitute for the Carabineers),

industrialisation of Public Services (Posts, Telegraphs, Railways),

abolition of Death Duties between near relations, enactment of Decree on

the Eight Hours Work Bill, reformation of the Civil Law Codes, reduction

of Ministerial departments, now only nine, which formerly were sixteen,

and formation of the recent Ministry of National Economy, under which

are grouped various others: Industry, Agriculture, Labour, etc.,

reduction of the National Debt by over a milliard, a comforting

contribution towards the balance of the Budget, as is gathered by the

speech delivered in June, at Milan, by the Minister of Finance, Hon. De

Stefani.

Mussolini, besides having established a real discipline (there are no

more strikes since the Fascista Government is in power), and having

fully restored the authority of the State, has shown himself to be the

most practical anti-waste advocate which the world has yet known. As to

foreign policy, besides adhering to the Washington Disarmament

Conference, and having signed conventions relative to the laying of

cables for a direct telegraphic communication with North, Central and

South America, negotiated important commercial treaties with Canada,

Russia, Spain, Lithuania, Poland, Siam, Finland, Esthonia, etc., and

having exercised beneficial influence in the Ruhr conflict and in the

Lausanne Conference, has been an element of equilibrium for the new

after-war international policy in the world.

The selection of his speeches contained in this volume is not a mere

translation, since, in fact, the exact equivalent of this book as it has

been arranged, classified and edited is not to be found in any other

language. These speeches, illustrated by the valuable prefatory notes,

almost all of which have been supplied to me by one who has been closely

associated with Mussolini during the whole of his political career,

serve, in my opinion, as could no biography, to reveal the mind,

character and personality of Mussolini himself. Delivered at intervals

throughout the various stages of his career, from Socialist to Fascista

Prime Minister, they enable the reader to follow intimately the events

which led up to the Fascista Revolution and its leader’s attainment of

his present strong position. The forcible and sober style of his

character, shorn of every unnecessary word, betrays the dynamic force

and intense earnestness of this man, who has been compared to Cromwell

for his drastic and dictatorial methods in the Chamber, and to Napoleon

for his eagle-like perception, for his decisiveness and his marvellous

power of leadership.

Mussolini is a volcanic genius, a bewitcher of crowds. He seems a

regular warrior, with an indomitable daring, great physical and moral

courage, and he has seen death near him without wavering. He is the real

type of Roman Emperor, with a severe bronzed face, but which hides a

kind and generous heart. He is what people call a real “self-made man,”

and is a great lover of the violin and of all kinds of sport: fencing,

cycling, flying, riding and motoring. Mussolini gets all he wants and

quickly, and, as all his party do, knows exactly what he _does_ want.

Apart from all that has been said, the present collection of speeches,

besides showing Mussolini’s strong hand in the difficult art of

statesmanship, displays clearly in almost every page (and so, possibly,

the book may also appeal to others than politicians), additional

important elements which are not usually found in a volume of political

speeches, namely a richness of sympathy for mankind, a blunt

straightforwardness, a gentleness of soul together with exceptional

moral strength, pure idealism, which lift him not only above party

politics, but also high above the average of mankind.

Such is the builder of New Italy, and the enthusiasm and deep confidence

which Mussolini has inspired in our country, and the unanimous approval

his work has prompted abroad, are a good omen for Italy’s future

fortunes and for the welfare of the world at large.

BERNARDO QUARANTA di SAN SEVERINO.

SIENA, Via S. Quirico, N.1.

_October 1923._

[Illustration: REPRODUCTION OF THE ORIGINAL OF THE MANIFESTO ISSUED BY

THE HON. MUSSOLINI AFTER HE AND HIS PARTY SUCCEEDED TO THE GOVERNMENT]

(_English Translation_)

FASCISTA NATIONAL PARTY

FASCISTI OF ALL ITALY!

Our movement has been crowned with success. The leader of our

Party now holds the political power of the State for Italy and abroad.

While this New Government represents our triumph, it celebrates, at the

same time, our victory in the name of those who by land and by sea

promoted it; and it accepts also, for the purpose of pacification, men

from other parties, provided they are true to the cause of the Nation.

The Italian Fascisti are too intelligent to wish to abuse their victory.

FASCISTI!

The supreme Quadrumvirate, which has resigned its powers in

favour of the Party, thanks you for the magnificent proof of courage and

of discipline which you have given, and salutes you. You have proved

yourselves worthy of the fortunes and of the future of your Fatherland.

Demobilise in the same perfectly orderly manner in which you assembled

for this great achievement, destined—as we firmly believe—to open a new

era in the history of Italy. Return now to your usual occupations, as,

in order to arrive at the summit of her fortunes, Italy needs to work.

May nothing disturb the glory of these days through which we have just

passed—days of superb passion and of Roman greatness.

Long live Italy!

Long live Fascismo!

THE QUADRUMVIRATE.

