It is necessary to note again that the Jews in turn submitted to the

influence of foreign literatures. Immanuel Romi, for example, at his

best, is an exponent of Provencal versification and scholastic

philosophy, while his lapses testify to the self-complacency and levity

characteristic of the times. Yehuda Romano, one of his contemporaries,

is said to have been teacher to the king of Naples. He was the first Jew

to attain to a critical appreciation of the vagaries of scholasticism,

but his claim to mention rests upon his translations from the Latin.

As Jews assisted at the birth of Arabic, French, and German, so they

have a share in the beginnings of Spanish, literature. Jews must be

credited with the first "Chronicle of the Cid," with the romance, _Comte

Lyonnais, Palanus_, with the first collection of tales, the first chess

poems, and the first troubadour songs. Again, the oldest collection of

the last into a _cancionera_ was made by the Jew Juan Alfonso de Baena.

Even distant Persia has proofs to show of Jewish ability and energy in

those days. One Jew composed an epic on a biblical subject in the

Persian language, another translated the Psalms into the vernacular.

The most prominent Jewish exponent of philosophy in this age of

strenuous interest in metaphysical speculations and contests was Levi

ben Gerson (Leon di Bannolas), theologian, scientist, physician, and

astronomer. One of his ancestors, Gerson ben Solomon, had written a work

typical of the state of the natural sciences in his day. Levi ben

Gerson's chief work became famous not among Jews alone. It was referred

to in words of praise by Pico della Mirandola, Reuchlin, Kepler, and

other Christian thinkers. He was the inventor of an astronomical

instrument, a description of which was translated into Latin at the

express command of Pope Clement VI., and carefully studied by Kepler.

Besides, Levi ben Gerson was the author of an arithmetical work. In

those days, in fact up to the seventeenth century, there was but a faint

dividing line between astronomy and mathematics, as between medicine and

natural history. John of Seville was a notable mathematician, the

compiler of a practical arithmetic, the first to make mention of decimal

fractions, which possibly may have been his invention, and in the Zohar,

the text-book of mediaeval Jewish mysticism, which appeared centuries

before Copernicus's time, the cause of the succession of day and night

is stated to be the earth's revolution on its axis.

In this great translation period scarcely a single branch of human

science escaped the mental avidity of Jews. They found worthy of

translation such essays as "Rules for the Shoeing and Care of Horses in

Royal Stables" and "The Art of Carving and Serving at Princely Boards."

Translations of works on scholasticism now took rank beside those from

Greek and Arabic philosophers, and to translations from the Arabic into

Hebrew were added translations from and into Latin, or even into the

vernacular idiom wherever literary forms had developed. The bold

assertion can be made good that not a single prominent work of ancient

science was left untranslated. On the other hand it is hard to speculate

what would have been the fate of these treasures of antiquity without

Jewish intermediation. Doubtless an important factor in the work was the

encouragement given Jewish scholars by enlightened rulers, such as

Emperor Frederick II., Charles and Robert of Anjou, Jayme I. of Aragon,

and Alfonso X. of Castile, and by popes, and private patrons of

learning. Mention has been made of Jewish contributions to the work of

the medical schools of Montpellier and Salerno. Under Jayme I. Christian

and Jewish savants of Barcelona worked together harmoniously to promote

the cause of civilization and culture in their native land. The first to

use the Catalan dialect for literary purposes was the Jew Yehuda ben

Astruc, and under Alfonso (X.) the Wise, Jews again attained to

prominence in the king's favorite science of astronomy. The Alfonsine

Tables were chiefly the work of Isaac ibn Sid, a Toledo _chazan_

(precentor). In general, the results reached by Jewish scholarship at

Alfonso's court were of the utmost importance, having been largely

instrumental in establishing in the age of Tycho de Brahe and Kepler the

fundamental principles of astronomy and a correct view of the orbits of

the heavenly bodies. Equal suggestiveness characterizes Jewish research

in mathematics, a science to which, rising above the level of

intermediaries and translators, Jews made original contributions of

importance, the first being Isaac Israeli's "The Foundation of the

Universe." Basing his observations on Maimuni's and Abraham ben Chiya's

statement of the sphericity of the earth, Israeli showed that the

heavenly bodies do not seem to occupy the place in which they would

appear to an observer at the centre of the earth, and that the two

positions differ by a certain angle, since known as parallax in the

terminology of science. To Judah Hakohen, a scholar in correspondence

with Alfonso the Wise, is ascribed the arrangement of the stars in

forty-eight constellations, and to another Jew, Esthori Hafarchi, we owe

the first topographical description of Palestine, whither he emigrated

when the Jews were expelled from France by Philip the Fair.

