CHAPTER I

PANTHEISM

By J. ALLANSON PICTON

RELIGIONS ANCIENT AND MODERN

PANTHEISM

Its Story and Significance

RELIGIONS: ANCIENT AND MODERN.

_Foolscap 8vo. 1s. net per volume_.

It is intended in this series to present to a large public the SALIENT

FEATURES, first of the GREAT RELIGIONS, secondly of the GREAT

PHILOSOPHIES, and thirdly of the GREAT LITERARY and ARTISTIC REPUTATIONS

of the Human Race.

PANTHEISM: ITS STORY AND SIGNIFICANCE. By J. ALLANSON PICTON, M.A.

Author of _The Religion of the Universe_, etc.

RELIGION OF ANCIENT GREECE. By Miss JANE HARRISON, Fellow of Newnham

College, Author of _Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion_, etc.

ANIMISM. By EDWARD CLODD, Author of _Pioneers of Evolution_.

RELIGIONS OF ANCIENT CHINA. By H.A. GILES, M.A., LL.D. (Aberd.),

Professor of Chinese at Cambridge University.

* * * * *

_The following Volumes are in preparation_:

ISLAM. Mr. T.W. ARNOLD, Assistant Librarian, India Office.

BUDDHISM. 2 vols. Prof. RHYS DAVIDS, LL.D.

HINDUISM. Mr. T.W. ARNOLD.

FETISHISM AND MAGIC. Prof. ALFRED C. HADDON, F.R.S.

THE MYTHOLOGY OF ANCIENT BRITAIN. Mr. CHARLES SQUIRE.

CELTIC RELIGION. Prof. ANWYL.

SCANDINAVIAN RELIGION. Mr. W.A. CRAIGIE.

THE RELIGION OF ANCIENT EGYPT. Prof. FLINDERS PETRIE. F.R.S.

THE RELIGION OF BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA, Dr. THEOPHILUS G. PINCHES.

PANTHEISM

Its Story and Significance

BY J. ALLANSON PICTON

LONDON

1905

CONTENTS

CHAP.

FOREWORD

I. PRE-CHRISTIAN PANTHEISM

II. POST-CHRISTIAN PANTHEISM

III. MODERN PANTHEISM

AFTERWORD

PANTHEISM

FOREWORD.

[Sidenote: Pantheism not Sectarian or even Racial.]

Pantheism differs from the systems of belief constituting the main

religions of the world in being comparatively free from any limits of

period, climate, or race. For while what we roughly call the Egyptian

Religion, the Vedic Religion, the Greek Religion, Buddhism, and others

of similar fame have been necessarily local and temporary, Pantheism has

been, for the most part, a dimly discerned background, an esoteric

significance of many or all religions, rather than a "denomination" by

itself. The best illustration of this characteristic of Pantheism is the

catholicity of its great prophet Spinoza. For he felt so little

antagonism to any Christian sect, that he never urged any member of a

church to leave it, but rather encouraged his humbler friends, who

sought his advice, to make full use of such spiritual privileges as

they appreciated most. He could not, indeed, content himself with the

fragmentary forms of any sectarian creed. But in the few writings which

he made some effort to adapt to the popular understanding, he seems to

think it possible that the faith of Pantheism might some day leaven all

religions alike. I shall endeavour briefly to sketch the story of that

faith, and to suggest its significance for the future. But first we must

know what it means.

[Sidenote: Meaning of Pantheism.]

[Sidenote: God is All.]

[Sidenote: But not Everything Is God.]

[Sidenote: Analogy of the Human Organism.]

Pantheism, then, being a term derived from two Greek words signifying

"all" and "God," suggests to a certain extent its own meaning. Thus, if

Atheism be taken to mean a denial of the being of God, Pantheism is its

extreme opposite; because Pantheism declares that there is nothing but

God. This, however, needs explanation. For no Pantheist has ever held

that _everything_ is God, any more than a teacher of physiology, in

enforcing on his students the unity of the human organism, would insist

that every toe and finger is the man. But such a teacher, at least in

these days, would almost certainly warn his pupils against the notion

that the man can be really divided into limbs, or organs, or faculties,

or even into soul and body. Indeed, he might without affectation adopt

the language of a much controverted creed, so far as to pronounce that

"the reasonable soul and flesh is one man"--"one altogether." In this

view, the man is the unity of all organs and faculties. But it does not

in the least follow that any of these organs or faculties, or even a

selection of them, is the man.

[Sidenote: The Analogy Imperfect but Useful.]

If I apply this analogy to an explanation of the above definition of

Pantheism as the theory that there is nothing but God, it must not be

supposed that I regard the parallelism as perfect. In fact, one purpose

of the following exposition will be to show why and where all such

analogies fail. For Pantheism does not regard man, or any organism, as a

true unity. In the view of Pantheism the only real unity is God. But

without any inconsistency I may avail myself of common impressions to

correct a common mis-impression. Thus, those who hold that the

reasonable soul and flesh is one man--one altogether--but at the same

time deny that the toe or the finger, or the stomach or the heart, is

the man, are bound in consistency to recognise that if Pantheism affirms

God to be All in All, it does not follow that Pantheism must hold a man,

or a tree, or a tiger to be God.

[Sidenote: Farther Definition.]