ERRATA

Page 133, last line, _for_ wars _read_ stars.

Page 140, line 24, _for_ times _read_ temples.

Page 143, This Speech was delivered 20th September 1922.

Page 208, line 1, _for_ Council of Munitions _read_ Council of

Ministers.

Page 351, line 21, _for_ 1885 _read_ 1855.

CONTENTS

PAGE

FACSIMILE LETTER vi

INTRODUCTION: A NOTE ON ITALIAN FASCISMO ix

REPRODUCTION OF THE ORIGINAL OF THE MANIFESTO ISSUED BY THE HON.

MUSSOLINI AFTER HE AND HIS PARTY SUCCEEDED TO THE GOVERNMENT xx

ENGLISH TRANSLATION xxi

PART I

MUSSOLINI THE “SOCIALIST”

“DO NOT THINK THAT BY TAKING AWAY MY MEMBERSHIP CARD YOU WILL TAKE

AWAY MY FAITH IN THE CAUSE” 3

(_Speech delivered at Milan, 25th November 1914._)

PART II

MUSSOLINI THE “MAN OF THE WAR”

FOR THE LIBERTY OF HUMANITY AND THE FUTURE OF ITALY 9

(_Speech delivered at Parma, 13th December 1914._)

“EITHER WAR OR THE END OF ITALY’S NAME AS A GREAT POWER” 18

(_Speech delivered at Milan, 25th January 1915._)

“TO THE COMPLETE VANQUISHING OF THE HUNS” 25

(_Speech delivered at Sesto San Giovanni, 1st December 1917._)

“NO TURNING BACK!” 30

(_Speech delivered at Rome, 24th February 1918._)

THE FATAL VICTORY 37

(_Speech delivered at Bologna, 24th May 1918._)

“IN HONOUR OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE” 49

(_Speech delivered at Milan, 8th April 1918._)

THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS 52

(_Speech delivered at Milan, 20th October 1918._)

IN CELEBRATION OF VICTORY 58

(_Speech delivered at Milan, 11th November 1918._)

PART III

MUSSOLINI THE “FASCISTA FRIEND OF THE PEOPLE”

WORKMEN’S RIGHTS AFTER THE WAR 63

(_Speech delivered at Dalmine, 20th March 1919._)

SACRIFICE, WORK, AND PRODUCTION 67

(_Speech delivered at Milan, 5th February 1920._)

“WE ARE NOT AGAINST LABOUR, BUT AGAINST THE SOCIALIST PARTY, IN AS

FAR AS IT REMAINS ANTI-ITALIAN” 71

(_Speech delivered at Milan, 24th May 1920._)

FASCISMO’S INTERESTS FOR THE WORKING CLASSES 75

(_Speech delivered at Ferrara, 4th April 1921._)

“MY FATHER WAS A BLACKSMITH AND I HAVE WORKED WITH HIM; HE BENT

IRON, BUT I HAVE THE HARDER TASK OF BENDING SOULS” 79

(_Speech delivered at Milan, 6th December 1922._)

LABOUR TO TAKE THE FIRST PLACE IN NEW ITALY 82

(_Speech delivered at Rome, 6th January 1923._)

PART IV

MUSSOLINI THE “FASCISTA”

THE THREE DECLARATIONS AT THE FIRST FASCISTA MEETING 87

(_Speech delivered at Milan, 23rd March 1919._)

OUTLINE OF THE AIMS AND PROGRAMME OF FASCISMO 92

(_Speech delivered at Milan, 22nd July 1919._)

FASCISMO AND THE RIGHTS OF VICTORY 103

(_Speech delivered at Florence, 9th October 1919._)

THE TASKS OF FASCISMO 108

(_Speech delivered at Trieste, 20th September 1920._)

FASCISMO AND THE PROBLEMS OF FOREIGN POLICY 121

(_Speech delivered at Trieste, 6th February 1921._)

HOW FASCISMO WAS CREATED 134

(_Speech delivered at Bologna, 3rd April 1921._)

THE ITALY WE WANT WITHIN, AND HER FOREIGN RELATIONS 143

(_Speech delivered at Udine._)

“THE PIAVE AND VITTORIO VENETO MARK THE BEGINNING OF NEW ITALY” 158

(_Speech delivered at Cremona, 25th September 1922._)

THE FASCISTA DAWNING OF NEW ITALY 161

(_Speech delivered at Milan, 6th October 1922._)

“THE MOMENT HAS ARRIVED WHEN THE ARROW MUST LEAVE THE BOW OR THE

CORD WILL BREAK” 171

(_Speech delivered at Naples, 26th October 1922._)

PART V

MUSSOLINI THE “FASCISTA MEMBER OF

PARLIAMENT”

FASCISMO AND THE NEW PROVINCES 183

(_Speech delivered in the Chamber, 21st June 1921._)

THE QUESTION OF MONTENEGRO’S INDEPENDENCE 189