But after the digging of the Erie Canal, settlement began to turn into

Michigan. Between 1830 and 1840 the population of the State leaped from

31,000 to 212,000, in the face of the fact that the heavy debt of the

State and the crisis of 1837 turned from her borders many of the

thrifty, debt-hating Germans. The vast majority of the settlers were New

Yorkers. Michigan is distinctly a child of the Empire State. Canadians,

both French and English, continued to come as the lumber interests of

the region increased. By 1850 Michigan contained nearly 400,000

inhabitants, who occupied the southern half of the State.

But she now found an active competitor for settlement in Wisconsin. In

this region two forces had attracted the earlier inhabitants. The

fur-trading posts of Green Bay, Prairie du Chien, and Milwaukee

constituted one element, in which the French influence was continued.

The lead region of the southwest corner of the State formed the center

of attraction for Illinois and Southern pioneers. The soldiers who

followed Black Hawk's trail in 1832 reported the richness of the soil,

and an era of immigration followed. To the port of Milwaukee came a

combined migration from western New York and New England, and spread

along the southern tier of prairie counties until it met the Southern

settlers in the lead region. Many of the early political contests in the

State were connected, as in Ohio and Illinois, with the antagonisms

between the sections thus brought together in a limited area.

The other element in the formation of Wisconsin was that of the Germans,

then just entering upon their vast immigration to the United States.

Wisconsin was free from debt; she made a constitution of exceptional

liberality to foreigners, and instead of treasuring her school lands or

using them for internal improvements, she sold them for almost nothing

to attract immigration. The result was that the prudent Germans, who

loved light taxes and cheap hard wood lands, turned toward

Wisconsin,--another _Voelkerwanderung_. From Milwaukee as a center they

spread north along the shore of Lake Michigan, and later into northern

central Wisconsin, following the belt of the hardwood forests. So

considerable were their numbers that such an economist as Roscher wrote

of the feasibility of making Wisconsin a German State. "They can plant

the vine on the hills," cried Franz Loeher in 1847, "and drink with happy

song and dance; they can have German schools and universities, German

literature and art, German science and philosophy, German courts and

assemblies; in short, they can form a German State, in which the German

language shall be as much the popular and official language as the

English is now, and in which the German spirit shall rule." By 1860 the

German-born were sixteen per cent of the population of the State. But

the New York and New England stream proved even more broad and steady in

its flow in these years before the war. Wisconsin's population rose from

30,000 in 1840 to 300,000 in 1850.

The New England element that entered this State is probably typical of

the same element in Wisconsin's neighboring States, and demands notice.

It came for the most part, not from the seaboard of Massachusetts, which

has so frequently represented New England to the popular apprehension. A

large element in this stock was the product of the migration that

ascended the valleys of Connecticut and central Massachusetts through

the hills into Vermont and New York,--a pioneer folk almost from the

time of their origin. The Vermont colonists decidedly outnumbered those

of Massachusetts in both Michigan and Wisconsin, and were far more

numerous in other Northwestern States than the population of Vermont

warranted. Together with this current came the settlers from western New

York. These were generally descendants of this same pioneer New England

stock, continuing into a remoter West the movement that had brought

their parents to New York. The combined current from New England and New

York thus constituted a distinctly modified New England stock, and was

clearly the dominant native element in Michigan and Wisconsin.

The decade of the forties was also the period of Iowa's rapid increase.

Although not politically a part of the Old Northwest, in history she is

closely related to that region. Her growth was by no means so rapid as

was Wisconsin's, for the proportion of foreign immigration was less.

Whereas in 1850 more than one-third of Wisconsin's population was

foreign-born, the proportion for Iowa was not much over one-tenth. The

main body of her people finally came from the Middle States, and

Illinois and Ohio; but Southern elements were well represented,

particularly among her political leaders.

The middle of the century was the turning-point in the transfer of

control in the Northwest. Below the line of the old national turnpike,

marked by the cities of Columbus, Indianapolis, Vandalia, and St. Louis,

the counties had acquired a stability of settlement; and partly because

of the Southern element, partly because of a natural tendency of new

communities toward Jacksonian ideals, these counties were preponderantly

Democratic. But the Southern migration had turned to the cotton areas of

the Southwest, and the development of railroads and canals had broken

the historic commercial ascendancy of the Mississippi River; New Orleans

was yielding the scepter to New York. The tide of migration from the

North poured along these newly opened channels, and occupied the less

settled counties above the national turnpike. In cities like Columbus

and Indianapolis, where the two currents had run side by side, the

combined elements were most clearly marked, but in the Northwest as a

whole a varied population had been formed. This region seemed to

represent and understand the various parts of the Union. It was this

aspect which Mr. Vinton, of Ohio, urged in Congress when he made his

notable speech in favor of the admission of Iowa. He pleaded the

mission of the Northwest as the mediator between the sections and the

unifying agency in the nation, with such power and pathos as to thrill

even John Quincy Adams.

