Produced by Chris Curnow, Joseph Cooper, Keith Edkins and
the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
http://www.pgdp.net
Transcriber's note: A few typographical errors have been corrected: they
are listed at the end of the text.
* * * * *
THE BOKE OF NOBLESSE
ADDRESSED TO KING EDWARD THE FOURTH
ON HIS INVASION OF FRANCE
IN 1475
* * * * *
WITH AN INTRODUCTION
BY JOHN GOUGH NICHOLS, F.S.A.
* * * * *
[Illustration]
BURT FRANKLIN
NEW YORK
* * * * *
Published by LENOX HILL Pub. & Dist. Co. (Burt Franklin)
235 East 44th St., New York, N.Y. 10017
Reprinted: 1972
Printed in the U.S.A.
Burt Franklin: Research and Source Works Series
Selected Studies in History, Economics, & Social Science:
n.s. 17 (b) Medieval, Renaissance & Reformation Studies
Reprinted from the original edition in the University of
Minnesota Library.
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
The Boke of noblesse.
Reprint of the 1860 ed. printed for the Roxburghe Club.
1. Chivalry--History. 2. Hundred Years' War, 1339-1453. 3. Great
Britain--History--Edward IV, 1461-1483. I. Roxburghe Club, London.
CR4515.B64 1972 394'.7'09 73-80201
ISBN 0-8337-2524-6
* * * * *
THE ROXBURGHE CLUB.
MDCCCLX.
THE DUKE OF BUCCLEUCH AND QUEENSBERRY, K.G.
PRESIDENT.
THE DUKE OF HAMILTON AND BRANDON.
THE DUKE OF SUTHERLAND, K.G.
HIS EXCELLENCY MONSIEUR VAN DE WEYER.
MARQUIS OF LOTHIAN.
EARL OF CARNARVON.
EARL OF POWIS, V.P.
EARL CAWDOR.
EARL OF ELLESMERE.
LORD VERNON.
LORD DELAMERE.
LORD DUFFERIN.
LORD WENSLEYDALE.
RIGHT HON. SIR DAVID DUNDAS.
HON. ROBERT CURZON, JUN.
SIR STEPHEN RICHARD GLYNNE, BART.
SIR EDWARD HULSE, BART.
SIR JOHN BENN WALSH, BART.
SIR JOHN SIMEON, BART.
SIR JAMES SHAW WILLES.
NATHANIEL BLAND, ESQ.
BERIAH BOTFIELD, ESQ. Treasurer.
REV WILLIAM EDWARD BUCKLEY.
PAUL BUTLER, ESQ.
FRANCIS HENRY DICKINSON, ESQ.
THOMAS GAISFORD, ESQ.
RALPH NEVILLE GRENVILLE, ESQ.
REV. EDWARD CRAVEN HAWTREY, D.D.
ROBERT STAYNER HOLFORD, ESQ.
ADRIAN JOHN HOPE, ESQ.
ALEX. JAMES BERESFORD HOPE, ESQ.
REV. JOHN STUART HIPPISLEY HORNER, M.A.
JOHN ARTHUR LLOYD, ESQ.
EVELYN PHILIP SHIRLEY, ESQ.
WILLIAM STIRLING, ESQ.
SIMON WATSON TAYLOR, ESQ.
GEORGE TOMLINE, ESQ.
CHARLES TOWNELEY, ESQ.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT AND MEMBERS
OF
THE ROXBURGHE CLUB
THIS INTERESTING HISTORICAL TREATISE,
WRITTEN IN ENCOURAGEMENT OF THE
INVASION OF FRANCE BY KING EDWARD THE FOURTH IN 1475,
IS DEDICATED AND PRESENTED
BY THEIR OBEDIENT SERVANT,
DELAMERE.
June 23, 1860.
* * * * *
{i}
INTRODUCTION.