Excluding, then, such an apparently plausible, but really fallacious

inversion of the Pantheistic view of the Universe, I repeat that the

latter is the precise opposite of Atheism. So far from tolerating any

doubt as to the being of God, it denies that there is anything else. For

all objects of sense and thought, including individual consciousness,

whether directly observed in ourselves, or inferred as existing in

others, are, according to Pantheism, only facets of an infinite Unity,

which is "altogether one" in a sense inapplicable to anything else.

Because that Unity is not merely the aggregate of all the finite objects

which we observe or infer, but is a living whole, expressing itself in

infinite variety. Of that infinite variety our gleams of consciousness

are infinitesimal parts, but not parts in a sense involving any real

division. The questions raised by such a view of the Universe, many of

them unanswerable--as is also the case with questions raised by every

other view of the Universe--will be considered further on. All that I

am trying to secure in these preliminary observations is a general idea

of the Pantheistic view of the Universe as distinguished from that of

Polytheism, Monotheism, or Atheism.

[Sidenote: Various Forms of Pantheism.]

[Sidenote: Spurious Forms.]

[Sidenote: Exclusion of Creation.]

[Sidenote: Evolution and Decay applicable only to Parts, not to the

Whole.]

Of course, there have been different forms of Pantheism, as there have

been also various phases of Monotheism; and in the brief historical

review which will follow this introductory explanation of the name, I

shall note at least the most important of those forms. But any which

fail to conform, to the general definition here given, will not be

recognised as Pantheism at all, though they may be worth some attention

as approximations thereto. For any view of the Universe, allowing the

existence of anything outside the divine Unity, denies that God is All

in All, and, therefore, is obviously not Pantheism. Whether we should

recognise as true Pantheism any theory involving the evolution of a

finite world or worlds out of the divine substance at some definite

epoch or epochs, may be a debatable question, provided that the eternity

and inviolability of the divine oneness is absolutely guarded in

thought. Yet I will anticipate so far as to say that, in my view, the

question must be negatived. At any rate, we must exclude all creeds

which tolerate the idea of a creation in the popular sense of the word,

or of a final catastrophe. True, the individual objects, great or small,

from a galaxy to a moth, which have to us apparently a separate

existence, have all been evolved out of preceding modes of being, by a

process which seems to us to involve a beginning, and to ensure an end.

But in the view of Pantheism, properly so-called, the transference of

such a process to the whole Universe is the result of an illusion

suggested by false analogy. For the processes called evolution, though

everywhere operative, affect, each of them, only parts of the infinite

whole of things; and experience cannot possibly afford any justification

for supposing that they affect the Universe itself. Thus, the matter or

energy of which we think we consist, was in existence, every atom of it,

and every element of force, before we were born, and will survive our

apparent death. And the same thing, at least on the Pantheistic view, is

true of every other mode of apparently separate or finite existence.

Therefore no birth of a new nebula ever added a grain of matter or an

impulse of new energy to the Universe. And the final decease of our

solar system, if such an event be in prospect, cannot make any

difference whatever to the infinite balance of forces, of which,

speaking in anthropomorphic and inadequate language, we suppose the

Eternal All to consist.

[Sidenote: Limitation of Scope.]

These observations are not intended to be controversial, but only to

make clear the general sense in which the term Pantheism is here used.

Not that it would be possible at the outset to indicate all that is

implicit in the definition. I only wish to premise plainly that I am not

concerned with any view of the world such as implies or admits that,

whether by process of creation, or emanation, or self-division, or

evolution, the oneness of the Eternal has ever been marred, or anything

other than the being of God has been or can be produced.

[Sidenote: Pantheism either Philosophical or Religious or both.]

[Sidenote: Pantheism as a Religion almost Entirely Modern.]

[Sidenote: Mystics not necessarily Pantheist.]

But before passing on to the promised historical review, it is, perhaps,

necessary to refer again to a remark previously made, that Pantheism may

be considered either from the point of view of philosophy, or from that

of religion. Not that the two points of view are mutually exclusive.

But, as a matter of fact, Pantheism as a religion is, with certain

exceptions among Indian saints and later Neoplatonists, almost entirely

a modern development, of which Spinoza was the first distinct and devout

teacher. For this statement justification will be given hereafter.

Meantime, to deprecate adverse prejudice, I may suggest that a careful

study of the most ancient forms of Pantheism seems to show that they

were purely philosophical; an endeavour to reach in thought the ultimate

reality which polytheism travestied, and which the senses disguised. But

little or no attempt was made to substitute the contemplation of the

Eternal for the worship of mediator divinities. Thus, in the same spirit

in which Socrates ordered the sacrifice of a cock to Aesculapius for his

recovery from the disease of mortal life, philosophical Pantheists,

whether Egyptian or Greek, or even Indian,[1] satisfied their religious

instincts by hearty communion with the popular worship of traditional

gods. Or, if it is thought that the mediaeval mystics were religious

Pantheists, a closer examination of their devout utterances will show

that, though they approximated to Pantheism, and even used language such

as, if interpreted logically, must have implied it, yet they carefully

reserved articles of the ecclesiastical creed, entirely inconsistent

with the fundamental position that there is nothing but God. Indeed,

their favourite comparison of creature life to the ray of a candle is

not really a Pantheistic conception; because to the true Pantheist the

creature is not an emanation external to God, but a finite mode of

infinite Being. Still the mystics did much to prepare the devout for an

acceptance of Spinoza's teaching. And although so amazing a

transfiguration of religion rather dazzled than convinced the world at

first; nay, though it must be acknowledged that one, and perhaps more of

Spinoza's fundamental conceptions have increasingly repelled rather than

attracted religious people, yet it can hardly be disputed that he gave

an impulse to contemplative religion, of which the effect is only now

beginning to be fully realised.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: If Buddha occurs to the reader, it should be remembered

that he was not a Pantheist at all. His ultimate aim was the dissolution

of personality in the Nothing. But that is not Pantheism.]

