of youre contreis in tyme of necessite, also to the avauncement and encrece
of chevalrie and worship in armes, comaunde and doo founde, establisshe,
and ordeyne that the sonnes of princes, of lordis, and for the most part of
alle tho that ben comen and descendid of noble bloode, as of auncien
knightis, esquiers, and other auncient gentille men, that while they ben of
grene age ben drawen forthe, norisshed, and excersised in disciplines,
doctrine, and usage of scole of armes, as using justis, to can renne withe
speer, handle withe ax, sworde, dagger, and alle othir defensible wepyn, to
wrestling, to skeping, leping, and rennyng, to make hem hardie, deliver,
and wele brethed, so as when ye and youre roiaume in suche tyme of nede to
have theire service in entreprises of dedis of armes, they may of
experience be apt and more enabled to doo you service honourable in what
region they become, and not to be [unkonnyng,[172]] abashed, ne astonied,
{77} forto take entreprises, to answere or deliver a gentilman that desire
in worship to doo armes in liestis to the utteraunce, or to certein
pointis, or in a quarelle rightfulle to fight, and in cas of necessite
you[173] and youre roiaume forto warde, kepe, and defende frome youre
adversaries in tyme of werre. And this was the custom in the daies of youre
noble auncestries, bothe of kingis of Fraunce as of Englande. In example
wherof, king Edwarde .iij^{de}. that exersised his noble son Edwarde the
prince in righte grene age, and all his noble sonnes, in suche maiestries,
wherby they were more apt in haunting of armes. And, [as myne autor seyd
me,[174]] the chevalrous knight [fyrst[174]] Henry duke of Lancastre, which
is named a chief auctour and foundour in law of armes, had sent to hym
frome princes and lordis of straunge regions, as out of Spayne, Aragon,
Portingale, Naverre, and out of Fraunce, her children, yong knightis, to be
doctrined, lerned, and broughte up in his noble court in scole of armes and
for to see noblesse, curtesie, and worship. Wherthoroughe here honoure
spradde and encresid in renomme in all londis they came untoo. And after
hym, in youre antecessour daies, other noble princes and lordis of gret
birthe accustomed to excersise maistries apropred to defense of armes and
gentilnes[175] to them longing. But now of late daies, the grettir pite is,
many one that ben descendid of noble bloode and borne to armes, as knightis
sonnes, esquiers, and of othir gentille bloode, set hem silfe to singuler
practik, straunge [facultee[gh][176]] frome that fet, as to lerne the
practique of law or custom of lande, or of civile matier, and so wastyn
gretlie theire tyme in suche nedelese besinesse, as to occupie courtis
halding, to kepe and bere out a proude countenaunce at sessions and shiris
halding, also there to embrace and rule among youre pore and simple comyns
of bestialle contenaunce that lust to lyve in rest. And who can be a reuler
and put hym forthe in suche matieris, he is, as the worlde goithe now,
among alle astatis more set of than he that hathe despendid .xxx. or .xl.
yeris of his daies in gret jubardies in youre {78} [antecessourys[177]]
conquestis and werris. So wolde Jhesus they so wolle welle lerned theym to
be as good men of armes, chieveteins, or capetains in the feelde that
befallithe for hem where worship and manhode shulde be shewed, moche bettir
rathir then as they have lerned and can be a captaine or a ruler at a
sessions or a shire day, to endite or amercie youre pore bestialle peple,
to theire [enpoveryshyng[178],] and to enriche hem silfe or to be magnified
the more, but only they shulde maynteyn your justices and your officers
usyng the goode custom of youre lawes. And than ye shulde have righte
litille nede to have thoughte, anguisshe or besinesse for to conquere and
wyn ayen youre rightfulle enheritaunce, or to defende youre roiaume from
youre ennemies. And that suche singuler practik shulde [not[177]] be
accustumed and occupied [undewly[177]] withe suche men that be come of
noble birthe, [but he be the yonger brother, havyng not whereof to lyve
honestly[177].] And if the vaillaunt Romayns had suffred theire sonnes to
mysspende theire tyme in suche singuler practik, using oppressing by
colours [of custom of the law, they had not conquered twyes[177]] Cartage
ayenst alle the Affricans.