* * * * *
The Book of Noblesse, which is now for the first time printed, was
addressed to King Edward the Fourth for a political purpose, on a great and
important occasion. He was in the midst of his second reign, living in high
prosperity. He had subdued his domestic enemies. His Lancastrian rivals
were no longer in existence, and the potent King-maker had fought his last
field. Edward was the father of two sons; and had no immediate reason to
dread either of his younger brothers, however unkind and treacherous we now
know them to have been. He was the undisputed King of England, and, like
his predecessors, the titular King of France. His brother-in-law the duke
of Burgundy, who had befriended him in his exile in 1470, was continually
urging, for his own ambitious views, that the English should renew their
ancient enterprises in France; and Edward, notwithstanding his natural
indolence, was at last prepared to carry his arms into that country. The
project was popular with all those who were burning for military fame,
indignant at the decay of the English name upon the continent, or desirous
to improve their fortunes by the acquisitions of conquest. The Book of
Noblesse was written to excite and inflame such sentiments and
expectations.
Its unknown author was connected with those who had formerly profited by
the occupation of the English provinces in France, and particularly with
the celebrated sir John Fastolfe, knight of the Garter, whom the writer in
several places mentions as "myne autor."
Sir John Fastolfe had survived the losses of his countrymen in France, and
died at an advanced age in the year 1460. It seems not at all improbable
that the substance of this book was written during his life-time, and that
it was merely revised and augmented on the eve of Edward the Fourth's
invasion of France. All the historical events which are mentioned in it
date at least some five-and-twenty years before that expedition.
The author commences his composition by an acknowledgment, how necessary it
is in the beginning of every good work, to implore the grace of God: and
then {ii} introduces a definition of true nobility or Noblesse, in the
words of "Kayus' son," as he designates the younger Pliny.
He next states that his work was suggested by the disgrace which the realm
had sustained from the grievous loss of the kingdom of France, the duchies
of Normandy, Gascony, and Guienne, and the counties of Maine and Ponthieu;
which had been recovered by the French party, headed by Charles the
Seventh, in the course of fifteen months, and chiefly during the year 1450.
To inspire a just indignation of such a reverse, he recalls all the
ancestral glories of the English nation, from their first original in the
ancient blood of Troy, and through all the triumphs of the Saxons, Danes,
Normans, and Angevyns. Of the Romans in England he says nothing, though in
his subsequent pages he draws much from Roman history.
The next chapter sets forth how every man of worship in arms should
resemble the lion in disposition, being eager, fierce, and courageous. In
illustration of this it may be remarked, that Froissart, when describing
the battle of Poictiers, says of the Black Prince, "The Prince of Wales,
who was _as courageous and cruel as a lion_, took great pleasure this day
in fighting and chasing his enemies." So our first Richard is still
popularly known by his martial epithet of Coeur de Lyon: and that the lion
was generally considered the fit emblem of knightly valour is testified by
its general adoption on the heraldic shields of the highest ranks of feudal
chivalry. The royal house of England displayed three lions, and the king of
beasts was supposed to be peculiarly symbolic of their race--
Your brother Kings and monarchs of the earth
Do all expect that you should rouse yourself
As did the former Lions of your Blood.
Shakspere's Henry V. Act I. scene 1.
In the following chapter the author proceeds to describe "how the French
party began first to offend, and break the truce." This truce had been
concluded at Tours on the 28th of May 1444. The French are stated to have
transgressed it first by capturing certain English merchant-men on the sea;
and next by taking as prisoners various persons who bore allegiance to the
English king. Of such are enumerated sir Giles son of the duke of
Bretagne[1]; sir Simon Morhier, the {iii} provost of Paris, taken at
Dieppe[2]; one Mansel an esquire, taken on the road between Rouen and
Dieppe, in January 1448-9[3]; and the lord Fauconberg, taken at Pont de
l'Arche on the 15th May 1449.[4] The writer is careful to state that these
acts of aggression on the part of the French, or some of them, were
committed "before the taking of Fugiers," for it was by that action that
the English party had really brought themselves into difficulty.[5]
There is next discussed (p. 6) "a question of great charge and weight,
whether it be lawful to make war upon Christian blood." This is determined
upon the authority of a book entitled The Tree of Batailes, a work which
had evidently already acquired considerable popularity whilst still
circulated in manuscript only, {iv} and which so far retained its
reputation when books began to be multiplied by the printing-press as to be
reproduced on several occasions. Our author frequently recurs to it, but
his references do not agree with the book as it now remains; and it is
remarkable that he attributes it, not to Honore Bonnet its real author,[6]
but to one dame Christine, whom he describes (see his note in p. 54) as an
inmate of the house of religious ladies at Passy near Paris. It would seem,
therefore, that he made use of a somewhat different book, though probably
founded on the celebrated work of Honore Bonnet.
