1768 to the number of nearly four thousand, and tried to secure terms of
adjustment. In 1770 the court-house at Hillsboro was broken into by a
mob. The assembly passed some measures designed to conciliate the back
country; but before they became operative, Governor Tryon's militia,
about twelve hundred men, largely from the lowlands, and led by the
gentry whose privileges were involved, met the motley army of the
Regulators, who numbered about two thousand, in the battle of the
Alamance (May, 1771). Many were killed and wounded, the Regulators
dispersed, and over six thousand men came into camp and took the oath of
submission to the colonial authorities. The battle was not the first
battle of the Revolution, as it has been sometimes called, for it had
little or no relation to the stamp act; and many of the frontiersmen
involved, later refused to fight against England because of the very
hatred which had been inspired for the lowland Revolutionary leaders in
this battle of the Alamance. The interior of the Carolinas was a region
where neighbors, during the Revolution, engaged in internecine conflicts
of Tories against Whigs.
But in the sense that the battle of Alamance was a conflict against
privilege, and for equality of political rights and power, it was indeed
a preliminary battle of the Revolution, although fought against many of
the very men who later professed Revolutionary doctrines in North
Carolina. The need of recognizing the importance of the interior led to
concessions in the convention of 1776 in that state. "Of the forty-four
sections of the constitution, thirteen are embodiments of reforms sought
by the Regulators."[120:1] But it was in this period that hundreds of
North Carolina backwoodsmen crossed the mountains to Tennessee and
Kentucky, many of them coming from the heart of the Regulator region.
They used the device of "associations" to provide for government in
their communities.[120:2]
In the matter of apportionment, North Carolina showed the same lodgment
of power in the hands of the coast, even after population preponderated
in the Piedmont.[120:3]
It is needless to comment on the uniformity of the evidence which has
been adduced, to show that the Old West, the interior region from New
England to Georgia, had a common grievance against the coast; that it
was deprived throughout most of the region of its due share of
representation, and neglected and oppressed in local government in large
portions of the section. The familiar struggle of West against East, of
democracy against privileged classes, was exhibited along the entire
line. The phenomenon must be considered as a unit, not in the fragments
of state histories. It was a struggle of interior against coast.
VI. Perhaps the most noteworthy Western activity in the Revolutionary
era, aside from the aspects already mentioned, was in the part which the
multitude of sects in the Old West played in securing the great
contribution which the United States made to civilization by providing
for complete religious liberty, a secular state with free churches.
Particularly the Revolutionary constitutions of Pennsylvania and
Virginia, under the influence of the back country, insured religious
freedom. The effects of the North Carolina upland area to secure a
similar result were noteworthy, though for the time ineffective.[121:1]
VII. As population increased in these years, the coast gradually yielded
to the up-country's demands. This may be illustrated by the transfer of
the capitals from the lowlands to the fall line and Valley. In 1779,
Virginia changed her seat of government from Williamsburg to Richmond;
in 1790, South Carolina, from Charleston to Columbia; in 1791, North
Carolina, from Edenton to Raleigh; in 1797, New York, from New York City
to Albany; in 1799, Pennsylvania, from Philadelphia to Lancaster.
VIII. The democratic aspect of the new constitutions was also influenced
by the frontier as well as by the prevalent Revolutionary philosophy;
and the demands for paper money, stay and tender laws, etc., of this
period were strongest in the interior. It was this region that supported
Shays' Rebellion; it was (with some important exceptions) the same area
that resisted the ratification of the federal constitution, fearful of a
stronger government and of the loss of paper money.
IX. The interior later showed its opposition to the coast by the
persistent contest against slavery, carried on in the up-country of
Virginia, and North and South Carolina. Until the decade 1830-40, it was
not certain that both Virginia and North Carolina would not find some
means of gradual abolition. The same influence accounts for much of the
exodus of the Piedmont pioneers into Indiana and Illinois, in the first
half of the nineteenth century.[122:1]
X. These were the regions, also, in which were developed the desire of
the pioneers who crossed the mountains, and settled on the "Western
waters," to establish new States free from control by the lowlands,
owning their own lands, able to determine their own currency, and in
general to govern themselves in accordance with the ideals of the Old
West. They were ready also, if need be, to become independent of the Old
Thirteen. Vermont must be considered in this aspect, as well as Kentucky
and Tennessee.[122:2]
XI. The land system of the Old West furnished precedents which developed
into the land system of the trans-Alleghany West.[122:3] The squatters
of Pennsylvania and the Carolinas found it easy to repeat the operation
on another frontier. Preemption laws became established features. The
Revolution gave opportunity to confiscate the claims of Lord Fairfax,
Lord Granville, and McCulloh to their vast estates, as well as the
remaining lands of the Pennsylvania proprietors. The 640 acre (or one
square mile) unit of North Carolina for preemptions, and frontier land
bounties, became the area awarded to frontier stations by Virginia in
1779, and the "section" of the later federal land system. The Virginia
preemption right of four hundred acres on the Western waters, or a
thousand for those who came prior to 1778, was, in substance, the
continuation of a system familiar in the Old West.