How officers of the law shulde be chosen, welle disposid and temperate men,
vertuous in condicion, and they to be protectid by lordis and noble men of
birthe.
[Sidenote: Exclamacio.]
Hit was in auncient tyme used that suche practik and lernyng of the
custumes and law of a lande shulde onlie be comytted to suche parsones of
demure contenaunce that were holden vertuous and welle disposid, thoughe he
were descendid but of esie birthe to occupie in in suche facultees, and to
mynistre duelie and egallie the statutis and custumes of the law to youre
peple, bethout meintenaunce ayenst justice. And the saide officers and
ministrours of the law to be protectid and meyntened by the princes,
lordis, and men of worship when the case shalle require, namelie tho that
oughte defende yow and youre {79} roiaume that halden theire londis of you
by that service onlie, and gyven to that entent by youre noble auncestries.
And over this that they be lerned and introducid in the drede of God, and
not presumptuously take upon hem to offende theire law, for the whiche, and
in example to this purpose, it is wretin in the .36. chapitre of the
prophete Jeremye, because that Joachym king of Juda despraised the
admonestementis, advertisementis, and the doctrines of God, that Jeremie
had doo set yn certein bookes and quaiers, the whiche he made to be cast in
the fire and disdeyned to hire theym, but usid after his owne wilfulnesse
and hedinesse and without counceile, therfor God seiethe by the mouthe of
the prophete that of hym shuld issew ne come none heire to succeede
ligneallie that after hym shulde enjoie and holde his roiaume, and overmore
that he shulde visit hym by punisshement, and that aswelle his kynne as hym
that had suffred and caused to be so eville inducid. And so it fille after
the prophesie. O ye than in the same wise puttithe away the delites of
sensualitees of suche inconvenient occupacion as before is specified frome
the children of noble men. And late theym be inducid and lerned of youthe
that in thingis [of noblesse[179]] that apparteynithe and belongithe to
theym to lerne, as in excercising[180] of armes and to suche occupacions of
worship. These thingis provyded and ordeined oughte not be long delaied,
but incontinent stedfastlie to be persevered, that then doubte not but that
God, whiche is most mercifulle and allway in every necessite to relief us,
despraisithe not the humble and contrite hertis, but that he of his
infinite goodenesse wolle accept and take in gree and his grace oure good
entent, and shalbe withe us in alle oure gode actis and dedis.
How over gret cost and pomp in clothing shulde be eschewed.
And therfore in witnesse herof eschew and leve the superfluite and excesse
of arraie and clothing. And late everie astate use as {80} the worthie
Romains did, the whiche, in tyme of affliccions and turmentis or anguisshes
by occasion of werres and batailes, used one manere clothing, and anothir
maner clothing in tyme of prosperite and felicitee reignyng. And the same
maner the ryte and custom of youre adverse partie of Fraunce hathe used,
escheweng alle costius arraiementis of clothing, garmentis, and bobauncees,
and the usaige of pellure and furres they have expresselie put away. Whiche
costues arraymentis and disgising of clothing of so many divers facion used
in this youre roiaume, inespecialle amongis youre pore comyners, hathe be
one of the gret inconvenientis of the empoverisshing of youre lande, and
enforced gret pride, envy, and wrathe amongis hem, whiche hathe holpe
broughte them to gret indigence and povertee.
How that gret hurt and inconvenientis have fallen to the roiaume because
the creditours have not been duelie paide of here lonys and prestis made to
highe sovereins.
[Sidenote: Nota optime.]