The fact of wars sometimes originating from motives of mere rivalry or
revenge prompts the writer or commentator (whose insertions I have
distinguished as proceeding from a "second hand,") to introduce some
remarks on the inveterate and mortal enmity that had prevailed between the
houses of Burgundy and Orleans, which led to so many acts of cruelty and
violence at the beginning of the fifteenth century.
King Edward is next reminded "how saint Louis exhorted and counselled his
son to move no war against Christian people;" but, notwithstanding that
blessed king's counsel,[7] it is declared on the other hand that "it is
notarily and openly {v} known through all Christian realms that our adverse
party hath moved and excited war and battles both by land and sea against
this noble realm without any justice or title, and without ways of peace
showed; and consequently it might be without note of tiranny for the king
of England to defend (or drive away) those assailants upon his true title,
and to put himself in devoir to conquer his rightful inheritance."
The writer then bursts forth into a passionate exhortation to the English
nation, to remember their ancient prowess, the annals of which he proceeds
to set forth in several subsequent chapters. He enumerates the examples of
king Arthur, of Brennus, Edmond Ironside, William the Conqueror, Henry the
First, his brother Robert elect king of Jerusalem, Fulke earl of Anjou,
Richard Coeur de Lyon, Philip Dieudonne of France, Edward the First, and
Richard earl of Cornwall and emperor of Almaine. He rehearses how Edward
the Third had the victory at the battle of Scluse, gat Caen by assault, won
the field at the great and dolorous battle of Cressy, captured David king
of Scots and Charles duke of Bretany, and took Calais by siege; how Edward
prince of Wales made John king of France prisoner at Poictiers; and how the
battle of Nazar was fought in Spain.
In the following chapter it is related how king Henry the Fifth conquered
Normandy; under which head a particular account is given of the defence of
Harfleur against the power of France. Here it is that the name of sir John
Fastolfe is first introduced as an authority, in respect to a circumstance
of that siege, which is, that the watchmen availed themselves of the
assistance of mastiffs--"and as for wache and ward yn the wynter nyghtys I
herd the seyd ser Johan Fastolfe sey that every man kepyng the scout wache
had a masty hound at a lyes (_or_ leash), to barke and warne yff ony
adverse partye were commyng to the dykes or to aproche the towne for to
scale yt."
The chapter concludes with a mention of the battle of Agincourt and the
marriage of king Henry to the French king's daughter.
The following chapters (pp. 17 et seq.) contain how in the time of John
duke of Bedford, who was for thirteen years Regent of France, the victory
of Cravant was obtained by his lieutenant the earl of Salisbury; how the
duke in his own person won the battle of Verneuil in Perche; how that the
greater part of the county of Mayne, and the city of Mauns, with many other
castles, were brought {vi} into subjection; and how that Henry the Sixth,
by the might of great lords, was crowned King in Paris; after which the
writer bursts forth into another exhortation, or "courageous recomforting"
of the "valiauntnes of Englishemen."
The author now flies off (p. 20) to more remote examples, to the noblesse
of that vaillant knight Hector of Troy, to the deeds in arms of Agamemnon
the puissaunt king of Greece, and to those of Ulysses and Hercules.
He recites, from the book of Vegetius on Military Tactics,[8] how a
conqueror should especially practise three things,--the first, a scientific
prudence or caution: the second, exercitacion and usage in deeds of arms:
and the third, a diligent regard to the welfare of his people.
He next argues how men of noblesse ought to leave sensualities and
delights.
In the following chapters (p. 22 et seq.), he sets forth the King's title
to the duchy of Normandy, to the inheritance of Anjou, Maine, and Touraine,
and to the duchies of Gascoigne and Guienne.