CHAPTER I

PRE-CHRISTIAN PANTHEISM

[Sidenote: Its Origins Doubtful and Unimportant.]

[Sidenote: The Secret of Pantheism is Within us.]

It has been the customary and perhaps inevitable method of writers on

Pantheism to trace its main idea back to the dreams of Vedic poets, the

musings of Egyptian priests, and the speculations of the Greeks. But

though it is undeniable that the divine unity of all Being was an almost

necessary issue of earliest human thought upon the many and the one, yet

the above method of treating Pantheism is to some extent misleading; and

therefore caution is needed in using it. For the revival of Pantheism at

the present day is much more a tangible resultant of action and reaction

between Science and Religion than a ghost conjured up by speculation.

Thus, religious belief, driven out from "the darkness and the cloud" of

Sinai, takes refuge in the mystery of matter; and if the glory passes

from the Mount of Transfiguration, it is because it expands to

etherialise the whole world as the garment of God. Again, the

evanescence of the atom into galaxies of "electrons" destroys the only

physical theory that ever threatened us with Atheism; and the

infinitesimal electrons themselves open up an immeasurable perspective

into the abyss of an Unknowable in which all things "live and move and

have their being." Therefore it matters little to us, except as a matter

of antiquarian interest, to know what the Vedic singers may have

dreamed; or what Thales or Xenophanes or Parmenides may have thought

about the first principle of things, or about the many and the one. For

our spiritual genealogy is not from them, but from a nearer and double

line of begetters, including seers--in the true sense of the word--and

saints, for both are represented by Kepler and Hooker, Newton and Jeremy

Taylor, Descartes and Spinoza, Leibnitz and Wesley, Spencer and Newman.

And even these have authority not through any divine right of genius or

acquired claim of learning, but because they illumine and interpret

obscure suggestions of our own thoughts. Indeed, to the sacrament of

historic communion with the past, as well as to the chief rite of the

Church, the apostolic injunction is applicable: "Let a man examine

himself; and so let him eat of that bread."

[Sidenote: Suggestions of Nature.]

Obeying that injunction, any man possessing ordinary powers of

observation and reflection may, in the course of a summer day's walk,

find abundant reason for interest in the speculations of historic

Pantheism. For the aspect of nature then presented to him is one both of

movement and repose, of variety and harmony, of multiplicity and unity.

Thus the slight breeze, scarcely stirring the drowsy flowery the

monotonous cadences of the stony brook, and the gliding of feathery

flecks of cloud across the blue, create a peace far deeper than absolute

stillness, and suggest an infinite life in which activity and repose are

one. Besides, there is evident everywhere an interplay of forces acting

and reacting so as mutually to help and fulfil one another. For

instance, the falling leaves give back the carbon they gathered from the

air, and so repay the soil with interest for the subtler essences

derived therefrom and dissolved in the sap. The bees, again, humming

among the flowers, while actuated only by instincts of appetite and

thrift, fructify the blooms, and become a connecting link between one

vegetable generation and another. The heat of the sun draws up water

from ocean and river and lake, while chilly currents of higher air

return it here and there in rain. So earth, sea, and air are for ever

trafficking together; and their interchange of riches and force is

complicated ten thousandfold by the activities of innumerable living

things, all adapting themselves by some internal energy to the ever

varying balance of heat and cold, moisture and drought, light and

darkness, chemical action and reaction. And all this has been going on

for untold millions of years; nor is there any sign of weariness now.

[Sidenote: Sympathy thus awakened with the old Pantheistic Aspiration to

find the One in the Many.]

In the mood engendered by such familiar experiences of a holiday

saunter, it may well occur to anyone to think with interest and sympathy

of the poets and seers who, thousands of years ago, first dared to

discern in this maze of existence the varied expression of one

all-embracing and eternal Life, or Power. Such contemplations and

speculations were entirely uninfluenced by anything which the Christian

Church, recognises as revelation.[2] Yet we must not on that account

suppose that they were without religion, or pretended to explain

anything without reference to superhuman beings called gods and demons.

On the contrary, they, for the most part, shared, subject to such

modifications as were imperatively required by cultivated common sense,

the beliefs of their native land. But the difference between these men

and their unthinking contemporaries lay in this; that the former

conceived of one supreme and comprehensive divinity beyond the reach of

common thought, an ultimate and eternal Being which included gods as

well as nature within its unity. So, for them, Indra, Zeus, or Jove were

mere modes of the one Being also manifest in man and bird and tree.

[Sidenote: The Vedas and Related Literature.]

Every race possessing even the rudiments of culture has been impelled by

a happy instinct, which, if we like, we may call inspiration, to record

in more or less permanent form its experience of nature, of life, and

of what seemed the mysteries of both. To this inspiration we owe the

sacred books of the Jews. But it is now generally recognised that an

impulse not wholly dissimilar also moved prophetic or poetic minds among

other races, such, for instance, as the Egyptians, the Chaldaeans, and

the Aryan conquerors of India, to inscribe on papyrus or stone, or brick

or palm-leaf, the results of experience as interpreted by free

imagination, traditional habits of thought, and limited knowledge. Of

this ancient literature a considerable part is taken up by the mysteries

apparently involved in life, conduct, and death. Most notably is this

the case with the ancient Indian literature called the Vedas, and such

sequels as the Upanishads, Sutras, and--much later--the Bhagavad Gîtâ.