The grants to Beverley, of over a hundred thousand acres in the Valley,
conditioned on seating a family for every thousand acres, and the
similar grants to Borden, Carter, and Lewis, were followed by the great
grant to the Ohio Company. This company, including leading Virginia
planters and some frontiersmen, asked in 1749 for two hundred thousand
acres on the upper Ohio, conditioned on seating a hundred families in
seven years, and for an additional grant of three hundred thousand acres
after this should be accomplished. It was proposed to settle Germans on
these lands.
The Loyal Land Company, by order of the Virginia council (1749), was
authorized to take up eight hundred thousand acres west and north of the
southern boundary of Virginia, on condition of purchasing "rights" for
the amount within four years. The company sold many tracts for L3 per
hundred acres to settlers, but finally lost its claim. The Mississippi
Company, including in its membership the Lees, Washingtons, and other
great Virginia planters, applied for two and one-half million acres in
the West in 1769. Similar land companies of New England origin, like
the Susquehanna Company and Lyman's Mississippi Company, exhibit the
same tendency of the Old West on the northern side. New England's Ohio
Company of Associates, which settled Marietta, had striking resemblances
to town proprietors.
These were only the most noteworthy of many companies of this period,
and it is evident that they were a natural outgrowth of speculations in
the Old West. Washington, securing military bounty land claims of
soldiers of the French and Indian War, and selecting lands in West
Virginia until he controlled over seventy thousand acres for
speculation, is an excellent illustration of the tendency. He also
thought of colonizing German Palatines upon his lands. The formation of
the Transylvania and Vandalia companies were natural developments on a
still vaster scale.[124:1]
XII. The final phase of the Old West, which I wish merely to mention, in
conclusion, is its colonization of areas beyond the mountains. The
essential unity of the movement is brought out by a study of how New
England's Old West settled northern Maine, New Hampshire and Vermont,
the Adirondacks, central and Western New York, the Wyoming Valley (once
organized as a part of Litchfield, Connecticut), the Ohio Company's
region about Marietta, and Connecticut's Western Reserve on the shores
of Lake Erie; and how the pioneers of the Great Valley and the Piedmont
region of the South crossed the Alleghanies and settled on the Western
Waters. Daniel Boone, going from his Pennsylvania home to the Yadkin,
and from the Yadkin to Tennessee and Kentucky, took part in the whole
process, and later in its continuation into Missouri.[124:2] The social
conditions and ideals of the Old West powerfully shaped those of the
trans-Alleghany West.
The important contrast between the spirit of individual colonization,
resentful of control, which the Southern frontiersmen showed, and the
spirit of community colonization and control to which the New England
pioneers inclined, left deep traces on the later history of the
West.[125:1] The Old West diminished the importance of the town as a
colonizing unit, even in New England. In the Southern area, efforts to
legislate towns into existence, as in Virginia, South Carolina, and
Georgia, failed. They faded away before wilderness conditions. But in
general, the Northern stream of migration was communal, and the Southern
individual. The difference which existed between that portion of the Old
West which was formed by the northward colonization, chiefly of the New
England Plateau (including New York), and that portion formed by the
southward colonization of the Virginia Valley and the Southern Piedmont
was reflected in the history of the Middle West and the Mississippi
Valley.[125:2]
FOOTNOTES:
[67:1] _Proceedings of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin for
1908._ Reprinted with the permission of the Society.
[68:1] For the settled area in 1660, see the map by Lois Mathews in
Channing, "United Stales" (N. Y., 1905), i, p. 510; and by Albert Cook
Myers in Avery, "United States" (Cleveland, 1905), ii, following p. 398.
In Channing, ii, following p. 603, is Marion F. Lansing's map of
settlement in 1760, which is on a rather conservative basis, especially
the part showing the interior of the Carolinas.