The "historier" proceedeth (p. 25) in his matter of exhortation,
strengthening his arguments by the heterogeneous authority of master Alanus
de Auriga, of "the clerke of eloquence Tullius," of Caton, the famous poet
Ovid, and Walter Malexander. The work of the first of these authors, Alain
Chartier, seems to have been at once the source from which many of our
author's materials were derived, and also to have furnished the key-note
upon which he endeavoured to pitch his {vii} appeals to the patriotism and
prowess of his countrymen. Alain Chartier[9] had been secretary to king
Charles the Seventh, and wrote his Quadrilogue[10] in the year 1422, in
defence of the native party in France, and in opposition to the English
usurpation. Our author imitates his rhapsodical eloquence, and borrows some
of his verbal artillery and munitions of war, whilst he turns them against
the party of their original deviser.
In the subsequent pages several anecdotes are derived from Alain
Chartier[11]; and further advice is drawn from the Arbre des Batailles (pp.
27, 30), and from the treatise of Vegetius (p. 29).
It is related (p. 33) how king John lost the duchy of Normandy for lack of
finaunce to wage his soldiers; and next follows (p. 34) a long and
important chapter recounting the various truces made between the kings of
England and France, and showing how frequently they had been broken by the
French party, to the decay of the English power, except when revived by the
victories of Edward the Third and Henry the Fifth. This part of the
discussion is concluded with a representation (p. 41) of the lamentable
condition of the French subjects of the English crown, when put out of
their lands and tenements. "Heh allas! (thei did crie,) and woo be the tyme
(they saide) that ever we shulde put affiaunce and trust to the Frenshe
partie or theire allies in any trewes-keping, considering so many-folde
tymes we have ben deceived and myschevid thoroughe suche dissimuled
trewes!"
Yet, notwithstanding all these discouragements, a confident trust is
expressed that the inheritance of France will at length be brought to its
true and right estate.
The writer then proposes (p. 41) a question to be resolved by divines, How
be {viii} it that at some times God suffereth the party that hath a true
title and right to be overcome, yet for all that a man should not be
discouraged from pursuing his right. He mentions the last unfortunate
overthrow sustained at Formigny[12] in 1450, and the consequent loss of
Guienne and Bordeaux.
After which follows (p. 43) "another exhortation of the historier,"
addressed to the "highe and myghtifulle prince, king of Englonde and of
France, and alle y^e other noble princes and other puissaunt lordes and
nobles of divers astates olde or yong."
A brief recommendation ensues of the deeds in arms of that mightiful prince
of renommee Henry the Fifth and the three full mighty and noble princes his
brethren; where, in the commendation of Humphrey duke of Gloucester, the
second hand has inserted a note of his "bokys yovyng, as yt ys seyd to the
value of M^l marks, of the vij sciences, of dyvinite, as of law spirituall
and cyvyle, to the universite of Oxford."
Allusion is made (p. 46) to the order of the Garter, "founded (as yt ys
seyd) in token of worship that he being in bataile, what fortune fille,
shulde not voide the feeld, but abide the fortune that God lust sende;" of
which fellowship sir John Chandos, seneschal of Poictou, had been a right
noble exemplar. The historical reminiscences of the author then again lead
him on to the disastrous period during which the continental possessions of
England had been lost, "within the space of one year and fourteen (fifteen)
weeks, that is to wete, from the xv. day of May in the year 1449 unto the
xv. day of August in the year 1450, that every castle, fortress, and town
defensable of the said duchies were delivered up by force or composition to
the adverse party."
After a break (p. 50), in consequence of the loss of a leaf of the
Manuscript, we find ourselves in the midst of a discussion of the merits of
astrology. The author addresses himself to combat the prevalent confidence
in prophecies and in the influence of the stars: "which judgments (he
avers) be not necessarily true;" but merely contingent or likely, and, he
adds, "as likely not to be as to be." For if, he puts the case, "a
constellation or a prophecy signified that such a year or within {ix} such
a time there should fall war, pestilence, or dearth of vitaile to a country
or region, or privation of a country, it is said but dispositively, and not
of necessity or certainty; for then it should follow that the prophecies,
constellations, and influence of the stars were masters over God's power,
and that would soune to a heresy, or else to a great error." After this
pious determination upon a question that at that period presented great
difficulties, the author adds, that he believed God to have bestowed that
sovereignty upon man's soul, that, having a clean soul, he might even turn
the judgment of constellations or prophecies to the contrary disposition:
to which effect he quotes the bold assertion of the famous astrologian
Ptolemy,
_Quod homo sapiens dominatur astris._
With these sentiments, rising superior to the general prejudices of the
age, our author proceeds confidently to censure the moral causes of the
recent calamities, which in his judgment had ensued "for lak of prudence
and politique governaunce in dew time provided," and from "havyng no
consideracion to the comon wele, but rather to magnifie and enriche one
silfe by singler covetise, using to take gret rewardis and suffering
extorcions over the pore peple." On this subject he subsequently speaks
still more plainly.