This collection, like our Bible, forms a library of writings issued at

various dates extending over much more than a thousand years.

[Sidenote: Indian Pantheism.]

The forgotten singers and preachers of this prehistoric wisdom were as

much haunted as we ourselves are with the harassing questions suggested

by sin and sorrow, by life and death, and by aspirations after a higher

state. And many, perhaps we may say most of them, found comfort in the

thought that essentially they belonged to an all comprehensive and

infinite Life, in which, if they acted purely and nobly, their seeming

personality might be merged and find peace. Their frame of mind was

religious rather than philosophical. But their philosophy was naturally

conformed to it; and in their contrast of the bewildering variety of

finite visible things with the unity of the Eternal Being of which all

are phases, those ancients were in close sympathy with the thoughts of

the modern meditative saunterer by field and river and wood.

[Sidenote: Differences between Ancient and Modern Conditions of

Thought.]

But the enormous interval of time separating us from those early Indian

thinkers necessarily involves very great differences in conditions of

thought. And we should not be surprised if amidst much in their writings

that stirs our sympathy, there is also a great deal which is to us

incongruous and absurd. Therefore, it may be well before quoting these

writings to note one or two points marking an almost incommensurable

difference between their mode and ours of regarding the world.

[Sidenote: 1. Survival In their day of Fetishistic and Animistic Ideas.]

1. First, they were much less removed than we are from the influence of

fetishistic and animistic traditions. Even in the Greek and Roman

classics the casual reader is often revolted by the grossly absurd

stories told of gods and heroes. And, indeed, it is impossible to

conceive of the amours of Zeus (or Jove), for instance, with Leda,

Europa or Danaë as having been first conceived during an age marked by

the poetic genius and comparative culture evinced in the most ancient

epics. But the most probable solution of the puzzle is that the earliest

civilization inherited a number of animal stories, such as are

characteristic of savagery in all parts of the world, and that the first

literary generations into whose poetic myths those stories were

transferred, being as much accustomed to them as to other surroundings

of their childhood, such as bloody sacrifices, mystic expiations, and

fantastic initiations, saw no incongruity in anything told them of the

gods. Besides, as those wild myths were associated with sacred rites,

the inveterate conservatism of religion, which insisted on stone knives

in sacrifices long after bronze and iron came in, was likely enough to

maintain the divine importance of those fables, just as the historicity

of Balaam's ass and Jonah's whale is in some churches piously upheld

still.

[Sidenote: 2. Ancient Ignorance of Natural Order.]

2. In the times from which the first known Pantheistic teaching dates,

ideas of nature's order were incongruous and indeed incommensurable with

ours. Not that the world was then regarded as a chaos. But such order as

existed was considered to be a kind of "balance of power" between

various unseen beings, some good, some evil, some indifferent. True,

some Indian prophets projected an idea of One Eternal Being including

all such veiled Principalities and Powers. But their Pantheism was

necessarily conditioned by their ignorance of natural phenomena. In

fact, an irreducible inconsistency marred their view of the world. For

while their Pantheism should have taught them to think of a universal

life or energy as working within all things, their theological habit of

mind bound them to the incongruous notion of devils or deities moulding,

or at least ruling, matter from without. And, indeed, the nearest

approach they made to the more genuine Pantheism of modern times was the

conception of a world emanating from and projected outside Brahma, to be

re-merged in him after the lapse of ages. Now, if I am right in my

definition of Pantheism as absolutely identifying God with the

Universe,[3] so that, in fact, there cannot be anything but God, the

inconsistency here noted must be regarded as fatal to the genuineness of

the Indian or indeed of any other ancient Pantheism. For the defect

proved during many centuries to be incurable, and was not indeed fully

removed until Spinoza's time.

[Sidenote: 3. Absence of Definite Creeds.]

3. Another difference between ancient Pantheists and ourselves was the

absence in their case of any religious creed, sanctioned by supernatural

authority and embodied in a definite form, like that of the three

Anglican creeds, or the Westminster Confession of Faith. Not that those

ancients supposed themselves to be without a revelation. For the Vedas,

at least, were considered to be of divine authority, and their words,

metres, and grammar were regarded with a superstitious awe, such as

reminds us of what has been called the "bibliolatry" of the Jewish

Rabbis. But subject to this verbal veneration, the Rishis, or learned

divines, used the utmost freedom in regard to the forced and fanciful

interpretations extorted from the sacred text, a freedom which again

reminds us of the paradoxical caprice shown by some schools of Jewish

Rabbis in their treatment of the volume they professed to regard with

awe. The various finite gods, such as Vishnu, Indra, Krishna, Marut, or

Varuna, were not the subjects of any church creed chanted every day, and

carefully stereotyped in the tender minds of children. On the contrary,

various rôles were assigned by successive generations to these

divinities. So that, for instance, Varuna was at one time the god of the

ocean, and at another of the sky. But the uniform tendency of all poets

and Rishis alike was to seek, beyond all these gods, one unbeginning,

unending, and all comprehensive Being, from whom these "devas" emerged,

and into whom they must return. Not only so, but it is clearly suggested

in many passages, of which an instance will presently be quoted, that

the Eternal, called Brahma who was the true Self of all gods, was also

the true Self of man and bird and beast. So that, in fact,

notwithstanding the illogical emanation theory, He was the only real

Being, the All in All.