Moreover, youre pore comyns, [yn your antecessour dayes,[181]] not paied
holy theire duteis for theire lones, prestis of vitailis and othir
marchaundise, as by opyn example was often tymes lent and taken to the
behofe of youre predecessoure Henry sext, named king, but in sondrie wises
be delaied and despende gret part of her goode, or they can nighe her
deutees and paiementis, and fayn to suffre to defalke and relese partie of
her dutee to receyve the othir part, whiche is the cause of gret charge and
hinderaunce of youre peple. And therefore, to voide this inconvenient,
righte noble king, withe the discrete avise of youre noble lordis, let
youre riche tresours be spradde and put abrode, bothe juellis, vesselle of
gold and silver, among youre true subgettis, and inespecialle to the helpe
and avauncement of youre conquest, and to the relief of youre indigent and
nedie peple. And inespecialle to tho that have lost theire londis,
livelode, and {81} goode in the werres, so that the saide tresoure may be
put forthe, and late it be set in money to the remedie and socoure of this
gret importunyte and necessite, and to the defens of youre roiaume from
youre adversaries before specified; for it is saide that [an empyre
or[182]] roiaume is bettir without tresoure of golde than without worship,
and also bettir it is to lyve a pore life in a riche roiaume in
tranquillite and pease than to be riche in a pore roiaume where debate and
strife reignithe. And if ye wolle doo thus, every man than in his degree
wolle doo the same. And to example of us alle ye [soo[182]] puissaunt and
mighetie men of good counceile and stere,[183] every man helpe after his
degree.
[Sidenote: Nota bene.]
How saint Lowis, king of Fraunce, in his testament writen of his owne
hande, counceiled his sonne [that] after hym reigned, to cherisshe and
favoure the good Citeis and Townes of his lande, and use justice and peas.
And to doo and werke after the blissid counceile of Saint Lowes, king of
Fraunce, [who] declared among othir exhortacions and counceile in his
testament, the chapiter where he exhorted and comaundid his sonne Phelip
that reigned king after hym, that he shulde put and doo alle his diligence
that he shulde kepe his peple in pease and justice, and inespecialle to
favoure and cherisshe the good Citeis and Townes of his roiaume, and to
kepe theym in fraunchise and fredoms soo as they may encrese and lyve
puissauntlie, for if they be tendred, that they be of power and mighetie of
goode, the ennemies of youre roiaume or of youre adverse partie wol doubt
and be ware to take any entreprise ayenst youre noble mageste. And if the
adversaries wolle werke ayen the honoure of youre parsone, and the welfare
of youre roiaume, youre saide citesins and burgeis and good comyns shalbe
of power and of goode courage, and wille withe here bodies and goodes
largelie depart to be yoven forto resist them. And, {82} therefore, favoure
and forbere the pore peple and namelie the nedie, in signe that ye in youre
hertis may bring to mynde and remembre the vengeaunce of hard offensis to
this roiaume shewed, and to the recuvere of the worship of the roiaume late
lost. And who so hathe not a bodie habille herto, or usage to emploie hym
in dedis of armes, or think it long not to hym, as men of religiouste[184]
and spirituelle, temporelle men wolde sey, Yet com forthe withe a goode
courage, and not by constreint ne in manere of tasque ne of thraldom in
tyme to come, but of fre wille withe a bounteuous hert at this tyme that is
so expedient and necessarie, as trew Englisshe men shulde doo, every man
bring and put forthe of his goodes after that his power is. Now in the
worship of God let this be timelie done. It shall now shew, or it may be
shewed, who that shalbe founde goode and profitable to the comonwele, or
set hym silfe to the employ and fortheraunce of this dede of gret
necessite. And who so hathe no power to ley out finaunce, good, or
tresoure, yet put his good wille therto. A noble Roiaume of gret price and
of noble renomme as thow hast be. Whan God lust to shew thy power, and to
be victorious, who may noy the? Shall thou than suffre the to be confunded
withe simpler people of reputacion then thow art, withe the whiche ye and
youre noble progenitours have conquerid and overcom diverse tymes before
this? It is welle to undrestonde that ye have no protectoure, kepar, ne
defendour but it come of God, of the whiche he is witnesse and the leder.
Som say that the floode of Temmys rennythe beting hier than the londe in
stormye seasons. Yet for alle that, withe Goddis mighte and grace, thow art
not in the extremitee of tho stormes, ne never mote it come there in suche
indigence and necessite.
{83}
How that when the Romains were yn that uttermost necessite that bothe mete
and money failed hem and here chevalrie destroied, yet tho that [were] left
toke goode hert to hem, bothe widowes and othirs, that releved ayen the
frauncheis and libertees of Rome.