This leads him to reflect upon the fate of many realms and countries that
had been ruined by sin and misgovernance: as the old Bretons were, when
driven out of England by the Saxons into Cornwall and Wales. "And where (he
exclaims[13]) is Nynnyve, the gret cite of thre daies? and Babilon, the
gret toure, inhabited now withe wilde bestis? the citeis of Troy and
Thebes, ij. grete magnified citeis? also Athenes, that was the welle of
connyng and of wisdom?" Carthage, "the victorioux cite of gret renomme,"
had been burnt to ashes by the Romans. Rome {x} herself had for the greater
part been overthrown; and Jerusalem had shared the like fate.
In the succeeding portions of his work the compiler takes much of his
matter from Roman history: which he derives from the decades of Titus
Livius, either directly, or through the medium of the "Tree of Batailes."
Tullius and Cato are also repeatedly cited.
It is unnecessary to notice here all the historical anecdotes thus
introduced, as they will at once be seen on turning over the pages; but
attention should be directed to one of the most remarkable passages in the
book, in which the writer quotes the sentiments of "myne autor," sir John
Fastolfe:--
"I hafe herd myne autor Fastolfe sey, when he had yong knyghtys and nobles
at his solasse (_i.e._ tuition), how that there be twey maner condicions of
manly men, and one ys a manlye man called, another ys a hardye man; but he
sayd the manlye man ys more to be comended, more then the hardy man; for
the hardy man that sodenly, bethout discrecion of gode avysement, avauncyth
hym yn the felde to be hadde couragiouse, and wyth grete aventur he
scapyth, voidith the felde allone, but he levyth his felyshyp detrussed (or
disordered). And the manly man, hys policie ys that (if) he avaunce hym and
hys felyshyp at skirmish or sodeyn racountre, he wulle so discretely
avaunce hym that he wulle entend [_i.e._ be sure] to hafe the over-hand of
hys adversarye, and safe hymself and hys felyshyp."
It was thus that the experienced captain sir John Fastolfe distinguished
between the rashly daring and those who bravely embarked on some feasible
and well conceived exploit. It is evident that the term "hardy" was then
sometimes understood in the sense we now call fool-hardy.[14] The author
himself uses the word "fool-hardiesse" in p. 63.
{xi}
At p. 68 will be found another anecdote of sir John Fastolfe. It shows that
the writer had access to those books of accompt which sir John had kept
when a captain in France. "I fynde (he says) by his bookes of hys purveonds
how yn every castell, forteresse, and cyte or towne, he wolde hafe grete
providence of vitaille, of cornys, of larde, and beoffes, of stok physsh
and saltfysh owt of England commyng by shyppes." It was because of his good
management in this respect that the regent and lords of the council
intrusted so many castles to his custody that he yearly had under his
command three hundred spears (or mounted men-at-arms) with their
attendants. Also in like manner he purveyed yearly for his soldiers a
livery of red and white; and equipments sufficient for any naked man that
was able to do the king and regent service. The good result of this
provision was manifested on a memorable occasion, when the duke of Exeter
was captain of the city of Paris, and Fastolfe captain of the bastille of
St. Anthoine. It happened, in consequence of the arrest of the lord de
Lisle Adam,[15] a favourite with the commons of the city, that they
suddenly took arms, and rebelled against the duke of Exeter, who found it
necessary to repair to the bastille for his defence. {xii} At his coming
the first question he asked of Fastolfe was how far he was furnished with
corn, with wheat, beans, peasen, and aveyn for horse-meat, and with other
vitail. Fastolfe replied, With sufficient for a half-year or more: which
gave the prince great "comfort," or re-assurance. So he made ready his
ordnance, and discharged the great guns amongst the rebels, with mighty
shot of arrows: by which means, and because the French king and queen, who
were in the city, also held against the rebels, the burgesses were in a
short time constrained to submit to the mercy of the duke of Exeter.[16]
At p. 69 occurs a curious chapter in the praise of agriculture, or
"labourage of the londe" as it is there termed, illustrated by a
description of the gardens and herbers of king Cyrus.