But there are some issues which cannot be settled by compromise,

tendencies one of which must conquer the other. Such an issue the slave

power raised, and raised too late for support in the upper half of the

Mississippi Basin. The Northern and the Southern elements found

themselves in opposition to each other. "A house divided against itself

cannot stand," said Abraham Lincoln, a Northern leader of Southern

origin. Douglas, a leader of the Southern forces, though coming from New

England, declared his indifference whether slavery were voted up or down

in the Western Territories. The historic debates between these two

champions reveal the complex conditions in the Northwest, and take on a

new meaning when considered in the light of this contest between the

Northern and the Southern elements. The State that had been so potent

for compromise was at last the battle-ground itself, and the places

selected for the various debates of Lincoln and Douglas marked the

strongholds and the outposts of the antagonistic forces.

At this time the kinship of western New York and the dominant element in

the Northwest was clearly revealed. Speaking for the anti-slavery forces

at Madison, Wisconsin, in 1860, Seward said: "The Northwest is by no

means so small as you may think it. I speak to you because I feel that I

am, and during all my mature life have been, one of you. Although of New

York, I am still a citizen of the Northwest. The Northwest extends

eastward to the base of the Alleghany Mountains, and does not all of

western New York lie westward of the Alleghany Mountains? Whence comes

all the inspiration of free soil which spreads itself with such cheerful

voices over all these plains? Why, from New York westward of the

Alleghany Mountains. The people before me,--who are you but New York

men, while you are men of the Northwest?" In the Civil War, western New

York and the Northwest were powerful in the forum and in the field. A

million soldiers came from the States that the Ordinance, passed by

Southern votes, had devoted to freedom.

This was the first grave time of trial for the Northwest, and it did

much eventually to give to the region a homogeneity and

self-consciousness. But at the close of the war the region was still

agricultural, only half-developed; still breaking ground in northern

forests; still receiving contributions of peoples which radically

modified the social organism, and undergoing economic changes almost

revolutionary in their rapidity and extent. The changes since the war

are of more social importance, in many respects, than those in the years

commonly referred to as the formative period. As a result, the Northwest

finds herself again between contending forces, sharing the interests of

East and West, as once before those of North and South, and forced to

give her voice on issues of equal significance for the destiny of the

republic.

In these transforming years since 1860, Ohio, finding the magician's

talisman that revealed the treasury of mineral wealth, gas, and

petroleum beneath her fields, has leaped to a front rank among the

manufacturing States of the Union. Potential on the Great Lakes by

reason of her ports of Toledo and Cleveland, tapping the Ohio river

artery of trade at Cincinnati, and closely connected with all the vast

material development of the upper waters of this river in western

Pennsylvania and West Virginia, Ohio has become distinctly a part of the

eastern social organism, much like the State of Pennsylvania. The

complexity of her origin still persists. Ohio has no preponderant social

center; her multiplicity of colleges and universities bears tribute to

the diversity of the elements that have made the State. One-third of

her people are of foreign parentage (one or both parents foreign-born),

and the city of Cincinnati has been deeply affected by the German stock,

while Cleveland strongly reflects the influence of the New England

element. That influence is still very palpable, but it is New England in

the presence of natural gas, iron, and coal, New England shaped by blast

and forge. The Middle State ideals will dominate Ohio's future.

Bucolic Indiana, too, within the last decade has come into the

possession of gas-fields and has increased the exploitation of her coals

until she seems destined to share in the industrial type represented by

Ohio. Cities have arisen, like a dream, on the sites of country

villages. But Indiana has a much smaller proportion of foreign elements

than any other State of the Old Northwest, and it is the Southern

element that still differentiates her from her sisters. While Ohio's

political leaders still attest the Puritan migration, Indiana's clasp

hands with the leaders from the South.

The Southern elements continue also to reveal themselves in the

Democratic southwestern counties of Illinois, grouped like a broad delta

of the Illinois River, while northern Illinois holds a larger proportion

of descendants of the Middle States and New England. About one-half her

population is of foreign parentage, in which the German, Irish, and

Scandinavians furnish the largest elements. She is a great agricultural

State and a great manufacturing State, the connecting link between the

Mississippi and the Great Lakes. Her metropolis, Chicago, is the very

type of Northwestern development for good and for evil. It is an epitome

of her composite nationality. A recent writer, analyzing the school

census of Chicago, points out that "only two cities in the German

Empire, Berlin and Hamburg, have a greater German population than

Chicago; only two in Sweden, Stockholm and Goeteborg, have more Swedes;

and only two in Norway, Christiana and Bergen, have more Norwegians";

while the Irish, Polish, Bohemians, and Dutch elements are also largely

represented. But in spite of her rapidity of growth and her complex

elements, Chicago stands as the representative of the will-power and

genius for action of the Middle West, and the State of Illinois will be

the battle-ground for social and economic ideals for the next

generation.