And where as the Romains fonde theym yn that urgent necessite whan that
bothe mete and monney failed theym to susteyne and support theire manhode,
neverthelesse noble courage ne goode hope failed not among hem; so that,
what time the auncien gentille bloode was wastid in bataile, than they made
knightis of theire bounde men, to avaunce theire conquest forto encrese
withe theire hoost. And that the goode worshipfulle ladies of Rome, and
namely the soroufulle widowes, whiche at that tyme were not usid of custom
nothing to pay ne yelde to the souding of men of armes, yet at that tyme
whan suche necessite fille, they offred and brought right liberallie of
theire juellis and goodis, for the whiche they were right gretly thanked
and praised, and after the victorie had welle recompensid and contentid.
[Sidenote: Titus Livius. A noble historye of the largesse of Romaynys, how
amplye they departed ther godes yn a tym of urgent necessite to make an
armee yn to the contree of Auffrique.]
[Sidenote: Lenius.]
Also I rede of a noble example in Titus Livius the .5. booke of the seconde
decade of Punica bella, that whan the noble Romains, in the tyme of werris
long continued ayen theire adversaries of Aufrik, what by tasques, tailes,
and imposicions had for the defens of theire countree habandonned and yoven
largelie of theire goodis meveable, that the saide Romains had no more in
substaunce to lyve by except theire londes. And it fille soo that the
countree of Cisiliens and Champenois hadde doo purvoie for a gret armee and
an oost of peple, as well of men for to defende and kepe the see as the
lond. And so the comons of Rome had borne so many gret chargis before that
they might no more, but if the lordis senatours and counceilours of Rome
wolde put too theire hande. And in so moche that the comons of Rome
complained and grugged in open market places {84} ayenst the saide gret
astatis and governours of Rome, seieng but they wolde sille theire bodies
and goodis of the comons, they might pay no more tasque ne taile, the saide
governours of Rome, to appaise the peple, saiden they wolde counceile
togither and advise a day to purvey for the comon wele, and seiden in
conclusion that, were[185] it righte or wrong, we senatours, astatis, and
governours must put out largelie of oure goodis, and so yeve example to the
comons for the defens of the contree of Cesille and keping of the lande and
see frome ennemies. And one Lenius, a noble senatoure, pronounced and saide
that, forasmoche the senatours have power of goode and rule of the cite in
preferraunce of worship and dignite, in like wise it is reason that they
here a charge to defende the comons and yeve example to doo as thow woldist
comaunde hem to doo; therfore late us, in yevyng the comons example, to
morne yn opyn market place before hem, bring forthe the gret part of the
golde and silver of coyne and print money that every of us senatours and
statis haven, so that none of us reserve and kepe to his propre use but
ringis and nouches for to worship his wiffe and children withalle; so that
every officer shulde have noo more silver vesselle but for a chapelle and a
cupbourde; and every senatoure to kepe but a pounde of coyned silver; and
every weddid man havyng wiffe and children to kepe for every of hem an
ounce of silver or suche a litille weight; and every citesyn of havyour and
degre to reserve only but .v^{mil}. pens of brasse money, and soo that alle
othir golde, silver, and brasse money coyned to be brought to the tresorers
of the citee. And aftre than the comons of Rome, havyng consideracion that
the senatours and governours of Rome of here owne fre voulente haboundonned
and put out so habundantlie and largelie of her golde and tresour for the
comon wele, to the defense and keping of the see withe shippis and
maryneris, to the defense and rebutting of her adversaries, that every of
the comons of Rome, after her power and havyoure, of gret courage brought
frelie of gold, silver, and othir coyne money to the {85} tresorers and
chaungers that were comytted to receyve the money, the prese was so grete
that they had no tyme to write the names of the noble citesins, ne forto
nombre and telle the quantite and porcion of everie manis part that they
broughte; and by this accord and moien the comon profit was soo augmentid
that the knightis and men of werre had suffisaunt and more than nedid to
defende and kepe the countre of Cecilians and Champenois, and also to be
maistris of the see; and alle thingis and ordenaunces that longid to werre
was purveied for and put forthe in onure and worke, that alle the senatours
counceilours had no nede to tarie lenger for counseiling, but every of hem
wente forthe into her countre to dispose for hemsilfe; and in so gret
discomfort stode never the Romayns as they did in this urgent necessitee,
and was by this moien of largesse repared and brought ayen to worship,
prosperite, and welfare. And wolde the mightifulle God that every harde
covetouse hert were of suche largesse and distributif of here meveable good
and tresoure to the comon wele, as for defending us frome oure adversaries,
and keping the see aswelle as the londe, that we may alway be lordis and
maistris thereof, as noble governours were before this tyme.