But the most important portion of the whole work, in an historical point of
view, is the chapter commencing at p. 71, intended to inforce the wisdom
and necessity of making just pay to soldiers, for eschewing of great
inconveniences that may otherwise insue. It is here admitted that in this
respect there had been more neglect in the English possessions in France
than was elsewhere known[17]: {xiii} that in consequence the people had
suffered great oppression from the soldiers taking their vitail without
payment, and that such abuses had continued unchecked for ten or twelve
years previously to the country being lost. Our author advises that the
chieftains and captains should be duly paid their wages, either monthly, as
had been usual during the time of the regent Bedford, or quarterly, and
that without any reward of courtesy, bribe, defalcation, or abridgment, or
any undue assignation; and that such payments be made content without
delay, or long and great pursuit. It appears from the writer's statements,
that the royal officers, deputies, and commissioners had not only been
guilty of the practices thus denounced, but that those officers themselves
had been needlessly numerous, living as they did upon bribery and
extortion, and neglecting the exercise of arms necessary for the defence
and protection of the territory. Oftentimes they had wasted of the
subjects'[18] livelode more than was necessary, and oftentimes had suffered
them to be menaced and beaten, and mischieved their beasts with their
weapons, so that they were nigh out of their wits for sorrow, and thus
enforced "for duresse" to forsake the title and laws of their English
sovereign. Moreover, they had been so often grievously surcharged with
paying of tasques, tails (or tolls), subsidies, and impositions, besides
their rents paid either to the crown or their landlords, and many of them
dwelling upon the marches having also patised (or compounded?) to the
adverse party in order to dwell in rest, that these innumerable charges and
divers torments had effected their uttermost undoing. The author cannot
quit these reflections without this passionate appeal to the Almighty: "Oh
God! which art most mercifulle and highest juge, soverein and just, how
maist thou long suffre this (misery) regnyng without the stroke of
vengeaunce and ponisshement commyng upon the depryvyng or yelding up of
that Dukedom?"
The next chapter (p. 74) appears to intimate that the writer personally
sympathised in the degradation of the clergy. "Moreover, (he exclaims,) in
way of gret pitee, and in the worship of God, suffre ye not the prelates of
the Chirche of that lande, as archebisshoppis, bisshoppis, abbatis,
priours, denes, archedenes, and their ministrours, to be oppressid,
revaled, ne vileyned, as in your predecessour's {xiv} daies they have been
accepted in fulle litelle reverence or obedience;" having as he alleges
been privily coerced to give to the rulers, governors, and masters of the
marches and countries great fees, wages, and rewards, for permission to
live at rest upon their livelodes. And oftentimes they were visited by
strangers of great estate, both spiritual and temporal, and particularly by
those intrusted with the administration of the laws, besides other needless
people that wasted and surcharged them, an exaction beyond the intent of
their foundation, which was merely to maintain their appointed numbers,
praying for their founders, and to feed the poor and needy in case of
necessity.