Meanwhile the condition of the Jews, viewed from without and from

within, had become most pitiable. The Kabbala lured into her charmed

circle the strongest Jewish minds. Scientific aspirations seemed

completely extinguished. Even the study of the Talmud was abandoning

simple, undistorted methods of interpretation, and espousing the

hairsplitting dialectics of the northern French school. Synagogue poetry

was languishing, and general culture found no votaries among Jews.

Occasionally only the religious disputations between Jews and Christians

induced some few to court acquaintance with secular branches of

learning. In the fourteenth century Chasdai Crecas was the only

philosopher with an original system, which in its arguments on free

will and the nature of God anticipated the views of one greater than

himself, who, however, had a different purpose in view. That later and

greater philosopher, to whom the world is indebted for the evangel of

modern life, was likewise a Jew, a descendant of Spanish-Jewish

fugitives. His name is Baruch Spinoza.

However sad their fortunes, the literature of the Jews never entirely

eschewed the consideration of subjects of general interest. This

receives curious confirmation from the re-introduction of Solomon

Gabirol's peculiar views into Jewish religious philosophy, by way of

Christian scholasticism, as formulated especially by Thomas Aquinas, the

_Doctor angelicus_.

The Renaissance and the humanistic movement also reveal Jewish

influences at work. The spirit of liberty abroad in the earth passed

through the halls of Israel, clearing the path thenceforth to be trodden

by men. Again the learned were compelled to engage the good offices of

the Jews, the custodians of biblical antiquity. The invention of the

printing press acted as a wonderful stimulus to the development of

Jewish literature. The first products of the new machine were Hebrew

works issued in Italy and Spain. Among the promoters of the Renaissance,

and one of the most thorough students of religio-philosophical systems,

was Elias del Medigo, the friend of Pico della Mirandola, and the umpire

chosen by the quarrelling factions in the University of Padua. John

Reuchlin, chief of the humanists, was taught Hebrew by Obadiah Sforno,

a _savant_ of profound scholarship, who dedicated his "Commentary on

Ecclesiastes" to Henry II. of France. Abraham de Balmes was a teacher at

the universities of Padua and Salerno, and physician in ordinary to

Cardinal Dominico Grimani. The Kabbala was made accessible to the heroes

of the Renaissance by Jochanan Alemanno, of Mantua, and there is pathos

in the urgency with which Reuchlin entreats Jacob Margoles, rabbi of

Nuremberg, to send him Kabbalistic writings in addition to those in his

possession. Reuchlin's good offices to the Jews--his defense of them

against the attacks of obscurantists--are a matter of general knowledge.

Among the teachers of the humanists who revealed to them the treasures

of biblical literature the most prominent was Elias Levita, the

introducer, through his disciples Sebastian Muenster and Paul Fagius, of

Hebrew studies into Germany. He may be accounted a true humanist, a

genuine exponent of the Renaissance. His Jewish coadjutors were Judah

Abrabanel (Leo Hebraeus), whose chief work was _Dialoghi di Amore_, an

exposition of the Neoplatonism then current in Italy; Jacob Mantino,

physician to Pope Paul III.; Bonet di Lattes, known as a writer on

astronomical subjects, and the inventor of an astronomical instrument;

and a number of others.