Contemporaneous maps of the middle of the eighteenth century, useful in
studying the progress of settlement, are: Mitchell, "Map of the British
Colonies" (1755); Evans, "Middle British Colonies" (1758); Jefferson and
Frye, "Map of Virginia" (1751 and 1755).
On the geographical conditions, see maps and text in Powell,
"Physiographic Regions" (N. Y., 1896), and Willis, "Northern
Appalachians," in "Physiography of the United States" (N. Y., 1896), pp.
73-82, 169-176, 196-201.
[70:1] See Osgood, "American Colonies" (N. Y., 1907), iii, chap. iii.
[70:2] See chapter ii, _ante_.
[70:3] Sheldon, "Deerfield" (Deerfield, Mass., 1895), i, p. 288.
[70:4] Parkman, "Frontenac" (Boston, 1898), p. 390; compare his
description of Deerfield in 1704, in "Half Century of Conflict" (Boston,
1898), i, p. 55.
[72:1] Hanna, "Scotch Irish" (N. Y. and London, 1902), ii, pp. 17-24.
[72:2] "Half Century of Conflict," ii, pp. 214-234.
[72:3] "American Husbandry" (London, 1775), i, p. 47.
[73:1] For the extent of New England settlements in 1760, compared with
1700, see the map in Channing, "United States," ii, at end of volume.
[74:1] Schafer, "Land Grants for Education," Univ. of Wis. _Bulletin_
(Madison, 1902), chap. iv.
[75:1] On New England's land system see Osgood, "American Colonies" (N.
Y., 1904), i, chap. xi; and Egleston, "Land System of the New England
Colonies," Johns Hopkins Univ. _Studies_ (Baltimore, 1886), iv. Compare
the account of Virginia, about 1696, in "Mass. Hist. Colls." (Boston,
1835), 1st series, v, p. 129, for a favorable view of the New England
town system; and note the probable influence of New England's system
upon Virginia's legislation about 1700. See chapter ii, _ante_.
[76:1] Amelia C. Ford, "Colonial Precedents of our National Land
System," citing Massachusetts Bay, House of Rep. "Journal," 1715, pp. 5,
22, 46; Hutchinson, "History of Massachusetts Bay" (London, 1768), ii,
p. 331; Holland, "Western Massachusetts" (Springfield, 1855), pp. 66,
169.
[76:2] "Conn. Colon. Records" (Hartford, 1874), viii, p. 134.
[77:1] Holland, "Western Massachusetts," p. 197. See the comments of
Hutchinson in his "History of Massachusetts Bay," ii, pp. 331, 332.
Compare the steps of Connecticut men in 1753 and 1755 to secure a land
grant in Wyoming Valley, Pennsylvania, for the Susquehanna Company, and
the Connecticut governor's remark that there was no unappropriated land
in the latter colony--"Pa. Colon. Records" (Harrisburg, 1851), v, p.
771; "Pa. Archives," 2d series, xviii, contains the important documents,
with much valuable information on the land system of the Wyoming Valley
region. See also General Lyman's projects for a Mississippi colony in
the Yazoo delta area--all indicative of the pressure for land and the
speculative spirit.
[78:1] Compare Vermont's dealings with the British, and the negotiations
of Kentucky and Tennessee leaders with Spaniards and British. See _Amer.
Hist. Review_, i, p. 252, note 2, for references on Vermont's
Revolutionary philosophy and influence.
[79:1] See H. C. Emery, "Artemas Jean Haynes" (New Haven, 1908), pp.
8-10.
[80:1] Ballagh, in Amer. Hist. Assoc. "Report," 1897, p. 110.
[80:2] "N. Y. Colon. Docs," vii, pp. 654, 795.
[81:1] Becker, in _Amer. Hist. Review_, vi, p. 261.
[81:2] Becker, _loc. cit._ For maps of grants in New York, see
O'Callaghan, "Doc. Hist. of N. Y." (Albany, 1850), i, pp. 421, 774;
especially Southier, "Chorographical Map of New York"; Winsor,
"America," v, p. 236. In general on these grants, consult also "Doc.
Hist. of N. Y.," i, pp. 249-257; "N. Y. Colon. Docs.," iv, pp. 397, 791,
874; v, pp. 459, 651, 805; vi, pp. 486, 549, 743, 876, 950; Kip, "Olden
Time" (N. Y., 1872), p. 12; Scharf, "History of Westchester County"
(Phila., 1886), i, p. 91; Libby, "Distribution of Vote on Ratification
of Constitution" (Madison, 1894), pp. 21-25.