The following chapter (p. 76) is a remarkable one in respect to ancient
chivalric usages. It sets forth "How lordis sonnes and noble men of birthe,
for the defense of her londe, shulde exercise hem in armes lernyng." It is
urged that "the sonnes of princes, of lordis, and for the most part of alle
tho that ben comen and descendid of noble bloode, as of auncien knightis,
esquiers, and other auncient gentille men, while they ben of grene age,
(should be) drawen forthe, norisshed, and excercised in disciplines,
doctrine, and usage of scole of armes, as using justis, to renne with
speer, handle withe ax, sworde, dagger, and alle othir defensible wepyn, to
wrestling, to skeping, leping, and rennyng, to make hem hardie, deliver,
and wele brethed;" ... "and not to be unkonnyng, abashed, ne astonied for
to take entrepresis, to answer or deliver a gentilman that desires in
worship to doo armes in liestis, (either) to the utteraunce or to certein
pointis, or in a quarelle rightful to fight," or in time of war to defend
their sovereign and his realm. Such was the ancient custom of the kings
both of France and of England: as especially of king Edward the Third, and
of Henry duke of Lancaster. That chivalrous knight, who was accounted "a
chief auctour and foundour in law of armes," had (as the writer was told by
sir John Fastolfe) sent to him from princes and lords of strange regions,
as out of Spain, Aragon, Portugal, Navarre, and France, their children,
young knights, "to be doctrined, lerned, and brought up in his noble court,
in scole of armes, and for to see noblesse, curtesie, and worship."
This useful custom had been maintained by other noble princes and lords of
great birth; but now of late days, (continues our author,) the greater pity
is! many that be descended of noble blood and born to arms, as the sons of
knights and esquires and of other gentle blood, set themselves to "singuler
practik" and to "straunge facultees," as to learn "the practique of law or
custom of lands, or of civil matier," and so waste greatly their time in
such needless business, as to undertake the holding of manorial courts, to
keep and bear out a proud {xv} countenance at the holding of sessions and
shire-motes,[19] and "there to embrace[20] and rule among youre pore and
symple comyns of bestialle contenaunce that lust to lyve in rest." And it
is added, that whoever could put himself forward as a ruler in such
matters, was, "as the worlde goithe now," more esteemed among all estates
than he who had expended thirty or forty years of his life in great
jeopardies in the conquests and wars of his sovereign. The author pursues
the argument at greater length, as the reader will find, and expresses his
decided opinion that the high-born personages in question should rather
learn to be good men of arms, chieftains, or captains in the field, than to
be a captain or ruler at a sessions or shire-day; leaving such matters to
the king's justices and officers,[21] and that "suche singuler practik
shulde not be accustumed and occupied undewly with suche men that be come
of noble birthe,"--except (it is added on second thoughts) he be the
younger brother, having not whereof to live honestly.
The following chapter (p. 78) discusses "How officers of the law shulde be
{xvi} chosen, welle disposid and temperate men, vertuous in condicion, and
they to be protectid by lordis and noble men of birthe." There is nothing
however in this chapter so remarkable as in that which has preceded.
The author next shows (p. 79) "How over gret cost and pomp in clothing
shulde be eschewed;" in which respect he asserts that in France "alle
costius arraiementis of clothing, garmentis, and bobauncees, and the usaige
of pellure and furres they have expresselie put away:" whilst in England
the like "costues arraymentis and disguising of clothing, of so many divers
facion," had caused impoverishing of the land, and excited great pride,
envy, and wrath amongst the people.
Whether this was truly a national grievance may be doubted. It is, however,
more probable that the "pore comyns" of England had really suffered, as set
forth in the succeeding chapter (p. 80), "gret hurt and inconvenientis
because the creditours have not been duelie paid of here lonys and prestis
made to high sovereins." This, it is stated, had been oftentimes the case
in the reign of Henry the Sixth. They had advanced loans, "prests of
vitails and other merchandise," of which the payment was so long delayed
that great part of their property was previously expended, and they were
sometimes fain to defalke and release part of their dues, in order to
recover the rest. As an alternative for this inconvenience the writer
recommends a course that would scarcely have proved more efficacious. "Let
your riche tresours (he advises the king) be spradde and put abrode, both
juellis (and) vesselle of golde and silver, among youre true subgettis, and
inespecialle to the helpe and avauncement of youre conquest, and to the
relief of your indigent and nedie peple, and inespecialle to tho that have
lost theire londis, livelode, and goode in the werres, so that the saide
tresoure may be put forthe, and late it be set in money to the remedie and
socoure of this gret importunyte and necessite, and to the defens of youre
roiaume from your adversaries."