While in Italy the Spanish-Jewish exiles fell into line in the

Renaissance movement, the large numbers of them that sought refuge in

Portugal turned their attention chiefly to astronomical research and to

voyages of discovery and adventure, the national enterprises of their

protectors. Joao II. employed Jews in investigations tending to make

reasonably safe the voyages, on trackless seas, under unknown skies, for

the discovery of long and ardently sought passages to distant lands. In

his commission charged with the construction of an instrument to

indicate accurately the course of a vessel, the German knight Martin

Behaim was assisted by Jews--astronomers, metaphysicians, and

physicians--chief among them Joseph Vecinho, distinguished for his part

in the designing of the artificial globe, and Pedro di Carvallho,

navigator, whose claim to praise rests upon his improvement of Leib's

_Astrologium_, and to censure, upon his abetment of the king when he

refused the request of the bold Genoese Columbus to fit out a squadron

for the discovery of wholly unknown lands. But when Columbus's plans

found long deferred realization in Spain, a Jewish youth, Luis de

Torres, embarked among the ninety adventurers who accompanied him. Vasco

da Gama likewise was aided in his search for a waterway to the Indies by

a Jew, the pilot Gaspar, the same who later set down in writing the

scientific results of the voyage, and two Jews were despatched to

explore the coasts of the Red Sea and the island of Ormus in the Persian

Gulf. Again, Vasco da Gama's plans were in part made with the valuable

assistance of a Jew, a profound scholar, Abraham Zacuto, sometime

professor of astronomy at the University of Salamanca, and after the

banishment of Jews from Spain, astronomer and chronographer to Manuel

the Great, of Portugal. It was he that advised the king to send out Da

Gama's expedition, and from the first the explorer was supported by his

counsel and scientific knowledge.

Meritorious achievements, all of them, but they did not shield the Jews

against impending banishment. The exiles found asylums in Italy and

Holland, and in each country they at once projected themselves into the

predominant intellectual movement. A physician, Abraham Portaleone,

distinguished himself on the field of antiquarian research; another,

David d'Ascoli, wrote a defense of Jews; and a third, David de Pomis, a

defense of Jewish physicians. The most famous was Amatus Lusitanus, one

of whose important discoveries is said to have brought him close up to

that of the circulation of the blood. Before the banishment of Jews from

Spain took effect, Antonio di Moro, a Jewish peddler of Cordova,

flourished as the last of Spanish troubadours, and Rodrigo da Cota, a

neo-Christian of Seville, as the first of Spanish dramatists, the

supposed author of _Celestina_, one of the most celebrated of old

Spanish dramatic compositions.

The proscribed, in the guise of Marranos, and under the hospitable

shelter of their new homes, could not be banished from literary Spain,

even in its newest departures. Indeed, for a long time Spanish and

Italian literatures were brought into contact with each other only

through the instrumentality of Jews. Not quite half a century after the

expulsion of Jews from Portugal and their settlement in Italy, a Jew,

Solomon Usque, made a Spanish translation of Petrarch (1567), dedicated

to Alessandro Farnese, duke of Parma, and wrote Italian odes, dedicated

to Cardinal Borromeo.

At the zenith of the Renaissance, Jews won renown as Italian poets, and

did valiant work as translators from Latin into Hebrew and Italian. In

the later days of the movement, in the Reformation period, illustrious

Christian scholars studied Hebrew under Jewish tutorship, and gave it a

place on the curriculum of the universities. Luther himself submitted to

rabbinical guidance in his biblical studies.

In great numbers the Spanish exiles turned to Turkey, where numerous new

communities rapidly arose. There, too, in Constantinople and elsewhere,

Jews, like Elias Mizrachi and Elias Kapsali, were the first to pursue

scientific research.

We have now reached the days of deepest misery for Judaism. Yet, in the

face of unrelenting oppression, Jews win places of esteem as diplomats,

custodians and advocates of important interests at royal courts. From

the earliest period of their history, Jews manifested special talent for

the arts of diplomacy. In the Arabic-Spanish period they exercised great

political influence upon Mohammedan caliphs. The Fatimide and Omayyad

dynasties employed Jewish representatives and ministers, Samuel ibn

Nagdela, for instance, being grand vizir of the caliph of Granada.

Christian sovereigns also valued their services: as is well known,

Charlemagne sent a Jewish ambassador to Haroun al Rashid; Pope

Alexander III. appointed Yechiel ben Abraham as minister of finance; and

so late as in the fifteenth century the wise statesman Isaac Abrabanel

was minister to Alfonso V., of Portugal, and, wonderful to relate, for

eight years to Ferdinand and Isabella, of Spain. At this time Jewish

literature was blessed with a patron in the person of Joseph Nasi, duke

of Naxos, whom, it is said, Sultan Selim II. wished to crown king of

Cyprus. His rival was Solomon Ashkenazi, Turkish ambassador to the

Venetian republic, who exercised decisive influence upon the election of

a Polish king. And this is not the end of the roll of Jewish diplomats

and ministers.