Here endyth thys Epistle, undre correccion, the .xv. day of June, the yeere
of Crist .M^liiij^clxxv., and of the noble Reyne of kyng Edward the
.iiij^{the}. the .xv^{ne}.
* * * * *
{87}
GENERAL INDEX.
* * * * *
Acre, 11
Actovylle, Raulyn, 8
Africa, 11, 83
Agamemnon, 20, 63
Agincourt, battle of, 16, 28, 32, 45
Ajax, 63, 64
Alencon, duke of 12;
taken prisoner 18;
his redemption 19
Alexander, king, 7
Anjou, the title of, 23
Appius, 60
Appulton, John, his letter to sir John Fastolfe, lvi
Arms (to do) in lists to the utterance, or to certain points, 77
Armonac, earl of, 8, 28, 37
Arras, treaty of, xlix
Arthur, king, 2, 9
---- of Breteyn, 40
Astrology depreciated, viii, 50
Authors quoted:--
de Auriga, Alanus, his Quadrilogus, 25, 27, 33;
Preface iii, vi, vii, ix
Austyn, of the City of God, 57;
---- of Free will, 50;
Bartholomeus, de Proprietatibus Rerum, 2;
Basset, Peter, liii;
Boetius de Consolatione, 3, 21, 50, 52;
Cato, 25, 62, 69;
Chartier, see Auriga
Cicero, of Divination, 50;
---- _see_ Tullius;
Cristina, Arbre de Batailes, 6 _bis_, 27, 30, 31, 54 (her biography
_ib._);
de Diceto, Radulphus, Ymago historiarum, 23;
Dudley's Tree of Commonwealth, vii;
Froissart, 40;
Gildas, 51;
Governance of Princes,liv;
Jeremye the prophet, 79;
Jerome, saint, 76;
Job, 6, 52, 58;
Josephus, liber antiquitatum, 51;
Kayus son, ii, 1;
Livius (Titus, 26, 51, 53, 83;
Machabeus, 42;
Malexander, Walter, 22, 26;
Nennius, 62;
Novius Marcellus, 57;
Orosius de Ormesta Mundi, 51;
Ovid, 26, 33;
Paralipomenon, 56;
Philip, the Acts of King, (the Philippiados), 13;
Pliny the younger, ii;
du Premier-Faict, Laurence, li;
Ptolomy, Centilogie, 51;
_de Regimine Principum_, liv;
Socrates, 69;
Tree of Batailes, iii, liv;
Tullius, 25, 57 _ter_, 58 _bis_, 59, 60, 62, 70;
Vegetius, his book of Chivalry (_de Arte Militari_), 21, 29, 55;
Preface, p. vi.;
Wallensis, Commune loquium, 57;
Worcestre, William of, l, 1
Averaunces, 28
{88}
Baldwin archbishop of Canterbury, 10
Basset, Peter, an historical writer, liii
Bastille of St. Anthoine, victualling of, xi, lx, 68
Beauchamp, sir William, 15
Bedford, John duke of, 15, 17;
wins the battle of Vernelle 18;
and conquers the county of Maine 19;
other victories 28;
statutes of 31;
eulogy on 44;
defended Paris 47;
his payment of wages 72
Benevolence, a voluntary taxation, xvii, xxi
Bituitus, king, 27
Boecius, 52
BOKE OF NOBLESSE, its scope and intention, i;
probable date of its composition, _ib._;
abstract of its contents, i-xvii;
the question of its authorship, l;
other books of the same character, liv;
the MS. described, lv
Bonnet, Honore, iv
Bordeaux, 42
Bougee, battle of, 17, 44
Bourbon, the bastard of, xxxi, xxxvii, xxxviii, 28
---- the cardinal of, xxxi, xxxvii, xxxix
Brennus, 10
Bretagne, Charles duke of, 13
---- Giles son of the duke of, ii, 5
---- the duke of, protected by king Edward, xl, xli
Bretailles, Louis de, xlii
Bretigny, peace of, 37, 40, 49
Buchan, earl of, 17
Burgoyne, duke of, 7, 8
---- marshal of, 17
Burgundy, Charles duke of, i;
his designation of _le Hardi_, x;
brother-in-law both to king Louis and king Edward, xxviii;
interviews with king Edward, xxiv, xxix, xxxiii;