Michigan is two States. The northern peninsula is cut off from the

southern physically, industrially, and in the history of settlement. It

would seem that her natural destiny was with Wisconsin, or some possible

new State embracing the iron and copper, forest and shipping areas of

Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota on Lake Superior. The lower peninsula

of Michigan is the daughter of New York and over twelve per cent of

Michigan's present population were born in that State, and her traits

are those of the parent State. Over half her population is of foreign

parentage, of which Canada and England together have furnished one-half,

while the Germans outnumber any other single foreign element. The State

has undergone a steady industrial development, exploiting her northern

mines and forests, developing her lumber interests with Saginaw as the

center, raising fruits along the lake shore counties, and producing

grain in the middle trough of counties running from Saginaw Bay to the

south of Lake Michigan. Her state university has been her peculiar

glory, furnishing the first model for the state university, and it is

the educational contribution of the Northwest to the nation.

Wisconsin's future is dependent upon the influence of the large

proportion of her population of foreign parentage, for nearly

three-fourths of her inhabitants are of that class. She thus has a

smaller percentage of native population than any other of the States

formed from the Old Northwest. Of this foreign element the Germans

constitute by far the largest part, with the Scandinavians second. Her

American population born outside of Wisconsin comes chiefly from New

York. In contrast with the Ohio River States, she lacks the Southern

element. Her greater foreign population and her dairy interests contrast

with Michigan's Canadian and English elements and fruit culture. Her

relations are more Western than Michigan's by reason of her connection

with the Mississippi and the prairie States. Her foreign element is

slightly less than Minnesota's, and in the latter State the

Scandinavians take the place held by the Germans in Wisconsin. The

facility with which the Scandinavians catch the spirit of Western

America and assimilate with their neighbors is much greater than is the

case with the Germans, so that Wisconsin seems to offer opportunity for

non-English influence in a greater degree than her sister on the west.

While Minnesota's economic development has heretofore been closely

dependent on the wheat-producing prairies, the opening of the iron

fields of the Mesabi and Vermilion ranges, together with the development

of St. Paul and Minneapolis, Duluth and West Superior, and the

prospective achievement of a deep-water communication with the Atlantic,

seem to offer to that State a new and imperial industrial destiny.

Between this stupendous economic future to the northwest and the

colossal growth of Chicago on the southeast Wisconsin seems likely to

become a middle agricultural area, developing particularly into a dairy

State. She is powerfully affected by the conservative tendencies of her

German element in times of political agitation and of proposals of

social change.

Some of the social modifications in this State are more or less typical

of important processes at work among the neighboring States of the Old

Northwest. In the north, the men who built up the lumber interests of

the State, who founded a mill town surrounded by the stumps of the pine

forests which they exploited for the prairie markets, have acquired

wealth and political power. The spacious and well-appointed home of the

town-builder may now be seen in many a northern community, in a group of

less pretentious homes of operatives and tradesmen, the social

distinctions between them emphasized by the difference in nationality. A

few years before, this captain of industry was perhaps actively engaged

in the task of seeking the best "forties" or directing the operations of

his log-drivers. His wife and daughters make extensive visits to Europe,

his sons go to some university, and he himself is likely to acquire

political position, or to devote his energies to saving the town from

industrial decline, as the timber is cut away, by transforming it into a

manufacturing center for more finished products. Still others continue

their activity among the forests of the South. This social history of

the timber areas of Wisconsin has left clear indications in the

development of the peculiar political leadership in the northern portion

of the State.

In the southern and middle counties of the State, the original

settlement of the native American pioneer farmer, a tendency is showing

itself to divide the farms and to sell to thrifty Germans, or to

cultivate the soil by tenants, while the farmer retires to live in the

neighboring village, and perhaps to organize creameries and develop a

dairy business. The result is that a replacement of nationalities is in

progress. Townships and even counties once dominated by the native

American farmers of New York extraction are now possessed by Germans or

other European nationalities. Large portions of the retail trades of the

towns are also passing into German hands, while the native element seeks

the cities, the professions, or mercantile enterprises of larger

character. The non-native element shows distinct tendencies to dwell in

groups. One of the most striking illustrations of this fact is the

community of New Glarus, in Wisconsin, formed by a carefully organized

migration from Glarus in Switzerland, aided by the canton itself. For

some years this community was a miniature Swiss canton in social

organization and customs, but of late it has become increasingly

assimilated to the American type, and has left an impress by

transforming the county in which it is from a grain-raising to a dairy

region.