Unfortunately, the Kabbala, whose spell was cast about even the most

vigorous of Jewish minds, was the leading intellectual current of those

sad days, the prevailing misery but serving to render her allurements

more fascinating. But in the hands of such men as Abraham Herrera, who

influenced Benedict Spinoza, even Kabbalistic studies were informed with

a scientific spirit, and brought into connection with Neoplatonic

philosophy.

Mention of Spinoza suggests Holland where Jews were kindly received, and

shortly after their arrival they interested themselves in the

philosophical pursuits in vogue. The best index to their position in

Holland is furnished by Manasseh ben Israel's prominent role in the

politics and the literary ventures of Amsterdam, and by his negotiations

with Oliver Cromwell. We may pardon the pride which made him say, "I

have enjoyed the friendship of the wisest and the best of Europe." Uriel

Acosta and Baruch Spinoza, though children of the Amsterdam

_Judengasse_, were ardent patriots.

The last great Spanish poet was Antonio Enrique de Gomez, the Jewish

Calderon, burnt in effigy at Seville; while the last Portuguese poet of

note was Antonio Jose de Silva, who perished at the stake for his faith,

leaving his dramas as a precious possession to Portuguese literature.

Even in the dreariest days of decadence, when the study of the Talmud

seemed to engross their attention, Jews prosecuted scientific inquiries,

as witness Moses Isserles's translation of _Theorica_, an astronomical

treatise by Peurbach, the Vienna humanist.

With the migration of Jews eastward, _Judendeutsch_, a Jewish-German

dialect, with its literature, was introduced into Slavic countries. It

is a fact not generally known that this jargon is the depository of

certain Middle High German expressions and elements no longer used in

the modern German, and that philologists are forced to resort to the

study of the Polish-Jewish patois to reconstruct the old idiom. In 1523,

the year of Luther's Pentateuch translation, a Jewish-German Bible

dictionary was published at Cracow, and in 1540 appeared the first

Jewish-German translation of the Pentateuch. The Germans strongly

influenced the popular literature of the Jews. The two nationalities

seized the same subjects, often imitating the same models, or using the

same translations. The German "Till Eulenspiegel" was printed in 1500,

the Jewish-German in 1600. Besides incorporating German folklore,

Jewish-German writings borrowed from German romances, assimilated

foreign literatures, did not neglect the traditions of the Jews

themselves, and embraced even folk-songs, some of which have perpetuated

themselves until the modern era.

Mention of the well-known fact that the Hebrew studies prosecuted by

Christians in the eighteenth century were carried on under Jewish

influence brings us to the threshold of the modern era, the period of

the Jewish Renaissance. Here we are on well-worn ground. Since Jews have

been permitted to enter at will upon the multifarious pursuits growing

out of modern culture, their importance as factors of civilization is

universally acknowledged, and it would be wearisome, and would far

transgress the limits of a lecture, to enumerate their achievements.

In trying to show what share the Jew has had in the world's

civilization, I have naturally concerned myself chiefly with literature,

for literature is the mirror of culture. It would be a mistake, however,

to suppose that the Jew has been inactive in other spheres. His

contributions, for instance, to the modern development of international

commerce, cannot be overlooked. Commerce in its modern extension was the

creation of the mercantile republics of mediaeval Italy-Venice, Florence,

Genoa, and Pisa--and in them Jews determined and regulated its course.

When Ravenna contemplated a union with Venice, and formulated the

conditions for the alliance, one of them was the demand that rich Jews

be sent thither to open a bank for the relief of distress. Jews were the

first to obtain the privilege of establishing banks in the Italian

cities, and the first to discover the advantages of a system of checks

and bills of exchange, of unique value in the development of modern

commerce.