character of, xxv;
suspected by the English, xxx, xlvi;
his truce with France, xlvii
---- John duke of, his murder, xxxviii
---- Margaret duchess of, xxiii
Caen, won by assault, 12, 36;
rescue of, 28;
parliament at, 31
Calais, siege of, 13, 36, 45
Camillus, 53
Canute (Knowt), 2
Carew, the baron of, 15
Carthage, wars of the Romans with, 26, 61, 65
Cato, 61
Caulx, Pais de, the destruction of, lvi
Caxton, works of:--
Book of the ordre of Chevalrye or Knyghthode, liv;
Fayttes of Armes and of Chyvallrye, vi;
Curial, vii;
Tully on Old Age, li;
Dicts and Sayings of the Philosophers, xliii
Cerdic, 2
Champenois, 83
Chandos, Sir John, 15, 37, 46
Charles V. of France, purchased fortresses from the English, xxxii;
mentioned, 33, 37
Charles VII. his re-conquest of Normandy ii, iii;
his secretary Alain Chartier vii;
mentioned 3, 25
Charles le bien ame, 25
Charles le simple, 39
Charles the sage, 40
Chartier; _see_ Authors
Chester, Randolfe earl of, 10
Cheyne, sir John, xxxii, xxxiii, xliii
Childermas day, xxxv
Chirburgh, 12
Chivalry, synonymous with Noblesse, xv
Christine, dame; _see_ Passy _and_ Pisan
Church, oppressed in Normandy, xiii, 74
Citizens, their contributions to the war, xxi;
their experience in the campaign, xlv
Clarence, George duke of, his retinue and their
pay, xx, xxiii, xxxii, xxxviii
Clarence, Thomas duke of, 18;
eulogy on, 44
Clekyn, sir Barthilmew, 15
Cleret, Pierre, xxxiii
Clergy oppressed in Normandy, xiii, 74;
{89}
Clothing, cost and pomp in, 79
Commines, Philippe de, the historian, xvii, xxv;
employed by king Louis, xxviii, xxx, xxxvi;
dressed like his master, xxxvii;
characteras an historian, xli
Commons, or people, termed "bestial", 77, 78
Conquerors, duties of, 21
Cornwall, language of, 2
Countour, a commissioner of taxes, xv
Courtenay, sir Hugh, 15
---- sir Philip, _ib._
Cravant, battle of, 17, 18, 28, 44
Cressy, battle of, 12, 36
Cyprus, king of, 10
Cyrus, his gardens at Sardis, 69
Damascus, 10
David king of Scots, 13
Derby, earl of, 13
Dieppe, 5
Dorset, Edmond earl of, 28
---- Thomas earl of, 15
Douglas, earl of, 18
Dove, the omen of the, xxiv, xlii
Dress; _see_ Clothing
Dudley, Edmonde, his "Tree of Common Wealth", vii
Dudley, William, xxxi, xxxii
Durham ("Deram upon the marchis of Scotland"), 13
Dynham, John lord, xxii
Education, military, 76
Edmond Ironside, 10
Edward the First, 11
Edward the Third, 3, 12, 14, 33, 77;
he made great alliances, 40
Edward prince of Wales, 4, 13, 14;
received homage as duke of Guienne, 37, 43
Edward the Fourth, his prosperous state in his second reign, i;
prepares to invade France xvii;
salutes the generous widow xxi;
lands at Calais xxvi;
interviews with the duke of Burgundy xxiv, xxix;
with king Louis xxxvi;
character of xxv, xli, xlv;
his personal appearance xxxviii;
ruin of his political schemes and death xlviii
Elkyngton, John, xxxii
English, their character as soldiers xxvi;
beat a double or treble number of Frenchmen, 28
Ennius, 61, 62
Eu, earl of, 12
Exeter, Thomas duke of 28, 68;
captain of Paris, xi, xii
Fabius, 59, 60, 62
Fabricius, 55, 60
Faliste, 53
Fastolfe, sir John, "myne autor", i;