From Milwaukee as a center, the influence of the Germans upon the social

customs and ideals of Wisconsin has been marked. Milwaukee has many of

the aspects of a German city, and has furnished a stronghold of

resistance to native American efforts to enact rigid temperance

legislation, laws regulative of parochial schools, and similar attempts

to bend the German type to the social ideas of the pioneer American

stock. In the last presidential election, the German area of the State

deserted the Democratic party, and its opposition to free silver was a

decisive factor in the overwhelming victory of the Republicans in

Wisconsin. With all the evidence of the persistence of the influence of

this nationality, it is nevertheless clear that each decade marks an

increased assimilation and homogeneity in the State; but the result is a

compromise, and not a conquest by either element.

The States of the Old Northwest gave to McKinley a plurality of over

367,000 out of a total vote of about 3,734,000. New England and the

Middle States together gave him a plurality of 979,000 in about the same

vote, while the farther West gave to Bryan a decisive net plurality. It

thus appears that the Old Northwest occupied the position of a political

middle region between East and West. The significance of this position

is manifest when it is recalled that this section is the child of the

East and the mother of the Populistic West.

The occupation of the Western prairies was determined by forces similar

to those which settled the Old Northwest. In the decade before the war,

Minnesota succeeded to the place held by Wisconsin as the Mecca of

settlers in the prior decade. To Wisconsin and New York she owes the

largest proportion of her native settlers born outside of the State.

Kansas and Nebraska were settled most rapidly in the decade following

the war, and had a large proportion of soldiers in their American

immigrants. Illinois and Ohio together furnished about one-third of the

native settlers of these States, but the element coming from Southern

States was stronger in Kansas than in Nebraska. Both these States have

an exceptionally large proportion of native whites as compared with

their neighbors among the prairie States. Kansas, for example, has about

twenty-six per cent of persons of foreign parentage, while Nebraska has

about forty-two, Iowa forty-three, South Dakota sixty, Wisconsin

seventy-three, Minnesota seventy-five, and North Dakota seventy-nine.

North Dakota's development was greatest in the decade prior to 1890. Her

native stock came in largest numbers from Wisconsin, with New York,

Minnesota, and Iowa next in order. The growth of South Dakota occupied

the two decades prior to the census of 1890, and she has recruited her

native element from Wisconsin, Iowa, Illinois, and New York.

In consequence of the large migration from the States of the Old

Northwest to the virgin soils of these prairie States many counties in

the parent States show a considerable decline in growth in the decade

before 1890. There is significance in the fact that, with the exception

of Iowa, these prairie States, the colonies of the Old Northwest, gave

Bryan votes in the election of 1896 in the ratio of their proportion of

persons of native parentage. North Dakota, with the heaviest foreign

element, was carried for McKinley, while South Dakota, with a much

smaller foreign vote, went for Bryan. Kansas and Nebraska rank with Ohio

in their native percentage, and they were the center of prairie

Populism. Of course, there were other important local economic and

political explanations for this ratio, but it seems to have a basis of

real meaning. Certain it is that the leaders of the silver movement came

from the native element furnished by the Old Northwest. The original

Populists in the Kansas legislature of 1891 were born in different

States as follows: in Ohio, twelve; Indiana, six; Illinois, five; New

York, four; Pennsylvania, two; Connecticut, Vermont, and Maine, one

each,--making a total, for the Northern current, of thirty-two. Of the

remaining eighteen, thirteen were from the South, and one each from

Kansas, Missouri, California, England and Ireland. Nearly all were

Methodists and former Republicans.[238:1]

Looking at the silver movement more largely, we find that of the Kansas

delegation in the Fifty-fourth Congress, one was born in Kansas, and the

rest in Indiana, Illinois, Ohio, Pennsylvania, West Virginia, and Maine.

All of the Nebraska delegation in the House came from the Old Northwest

or from Iowa. The biographies of the two Representatives from the State

of Washington tell an interesting story. These men came as children to

the pine woods of Wisconsin, took up public lands, and worked on the

farm and in the pineries. One passed on to a homestead in Nebraska

before settling in Washington. Thus they kept one stage ahead of the

social transformations of the West. This is the usual training of the

Western politicians. If the reader would see a picture of the

representative Kansas Populist, let him examine the family portraits of

the Ohio farmer in the middle of this century.

In a word, the Populist is the American farmer who has kept in advance

of the economic and social transformations that have overtaken those

who remained behind. While, doubtless, investigation into the ancestry

of the Populists and "silver men" who came to the prairies from the Old

Northwest would show a large proportion of Southern origin, yet the

center of discontent seems to have been among the men of the New England

and New York current. If New England looks with care at these men, she

may recognize in them the familiar lineaments of the embattled farmers

who fired the shot heard round the world. The continuous advance of this

pioneer stock from New England has preserved for us the older type of

the pioneer of frontier New England.

The Frontier in American History · 第 18 / 29 段