[Sidenote: Illustration from the Upanishads.]

[Sidenote: Monism.]

Thus, one section of the Khandogya Upanishad[4] consists entirely of

instructions given by a father, Uddâlaka, to his son, Svetaketu, who had

gone through the ordinary courses of study in the Vedas, but who, in the

father's view, had failed to reach the true significance of life.

Accordingly, Uddâlaka inquires: "Have you ever asked for that

instruction by which we hear what cannot be heard, by which we perceive

what cannot be perceived, by which we know what cannot be known?"[5] The

youth, more accustomed than we are to teaching by paradox, expresses no

surprise at this mode of putting things, but simply asks: "What is that

instruction, sir?" The father then proceeds to give an explanation of

what in these days is called "Monism," that is, the absolute singleness

of ultimate Being, and traces all that is, or seems to be, up to one

ultimate Essence. Now, whether in the form given by Uddâlaka to his

exposition, his theory can properly be called Pantheism, according to

the definition of it assumed above, is perhaps questionable. But that it

was intended to be Pantheism there can be no doubt. "In the beginning,"

says Uddâlaka, "there was that only which is ([Greek: to hon]); one

only, without a second. Others say, in the beginning there was that only

which is not ([Greek: to mae hon]); one only, without a second; and from

that which is not, that which is was born." But Uddâlaka rejects this

latter doctrine as unthinkable--which, indeed, many explorers of Hegel

have found with pain and anguish of mind. And then the father traces all

the multiformity of the Universe to the desire or will of the original

One, "that which is."

[Sidenote: Evolution from the One through Desire.]

"It thought, 'may I be many; may I grow forth.' It sent forth fire." My

limits do not allow me to quote further the fantastic account given of

the farther process by which water and earth, plants, animals, and men

sprang out of that desire of the One: "May I become many; may I grow

forth." For our purpose it is more important to show that in the view of

Uddâlaka--however inconsistently he may express himself--the original

One was never really divided, but remains the true Self of every finite

being, however apparently separate. Thus, consider the following

dialogue, the first words being a direction of the father, Uddâlaka:--

"Fetch me from thence a fruit of the Nyagrodha tree." "Here is one,

sir." "Break it." "It is broken, sir." "What do you see there?" "These

seeds, almost infinitesimal." "Break one of them." "It is broken, sir."

"What do you see there?" "Not anything, sir." The father said: "My son,

that subtile essence which you do not perceive there, of that very

essence this great Nyagrodha tree exists. Believe it, my son. That which

is the subtile essence, in it all that exists has itself. It is the

True. It is the Self; and thou, O Svetaketu, art it."

Here we are clearly taught that the "self," or inmost reality of every

person and thing is the Eternal One, or Brahma, or God.

[Sidenote: Illustration from the Bhagavad Gîtâ.]

The same doctrine is taught in a more advanced form by the poem called

the "Bhagavad Gîtâ," the date of which is probably more than a thousand

years later than that of the Upanishad just quoted. In this poem,

Krishna, incarnate for the nonce as Arjuna's charioteer, reveals for a

special purpose his identity with Brahma, the Eternal All; and Arjuna,

when sufficiently instructed adores him thus:--

"O infinite Lord of Gods! the world's abode,

Thou undivided art, o'er all supreme.

Thou art the first of Gods, the ancient Sire,

The treasure-house supreme of all the worlds.

The Knowing and the Known, the highest seat.

From Thee the All has sprung, O boundless Form!

Varuna, Vayu, Agni, Yama thou,[6]

The Moon; the Sire and Grandsire too of men.

The Infinite in power, of boundless force,

The All thou dost embrace; the Thou art All."[7]

[Sidenote: Omission of Buddhism.]

These illustrations must suffice for Indian Pantheism. Because, with

Buddhism we have nothing to do. For, according to its ablest European

exponent (Professor T.W. Rhys Davids), that system of religion simply

ignored the conception of an All in All. And this not at all on

philosophical grounds, but because its aims were entirely practical. For

the aim of its founder was to show men how by a virtuous life, or lives,

they might at last attain annihilation--or, at any rate, the extinction

of the individual self, the apparent separateness of which was, in his

view, the source of all misery. And if he could teach his followers to

attain that salvation, he was entirely indifferent as to the opinions

they might hold about the ultimate nature of the world, provided only

that they did not fall into any heresy which proclaimed an immortal

soul.[8]

[Sidenote: Persian Religions, not strictly Pantheistic.]

[Sidenote: A World Drama or Process is a Human, not a Divine Aspect of

Things.]