For the region of the Wallkill, including New Paltz, etc., see Eager,
"Outline History of Orange County, New York" (Newburgh, 1846-47); and
Ruttenber and Clark, "History of Orange County" (Phila., 1881), pp.
11-20. On Cherry Valley and upper Susquehanna settlements, in general,
in New York, see Halsey, "Old New York Frontier," pp. 5, 119, and the
maps by De Witt and Southier in O'Callaghan, "Doc. Hist. of N. Y.," i,
pp. 421, 774.
Note the French Huguenots and Scotch-Irish in Orange County, and the
Scotch-Irish settlers of Cherry Valley and their relation to
Londonderry, N. H., as well as the missionary visits from Stockbridge,
Mass., to the upper Susquehanna.
[82:1] Lord, "Industrial Experiments" (Baltimore, 1898), p. 45;
Diffenderfer, "German Exodus" (Lancaster, Pa., 1897).
[82:2] See _post_.
[84:1] Hening, "Va. Statutes at Large" (N. Y., 1823), ii, p. 326.
[84:2] _Ibid._, p. 433.
[84:3] Bassett, "Writings of William Byrd" (N. Y., 1901), p. xxi.
[85:1] Hening, iii, p. 82. Similar acts were passed almost annually in
successive years of the seventeenth century; cf. _loc. cit._, _pp._ 98,
115, 119, 126, 164; the system was discontinued in 1722--see Beverley,
"Virginia and its Government" (London, 1722), p. 234.
It is interesting to compare the recommendation of Governor Dodge for
Wisconsin Territory in 1836--see Wis. Terr. House of Reps. "Journal,"
1836, pp. 11 _et seq._
[85:2] Hening, iii, pp. 204-209.
[87:1] Compare the law of 1779 in "Va. Revised Code" (1819), ii, p. 357;
Ranck's "Boonesborough" (Louisville, 1901).
[87:2] Bassett, "Writings of Byrd," p. xii; "Calendar of British State
Papers, Am. and W. I.," 1677-80 (London, 1896), p. 168.
[87:3] Bassett, _loc. cit._, p. x, and Hening, iii, p. 304 (1705).
[87:4] [See Alvord and Bidgood, "First Explorations of the
Trans-Allegheny Region."]
[87:5] Bassett, "Writings of Byrd," pp. xvii, xviii, quotes Byrd's
description of the trail; Logan, "Upper South Carolina" (Columbia,
1859), i, p. 167; Adair describes the trade somewhat later; cf. Bartram,
"Travels" (London, 1792), _passim_, and Monette, "Mississippi Valley"
(N. Y., 1846), ii, p. 13.
[88:1] Bruce, "Economic Hist. of Va." (N. Y., 1896), i, pp. 473, 475,
477.
[88:2] See descriptions of cow-pens in Logan, "History of Upper S. C.,"
i, p. 151; Bartram, "Travels," p. 308. On cattle raising generally in
the Piedmont, see: Gregg, "Old Cheraws" (N. Y., 1867), pp. 68, 108-110;
Salley, "Orangeburg" (Orangeburg, 1898), pp. 219-221; Lawson, "New
Voyage to Carolina" (Raleigh, 1860), p. 135; Ramsay, "South Carolina"
(Charleston, 1809), i, p. 207; J. F. D. Smyth, "Tour" (London, 1784), i,
p. 143, ii, pp. 78, 97; Foote, "Sketches of N. C." (N. Y., 1846), p. 77;
"N. C. Colon. Records" (Raleigh, 1887), v, pp. xli, 1193, 1223;
"American Husbandry" (London, 1775), i, pp. 336, 350, 384; Hening, v.
pp. 176, 245.
[88:3] Spotswood, "Letters" (Richmond, 1882), i, p. 167; compare _Va.
Magazine_, iii, pp. 120, 189.
[89:1] "N. C. Colon. Records," v, p. xli.
[89:2] Lawson, "Carolina" (Raleigh, 1860), gives a description early in
the eighteenth century; his map is reproduced in Avery, "United States"
(Cleveland, 1907), iii, p. 224.
[89:3] The advantages and disadvantages of the Piedmont region of the
Carolinas in the middle of the eighteenth century are illustrated in
Spangenburg's diary, in "N. C. Colon. Records," v, pp. 6, 7, 13, 14.
Compare "American Husbandry," i, pp. 220, 332, 357, 388.
[90:1] Spotswood, "Letters," i, p. 40.