Even in art, a sphere from which their rigorous laws might seem to have

the effect of banishing them, they were not wholly inactive. They always

numbered among themselves handicraftsmen. In Venice, in the sixteenth

century, we find celebrated Jewish wood engravers. Jacob Weil's rules

for slaughtering were published with vignettes by Hans Holbein, and one

of Manasseh ben Israel's works was adorned with a frontispiece by

Rembrandt. In our own generation Jews have won fame as painters and

sculptors, while music has been their staunch companion, deserting them

not even in the darkest days of the Ghetto.

These certainly are abundant proofs that the Jew has a share in all the

phases and stages of culture, from its first germs unto its latest

complex development--a consoling, elevating reflection. A learned

historian of literature, a Christian, in discussing this subject, was

prompted to say: "Our first knowledge of philosophy, botany, astronomy,

and cosmography, as well as the grammar of the holy language and the

results of biblical study, we owe primarily to Jews." Another historian,

also a Christian, closes a review of Jewish national traits with the

words: "Looking back over the course of history, we find that in the

gloom, bareness, and intellectual sloth of the middle ages, Jews

maintained a rational system of agriculture, and built up international

commerce, upon which rests the well-being of the nations."

Truly, there are reasons for pride on our part, but no less do great

obligations devolve upon us. I cannot refrain from exhortation. In

justice we should confess that Jews drew their love of learning and

ability to advance the work of civilization from Jewish writings.

Furthermore, it is a fact that these Jewish writings no longer excite

the interest, or claim the devotion of Jews. I maintain that it is the

duty of the members of our Order to take this neglected, lightly

esteemed literature under their protection, and secure for it the

appreciation and encouragement that are the offspring of knowledge.

Modern Judaism presents a curious spectacle. The tiniest of national

groups in Eastern Europe, conceiving the idea of establishing its

independence, proceeds forthwith to create a literature, if need be,

inventing and forging. Judaism possesses countless treasures of

inestimable worth, amassed by research and experience in the course of

thousands of years, and her latter-day children brush them aside with

indifference, even with scorn, leaving it to the sons of the stranger,

yea, their adversaries, to gather and cherish them.

When Goethe in his old age conceived and outlined a scheme of universal

literature, the first place was assigned to Jewish literature. In his

pantheon of the world's poetry, the first tone uttered was to be that

of "David's royal song and harp." But, in general, Jewish literature is

still looked upon as the Cinderella of the world's literatures. Surely,

the day will come when justice will be done, Cinderella's claim be

acknowledged equal to that of her royal sisters, and together they will

enter the spacious halls of the magnificent palace of literature.

Among the prayers prescribed for the Day of Atonement is one of

subordinate importance which affects me most solemnly. When the shadows

of evening lengthen, and the light of the sun wanes, the Jew reads the

_Neilah_ service with fervor, as though he would "burst open the portals

of heaven with his tears," and the inmost depths of my nature are

stirred with melancholy pride by the prayer of the pious Jew. He

supplicates not for his house and his family, not for Zion dismantled,

not for the restoration of the Temple, not for the advent of the

Messiah, not for respite from suffering. All his sighs and hopes, all

his yearning and aspiration, are concentrated in the one thought: "Our

splendor and our glory have departed, our treasures have been snatched

from us; there remains nothing to us but this Law alone." If this is

true; if naught else is left of our former state; if this Law, this

science, this literature, are our sole treasure and best inheritance,

then let us cherish and cultivate them so as to have a legacy to

bequeath to our children to stand them in good stead against the coming

of the _Neilah_ of humanity, the day when brethren will "dwell together

in unity."

Perhaps that day is not far distant. Methinks I hear the rustling of a

new spring-tide of humanity; methinks I discern the morning flush of new

world-stirring ideas, and before my mind's eye rises a bridge, over

which pass all the nations of the earth, Israel in their midst, holding

aloft his ensign with the inscription, "The Lord is my banner!"--the one

which he bore on every battlefield of thought, and which was never

suffered to fall into the enemy's hand. It is a mighty procession moving

onward and upward to a glorious goal: "Humanity, Liberty, Love!"

WOMEN IN JEWISH LITERATURE

Among the songs of the Bible there are two, belonging to the oldest

monuments of poetry, which have preserved the power to inspire and

elevate as when they were first uttered: the hymn of praise and

thanksgiving sung by Moses and his sister Miriam, and the impassioned

song of Deborah, the heroine in Israel.

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