The accounts given to us by the best authorities on Zoroaster and

Parseeism scarcely justify us in thinking the religion of the Zendavesta

to be Pantheistic in our sense of the term. For though it would appear

that Ormuzd (or Ahuramazda), the God of light and goodness, originated

in, or was born from and one with a nameless impersonal Unity, such as

may answer to Herbert Spencer's "Unknowable," it cannot be accurately

said that, according to the Persian view of the world, there is nothing

but God. For, to say nothing of the apparently independent existence of

the principle of darkness and evil called Ahriman, the relation of the

Amshaspands, or supreme spirits, and of the Izeds, or secondary spirits,

as well as of the Fereurs, or divine ideas to the impersonal Unity,

seems to be rather that of emanations, than parts of a Whole. Again, if

it be true that, according to the Zend Avesta, the conflict of light and

darkness will ultimately cease, and Ahriman with his demons be

annihilated, it is obvious that this implies a beginning and an end,

with a process originating in the one, and consummated in the other. But

such a process, though most actual on the finite scale, and joyfully or

painfully real to us, contemplating, as we do only infinitesimal parts

of the Universe, and always under the forms of time and space, is yet

incongruous and incommensurate with the thought of one All in All,

unlimited by time or space, and whose lifetime is an Eternal Now. Thus

true Pantheism takes the Universe, as it is, in its infinity; regards it

as without beginning or end; and worships it. Not that Pantheism denies

the existence of evil or is unmoved by the struggle between evil and

good, or is uninspired by faith in the reiterated triumph of good

wherever the local conflict arises. But it insists that evil is relative

to the finite parts of the Universe in their supposed isolation, and

cannot possibly affect the Eternal All. It allows of no creation or

emanation which would put any part of the "wondrous Whole" in opposition

to, or separation from, the Eternal. But from its point of view all

change, evolution, progress retrogression, sin, pain, or any other good

or evil is local, finite, partial; while the infinite coordination of

such infinitesimal movements make one eternal peace.

[Sidenote: Pantheism in Ancient Egypt]

[Sidenote: Permanent Effects of Prehistoric Animism.]

[Sidenote: Isis, according to Plutarch.]

Egyptian Religion need not detain us. For though, there are clear traces

of Pantheistic speculation among the Priests, it can scarcely be

contended that such speculations had the same influence on the cultured

laity as the teaching of the Rishis had in ancient India. But the truth

seems to be that the oldest popular theology of Egypt was only a variety

of Negro animism and fetishism.[9] Yet these grovelling superstitions,

as is often the case, evolved in unbroken continuity a higher faith.

For, in the attempt made to adapt this savage cult to the religious

needs of various districts, all alike gradually advancing in culture,

the number and variety of divinities became so bewildering to the

priests, that the latter almost inevitably adopted the device of

recognising in parochial gods only so many hints of one

all-comprehensive divine energy. Not that they ever embraced

monotheism--or the belief in one personal God distinct from the

Universe. But if Plutarch be accurate--as there seems no reason to

doubt, in his record of an inscription in a temple of Isis--they, or at

least the most spiritual of them, found refuge in Pantheism. For the

transfigured and glorified goddess was not regarded as the maker of the

Universe, but as identical with it, and therefore unknowable, "I am all

that hath been, is, or shall be; and no mortal has lifted my veil." The

prevalence of such Pantheism, at least among the learned and spiritual

of ancient Egypt, is, to a considerable extent, confirmed by other Greek

writers besides Plutarch. But the inscription noted by Plutarch gives

the sum and substance of what they tell us.

[Sidenote: Greek Pantheism]

[Sidenote: Evolved from Polytheism]

Before considering the classical and Neo-platonic Greek speculations

commonly regarded as Pantheistic, we may do well to recall to mind the

immense difference between the established habit of theological thought

in our day, and the vague, or at best, poetically vivid ideas of the

ancients. For the long tradition of nearly two thousand years, which has

made monotheism to us almost as fixed an assumption as that of our own

individuality, was entirely wanting in this case. Not that the idea of

one supreme God had never been suggested. But it was not the Hebrew or

Christian idea that was occasionally propounded; for in the ethnic mind

it was rarely, if ever, regarded as inconsistent with polytheism; and

consequently it verged on Pantheism. "Consequently," I say, because such

monotheism as existed had necessarily to explain the innumerable minor

deities as emanations from, or manifestations of the supreme God. And

though such conscious attempts at reconciliation of beliefs in many gods

and in one Supreme were confined to a small minority of meditative

priests and speculative philosophers, yet really, the combination was

implicit in the sort of polytheistic religion which possessed the

family affections and patriotic associations of the early Greek world.

[Sidenote: Not the Material Figure but the Divinity Suggested was the

Object of Worship.]

For though we may find a difficulty in ridding ourselves of a prejudice

wrought into the tissue of our early faith by the nursery lessons of

childhood, it was not the graven or molten image which was really

worshipped by the devout, but that form of superhuman power which, by

local accident, had been identified with the "idol." If, indeed, we

supposed every "idolator" to have received definite religious teaching,

analogous to that with which we ourselves were imbued in youth, we might

well find his attitude inconceivable. But he had nothing of the kind. He

only knew that in war, in hunting, in fishing, in farming, he was

confronted with powers which passed his comprehension; and tradition

permeated him with the expectation that such powers would be propitiated

by his worship of the images set up in their names. There was therefore

no reasoned creed, such as those of the Catholic and Reformed Churches,

but only a vague sentiment brought to a focus by the associations of the

shrine. From such a view of polytheism it is easy to understand how

most, if not all, of the old speculative philosophers could allow the

existence of the traditional gods, even while in reasoned contemplation

they saw that all deities were subordinate to and merged in one

universal God.

[Sidenote: Possible Influence of Oriental Pantheism.]