[90:2] On Germanna see Spotswood, "Letters" (index); Fontaine's journal
in A. Maury, "Huguenot Family" (1853), p. 268; Jones, "Present State of
Virginia" (N. Y., 1865), p. 59; Bassett, "Writings of Byrd," p. 356;
_Va. Magazine_, xiii, pp. 362, 365; vi, p. 385; xii, pp. 342, 350; xiv,
p. 136.
Spotswood's interest in the Indian trade on the southern frontier of
Virginia is illustrated in his fort Christanna, on which the above
references afford information.
The contemporaneous account of Spotswood's expedition into Shenandoah
Valley is Fontaine's journey, cited above.
[91:1] See the excellent paper by C. E. Kemper, in _Va. Magazine_, xii,
on "Early Westward Movement in Virginia."
[91:2] Compare Phillips, "Origin and Growth of the Southern Black
Belts," in _Amer. Hist. Review_, xi, p. 799.
[91:3] _Va. Magazine_, xiii, p. 113.
[92:1] "Revised Code of Virginia" (Richmond, 1819), ii, p. 339.
[92:2] _Mag. Amer. Hist._, xiii, pp. 217, 230; Winsor, "Narr. and Crit.
Hist. of America," v, p. 268; Kercheval, "The Valley" (Winchester, Va.,
1833), pp. 67, 209; _Va. Magazine_, xiii, p. 115.
[93:1] "William and Mary College Quarterly" (Williamsburg, 1895), iii,
p. 226. See Jefferson and Frye, "Map of Virginia, 1751," for location of
this and Borden's manor.
[93:2] Brown, "The Cabells" (Boston, 1895), p. 53.
[93:3] _Loc. cit._, pp. 57, 66.
[94:1] Meade, "Old Churches" (Phila., 1861), 2 vols.; Foote, "Sketches"
(Phila., 1855); Brown, "The Cabells," p. 68.
[94:2] _Atlantic Monthly_, vol. xci, pp. 83 _et seq._; Ford, "Writing of
Thomas Jefferson" (N. Y., 1892), i, pp. xix _et seq._
[94:3] Byrd, "Dividing Line" (Richmond, 1866), pp. 85, 271.
[95:1] "N. C. Colon. Records," iii, p. xiii. Compare Hawks, "Hist. of
North Carolina" (Fayetteville, 1859), map of precincts, 1663-1729.
[95:2] Raper, "North Carolina" (N. Y., 1904), chap. v; W. R. Smith,
"South Carolina" (N. Y., 1903), pp. 48, 57.
[95:3] Clewell, "Wachovia" (N. Y., 1902).
[96:1] Ballagh, in Amer. Hist. Assoc. "Report," 1897, pp. 120, 121,
citing Bassett, in "Law Quarterly Review," April, 1895, pp. 159-161.
[96:2] See map in Hawks, "North Carolina."
[96:3] McCrady, "South Carolina," 1719-1776 (N. Y., 1899), pp. 149, 151;
Smith, "South Carolina," p. 40; Ballagh, in Amer. Hist. Assoc. "Report,"
1897, pp. 117-119; Brevard, "Digest of S. C. Laws" (Charleston, 1857),
i, p. xi.
[96:4] McCrady, "South Carolina," pp. 121 _et seq._; Phillips,
"Transportation in the Eastern Cotton Belt" (N. Y., 1908), p. 51.
[96:5] This was not originally provided for among the eleven towns. For
its history see Salley, "Orangeburg"--frontier conditions about 1769 are
described on pp. 219 _et seq._; see map opposite p. 9.
[97:1] Gregg, "Old Cheraws," p. 44.
[97:2] Ballagh, _loc. cit._, pp. 119, 120.
[98:1] Compare the description of Georgia frontier traders, cattle
raisers, and land speculators, about 1773, in Bartram, "Travels," pp.
18, 36, 308.
[99:1] See Willis, "Northern Appalachians," in "Physiography of the U.
S." in National Geog. Soc. "Monographs" (N. Y., 1895), no. 6.
[100:1] Diffenderfer, "German Immigration into Pennsylvania," in Pa.
German Soc. "Proc.," v, p. 10; "Redemptioners" (Lancaster, Pa., 1900).
[100:2] A. B. Faust, "German Element in the United States."
[100:3] See the bibliographies in Kuhns, "German and Swiss Settlements
of Pennsylvania" (N. Y., 1901); Wayland, "German Element of the
Shenandoah Valley" (N. Y., 1908); Channing, "United States," ii, p. 421;
Griffin, "List of Works Relating to the Germans in the U. S." (Library
of Congress, Wash., 1904).