anecdotes and sayings of, v, x, xi, xiv;
his books of accompt, xi;
captain of the bastille of St. Anthoine, _ib._;
his connection with "The Boke of Noblesse", l;
his services in France, li;
mentioned, 15, 16, 19, 28 _ter_, 31, 64, 68
Fauconberg, lord, 28;
taken prisoner, iii, 5
Felton, sir Thomas, 15
Ferranus king of Spain, 10
Fizar, battle, 46
Florence, 53
Formigny, the battle of, viii, 42
Fougeres, the capture of, iii, 5
France, oppression of the English subjects in, vii;
its sufferings from quartering soldiers, xii;
narrative of the invasion of in 1475, xvii-xliv;
difficulties of an English invasion of, xxvii;
costly dress put away in, 80
Franklin, character of, xv
Frenchmen, if double or treble in number, beaten by Englishmen, 28
Fulke earl of Anjou, 10, 23
Garnett, Richard, xxi
Garter, the order of the, 46;
{90}
Gascony, the title of, 24
Geoffrey Plantagenet, 2, 23, 52
Gloucester, Humphrey duke of, eulogy on, 45
---- Richard duke of, his retinue and their pay, xx, xxiii, xxxii;
affects to lead the English chivalry, xli
---- Robert Clare, earl of, 10
Gourney, Mathew, lix, 15
Grey, Thomas, his retainer as the king's custrel, xx
Guienne, duchy of, treaties respecting, 34
Guisnes, castle of, xxiii
the Hagge, 12
Hannibal, 50, 59, 67
Hardy man, definition of, x
Harflete, siege of, 15
Harington, sir Richard, 28
Hastings, Hugh lord, 15
---- sir Ralph, 15
---- William lord, accepts pensions both from Burgundy and France,
xxxiii, xxxviii
Hay, sir Gilbert, liv
Hector, 20
Henry the First, 10
Henry the Second, 24
Henry the Fifth, 4;
how he conquered Normandy and France, 15;
his marriage, 17;
wins the battle of Agincourt, 28, 32;
"that victorious prince", 39, 41;
praise of him and his brethren, 43;
his historians, liii
Henry VI. his coronation at Paris, 19;
"the innocent prince", 39
Hercules, 21
Homeldon hill, battle of, 18
Howard, lord, xxiii, xxviii, xxx, xxxvi;
left as hostage with the French, xxxii, xli, xliii, xlvi
Hubert bishop of Salisbury, 10
Huntingdon, John earl of, 16
Jerusalem, 52
Joachym king of Juda, 79
John, king, 33
John king of France taken prisoner and
brought to England, 13, 14, 36, 75
Judas Machabeus, 42
Kedecause, journey of, 28
Kent, Edmond earl of, 35, 36
Knollys, sir Robert, 15
Knowt (Canute), 2
Kyriell, sir Thomas viii, 42
Lancaster, Henry duke of, 43;
"a chief auctour and foundour in law of armes," 77
Law, the practice of, not worthy of those born to arms, xv, 77;
choice of officers of, 78
Lelius, 61, 62
Lenius, 84
Library of sir John Paston, lix;
of Humphrey duke of Gloucester, 45
Lion, the emblem of knightly valour, and particularly of the royal house
of England, ii;
men of war should resemble, 4, 22, 46, 47, 48
L'Isle Adam, Jean de Villiers seigneur de, biogr. note on, xi; 8, 68
Loans, xvi. 80
Lombards, 32
Louis, Saint, counsel to his son, v. 8, 11, 42, 81
Louis XI. abetted the Earl of Warwick, xvii;
character, xxv;
his reception of King Edward's defiance, xxvii;
kept no herald, xxx;
his "disguised apparel", xxxvii;
his timidity, xliii;
anecdotes of xli _et seq._
Lucius Brutus, 71
Lucius Paulus, 60, 67
Lucius Valerius, 52
Lumley, John lord, lv
Lysander, 69