How far this unstable religious position was subject to the influence of

the oriental mysticism at which we have glanced already, is, at any

rate, so far as concerns the classical age of Greek philosophy, a matter

of conjecture. But the resurrection of a prehistoric and almost

forgotten civilization from the buried cities of Crete has brought to

light many evidences of frequent intercourse, two or three thousand

years before the Christian era, between European and Egyptian, or

Asiatic, centres of life. Therefore, we may well believe that during the

earliest stages of the evolution of thought in East and West, it was as

impossible as at the present time for any local school of thinkers to be

absolutely original or independent. Thus, later Greek philosophers,

whether themselves within sound of the echoes of Hindoo teaching or not,

may very well have grown up in an atmosphere impregnated with mythic

germs, whose origin they did not know. But however that may be, Greek

Pantheism, while it had many points of contact with Eastern speculation,

was more purely intellectual and less essentially religious than the

Pantheism of the Vedas, or the solemn dream that haunted Egyptian

temples. For while the aspiration of Hindoo Pantheists was to find and

assume the right attitude toward "the glory of the sum of things," the

Greeks, as St. Paul long afterward said, "sought after wisdom," and were

fascinated by the idea of tracing all the bewildering variety of Nature

up to some one "principle" ([Greek: archê]), beginning, origin.

[Sidenote: Thales, about 640 B.C.]

Thus Thales of Miletus, during the late seventh and early sixth century

B.C., is said to have been satisfied when he found in water--or

moisture--the ultimate principle out of which all things and all life,

including gods and men, were evolved. With such a speculation of infant

philosophy we are here not concerned, except to say that it was not

Pantheism as understood in modern times. For while his ablest exponents

admit that no sufficient evidence is left to show very clearly what he

meant, there seems no reason for supposing that to him the Universe was

a Living God.

[Sidenote: Successors of Thales.]

It would be fruitless to relate how successors of Thales varied his

theory of an ultimate "principle," by substituting air or fire for

water. But it is worth while to note that another citizen of Miletus,

Anaximander, after an interval of some forty years, pronounced that the

beginning, the first principle, the origin of all things, was neither

water, nor air, nor fire, but the Infinite ([Greek: to apeae on]). And

though the best authorities confess that they cannot be sure of his

meaning, this may very well be because he anticipated Herbert Spencer by

two and a half millenniums, in acknowledging that all things merge in

one and the same Unknowable. But, so far as our evidence goes, he made

no such attempt as the modern philosopher did, to persuade the religious

instinct that this Unknowable could supply the place of all the gods.

[Sidenote: Xenophanes of Elea, about 570 to 480 B.C.]

[Sidenote: His Pantheism Disputed but well Established.]

[Sidenote: His Religion.]

The position of Xenophanes, who, toward the latter part of the sixth

century B.C. migrated, apparently for political reasons, in fear of

Persian imperialism, from Colophon in Asia Minor to Elea in Italy, was a

little different, and, for our purpose, more interesting. For the few

fragments which are unfortunately all that is left to us of his

philosophical poetry, are strongly suggestive of Pantheism, and the

interpretation put upon them by later classical and sub-classical

writers, who had his works before them, would appear decisive. True, the

distinguished and enlightened scholar, Simon Karsten, who, in the first

quarter of the nineteenth century, found a labour of love in collecting

and editing the remains of early Greek philosophers, deprecated such a

judgment. Yet, while the motives for his special pleading were

honourable, seeing the odious misrepresentations of Pantheism still

prevalent in the Dutch scholar's native land,--misrepresentations

undissipated even by the splendour of Spinoza,--his protest remains

special pleading still. And he himself candidly quotes at large from an

alleged work of Aristotle--possibly, only a student's notes of the

latter's lectures--and also from Simplicius, as reported by Theophrastus

in a comment on Aristotle's Physics, sentences which describe the system

of Xenophanos as unquestionably Pantheistic. From, which description I

gather that the devout philosopher regarded God as the only real Being,

including all that in human language has been, is, and will be, without

beginning or end, living and perceiving equally everywhere throughout

His infinite essence. And if that essence is compared by Xenophanes to a

sphere, neither bounded nor boundless, neither moving nor immovable,

this is only because few, if any, in that age of the world, could

content themselves with loyally accepting the limits imposed on man by

the very nature of things, limits which now compel us to own that, while

the Eternal is more real than ourselves, yet, in the strict sense of

knowing, He is, from an intellectual standpoint, the Unknowable.

[Sidenote: Extent of his Sympathy with Popular Religion.]

[Sidenote: A Pantheistic Communion Feast.]

This Pantheism did not generate in Xenophanes any arrogant disdain for

the religion of his time. For, though he condemned, in words often

quoted, the folly which supposed the gods to have the human form,

senses, passions and appetites, he was yet glad to worship the divine

All as partially manifested in finite beings--perhaps personified powers

of nature. Thus among the fragments of his poetry fortunately preserved,

is one exquisite gem, a description of a festive repast in the open air.

There purity comes first, symbolised by clear floor, clean hands, and

spotless dishes. Upon purity waits beauty, not in the forms desired by

sensuous passion, but in garlands of flowers and in delicate scents. The

wine is unstinted, yet tempered with sparkling water. But, lest the

plentifulness of bread and honey and cheese upon the lordly table should

eclipse the highest sanctions of human joy, an altar prominent in the

festive scene is heaped with offerings of flowers. Then the first note

of music is the praise of God, a praise taking form in blameless poetic

myths and holy thoughts. In such a feast the minds of the guests are

kindled with a desire to be capable of doing right. "There is no harm in

drinking with reasonable moderation[10]; and we may honour the guest

who, warmed by wine, talks of such noble deeds and instances of virtue

as his memory may suggest. But let him not tell of Titan battles, or

those of the giants or centaurs, the fictions of bygone days, nor yet of

factious quarrels, nor gossip, that can serve no good end. Rather let

us ever keep a good conscience towards the gods."[11]

[Sidenote: Empedocles, Middle of Fifth Century B.C.]