[100:4] See in illustration, the letter in Myers, "Irish Quakers"
(Swarthmore, Pa., 1902), p. 70.
[101:1] Shepherd, "Proprietary Government in Pennsylvania" (N. Y.,
1896), p. 34.
[101:2] Gordon, "Pennsylvania" (Phila., 1829), p. 225.
[101:3] Shepherd, _loc. cit._, pp. 49-51.
[101:4] Ballagh, Amer. Hist. Assoc. "Report," 1897, pp. 112, 113.
Compare Smith, "St. Clair Papers" (Cincinnati, 1882), ii, p. 101.
[101:5] Shepherd, _loc. cit._, p. 50.
[101:6] Mereness, "Maryland" (N. Y., 1901), p. 77.
[102:1] "Calendar Va. State Papers" (Richmond, 1875), i, p. 217; on
these grants see Kemper, "Early Westward Movement in Virginia" in _Va.
Mag._, xii and xiii; Wayland, "German Element of the Shenandoah Valley,"
_William and Mary College Quarterly_, iii. The speculators, both
planters and new-comers, soon made application for lands beyond the
Alleghanies.
[102:2] In 1794 the Virginia House of Delegates resolved to publish the
most important laws of the state in German.
[102:3] See Bernheim, "German Settlements in the Carolinas" (Phila.,
1872); Clewell, "Wachovia"; Allen, "German Palatines in N. C." (Raleigh,
1905).
[102:4] See Wayland, _loc. cit._, bibliography, for references; and
especially _Va. Mag._, xi, pp. 113, 225, 370; xii, pp. 55, 134, 271;
"German American Annals," N. S. iii, pp. 342, 369; iv, p. 16; Clewell,
"Wachovia; N. C. Colon. Records," v, pp. 1-14.
[103:1] On the Scotch-Irish, see the bibliography in Green,
"Scotch-Irish in America," Amer. Antiquarian Soc. "Proceedings," April,
1895; Hanna, "Scotch-Irish" (N. Y., 1902), is a comprehensive
presentation of the subject; see also Myers, "Irish Quakers."
[103:2] Fiske, "Old Virginia" (Boston, 1897), ii, p. 394. Compare
Linehan, "The Irish Scots and the Scotch-Irish" (Concord, N. H., 1902).
[103:3] See MacLean, "Scotch Highlanders in America" (Cleveland, 1900).
[103:4] Hanna, "Scotch-Irish," ii, pp. 17-24.
[104:1] Halsey, "Old New York Frontier" (N. Y., 1901).
[104:2] MacLean, pp. 196-230.
[104:3] The words of Logan, Penn's agent, in 1724, in Hanna, ii, pp. 60,
63.
[104:4] Winsor, "Mississippi Basin" (Boston, 1895), pp. 238-243.
[105:1] See Thwaites, "Early Western Travels" (Cleveland, 1904-06), i;
Walton, "Conrad Weiser" (Phila., 1900); Heckewelder, "Narrative"
(Phila., 1820).
[105:2] Christian, "Scotch-Irish Settlers in the Valley of Virginia"
(Richmond, 1860).
[105:3] Roosevelt gives an interesting picture of this society in his
"Winning of the West" (N. Y., 1889-96), i, chap. v; see also his
citations, especially Doddridge, "Settlements and Indian Wars"
(Wellsburgh, W. Va., 1824).
[106:1] Bassett, in Amer. Hist. Assoc. "Report," 1894, p. 145.
[106:2] "N. C. Colon. Records," v, pp. xxxix, xl; _cf._ p. xxi.
[106:3] _Loc. cit._, pp. 146, 147.
[107:1] See the interesting account of Rev. Moses Waddell's school in
South Carolina, on the upper Savannah, where the students, including
John C. Calhoun, McDuffe, Legare, and Petigru, were educated in the
wilderness. They lived in log huts in the woods, furnished their own
supplies, or boarded near by, were called to the log school-house by
horn for morning prayers, and then scattered in groups to the woods for
study. Hunt, "Calhoun" (Phila., 1907), p. 13.
[108:1] Scharf, "Maryland" (Baltimore, 1879), ii, p. 61, and chaps. i
and xviii; Kercheval, "The Valley."
[108:2] Weston, "Documents," p. 82.
[109:1] See, for example, Phillips, "Transportation in the Eastern
Cotton Belt," pp. 21-53.