[Sidenote: Not Properly a Pantheist]

Having given so much space to an ancient who seems to me specially

interesting as a prophet of the ultimate apotheosis of earthly

religions, I must be content to indicate, in a very few lines, the

course of the Pantheistic tradition among the Greeks after his day. The

arithmetical mysticism of Pythagoras has no bearing upon our subject.

Empedocles of Agrigentum, living about the middle of the fifth century

B.C., and thus, perhaps, in the second generation after Xenophanes, was,

in many respects, a much more imposing figure--clothed in purple,

wielding political power, possessing medical skill, and even working

miraculous cures, such as are apparently easy to men of personal

impressiveness, sympathy, and "magnetism." But he does not appear to

have so nearly anticipated modern Pantheism as did his humbler

predecessor. For though the fragments of Empedocles, much larger in

volume than those of Xenophanes, certainly hint at some kind of

everlasting oneness in things, and expressly tell us that there is no

creation nor annihilation, but only perpetual changes of arrangement,

yet they present other phases of thought, apparently irreconcileable

with the doctrine that there is nothing other than God. Thus he teaches

that there are four elements--earth, air, water and fire--out of which

all things are generated. He also anticipates Lucretius in his

pessimistic view of humanity's lot; and insists on the apparently

independent existence of a principle of discord or strife in the

Universe. It would be a forced interpretation to suppose him to have set

forth precociously the Darwinian theory of the struggle for life. For

his notion seems much more akin to the Zoroastrian imagination of

Ahriman. Again, he sings melodiously, but most unphilosophically, of a

former golden age, in which the lion and the lamb would seem to have

lain down together in peace; and trees yielded fruit all the year round.

At that time the only deity was Venus, who was worshipped with bloodless

offerings alone. Still, it must be remembered that, whether consistently

or not, Empedocles produced an elaborate work on the Nature of Things,

to which Lucretius makes eloquent and earnest acknowledgments. But that

very approval of Lucretius forbids us to regard the older poet as a

Pantheist in our sense of the term. For certainly to him the Universe

cannot have been a living God.

[Sidenote: Genesis of Modern Religious Pantheism.]

Between this philosophical idea of a Oneness, not thought of as God, and

the spiritual contemplation of a universal Life of which all things are

modes, the highest thoughts of men hovered during the process by which,

in some measure under extraneous influences, Greek speculation finally

produced Neo-platonism--or, as we might say in the current phraseology

of our time--a restatement of Plato's teaching. Of this school, arising

in the early Christian centuries, some leaders were undoubtedly

Pantheists. But we cannot say this of Plato himself, nor of his master

Socrates. For though these great men were more profoundly interested in

the moral order of the world than in any questions of physical nature,

or even of metaphysical subtleties, they were never given to the kind of

contemplation suggested above in extracts from the Classical Books of

the East, the contemplation which educes the moral ideal from

unreserved subordination of self to the Universe as of the part to the

Whole. Doubtless the inspiration imparted by Socrates to a disciple in

mere intellect his superior, and the resulting moral and religious

suggestions abounding in the Dialogues, did much to impel the current of

religious evolution toward that spiritual aspect of the Infinite All

which fascinated some of the Neo-Platonists, and received its most

splendid exposition from Spinoza. But the conditions imposed by

necessary brevity compel me to pass by those classic names with this

acknowledgment, and to hasten toward the fuller revelation of Pantheism

as a religion.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 2: Some scholars think they can trace Christian, influences in

the exceptionally late Bhagavad Gîtâ, hereafter quoted. But it is a

disputed point; and certainly in the case of the Vedas and pre-Christian

literature arising out of them even Jewish influence was impossible.]

[Footnote 3: As imperious brevity excludes full explanation, I must

content myself with a reference to _The Religion of the Universe_, pp.

152-5. London: Macmillan & Co.]

[Footnote 4: According to the late Max Müller, with whom Prof. T.W. Rhys

Davids agrees, the word Upanishad is equivalent to our word "sitting" or

"session"; only that it is usually confined to a sitting of master and

pupil.]

[Footnote 5: _Sacred Books of the East_, vol. i. p. 92. The immediately

following quotations are from the same Upanishad.]

[Footnote 6: "The gods of ocean, air and fire, and the judge of the

lower regions respectively" (Rev. John Davies).]

[Footnote 7: The "Bhagavad Gîtâ," translated by the Rev. J. Davies,

M.A.]

[Footnote 8: The Karma was _not_ a soul. What it was is, according to

our authorities, very difficult for the Western mind to conceive. But

its practical effect was, that on the death of the imperfect man,

another finite existence of some sort necessarily took his place. But

this new finite existence was not the former man. It is only on the

death of him who has attained Nirvana that Karma ceases to act, and no

new finite existence takes his place.]

[Footnote 9: See Prof. W. Max Muller, on "Egypt," in the _Encyc.

Biblica._]

[Footnote 10: "Capability of walking home without help," is the limit

quaintly fixed by the poet. To our modern feeling it seems rather wide.

Yet, practically, it is the limit professedly observed by our publicans

in serving their customers.]

[Footnote 11: Karsten, _Xenophanis Reliquiae_, p. 68 (Amsterdam, 1830).

Both the paraphrase and occasional translations which I give are of

course free; but I think the spirit and meaning are preserved.]

Pantheism, Its Story and Significance Religions Ancient and Modern · 第 1 / 3 章