In another chapter (p. 81), having recommended the king, "after the blessed
counceile of Saint Louis," to cherish and favour the good cities and towns,
the author pursues the former argument of raising supplies, urgently
exhorting all classes to strain their utmost for that object. "Youre saide
citesins and burgeis and good comyns if they be tendred shalbe of power and
of good courage, and wille withe here bodies and goodes largelie depart to
be yoven for to resist the adversaries." Those who had not able bodies nor
usage in arms, were yet to come forth with a good courage, spiritual men as
well as temporal, and, as true Englishmen should do, "every man put forthe
of his goodes after that his power is."
With this strain the Epistle terminates, its last chapter (p. 83) being an
illustration of the same argument from the _Punica bella_ of Titus Livius,
consisting of {xvii} "A noble history of the largesse of Romaynys, how
amplye they departed ther godes yn a tym of urgent necessite, to make an
armee yn to the contree of Auffrique."
These final passages of the book, which so urgently recommend a voluntary
contribution in aid of the intended war, were certainly written in the year
1475, with which date the whole composition concludes: for it is recorded
by the historians of the day that it was on this occasion that king Edward
the Fourth, after he had already raised all the supplies he could obtain by
the ordinary methods of taxation, adopted the new device of a contribution
nominally voluntary and its amount optional, and therefore termed a
Benevolence,[22] but which eventually, when repeated, was regarded with
peculiar repugnance and discontent.
After this review of the contents of the Work, we will proceed to notice
the circumstances of the occasion for which it was professedly composed.
The English invasion of France in the year 1475 originated in the events of
1470 and 1471. The temporary deposition of Edward the Fourth from his
throne had been abetted by the aid which the King-making earl of Warwick
derived from that forger of all mischief Louis the Eleventh of France. At
that time Edward took refuge with his brother-in-law the duke of Burgundy,
a man as ambitious of aggrandisement as king Louis, but whose disposition
instigated him to pursue it by the more ordinary path of martial
enterprise. His enmity to the king of France was bitter and inveterate; and
it doubtless formed the topic of much of his discourse with the exiled
English monarch. Edward, on his part, vowed an ample revenge when the
forces of England should be again at his command: and the result was a
mutual understanding between these princes to prosecute their common
quarrel at the earliest opportunity.
Having this object in view, Edward summoned a parliament[23] in the autumn
{xviii} of 1472, in order to obtain the requisite supplies; and on the last
day of November an act was passed whereby the commons granted to the king a
force of 13,000 archers (the like number which had been granted to his
predecessor in the 31st year of his reign[24]), assigning as their motives
for so doing, that "for the wele and suerte of this your reame inward, and
the defence of the same outeward, to assiste youre roiall astate, ye
verraily entendyng, in youre princely and knightly corage, with all
diligence to youre highnes possible, all your bodely ease leyde apart, to
resiste the seid confedered malice of youre and oure seide ennemyes, in
setting outeward a myghty armee, able by the helpe of God to resiste the
seid ennemyes." The archers were to abide in the king's service by the
space of a year, each receiving the pay of six pence a day; and the commons
granted for their support a disme, or tenth part of the income from lands,
tenements, and possessions of every temporal person, not being a lord of
parliament: but, if the said army held not before the feast of Saint
Michael in 1473, the grant was to be void, and the money repaid. [25]
The lords spiritual and temporal made a similar grant, on the consideration
"that the kyng oure soverayn lord is disposed by the grace of God in his
owne persone to passe forth of this his seid reame with an armee roiall,
for the saufegarde of the same reame, and the subduyng of the auncien
ennemyes of hym and of his seid reame."[26] In the next session, on the 8th
April 1473, the commons granted to the king a fifteenth and a tenth,
because, among other causes, "that ye verraily entend, as we understond, to
aredye youre self, by all measnes to you possible, in youre moost noble
persone to goo, departe, and passe with an arme roiall to the parties
outward, to subdue by the myght of God youre and oure auncien enemyes, to
the weele of you and prosperite of this youre reame."[27]
Notwithstanding these earnest intentions and costly preparations, the
season of 1473 wore away without any embarkation for France; and, at the
close of the session on the 1st of February 1473-4, the chancellor, by the
king's command, informed the commons that the parliament was prorogued to
the 9th of May following,[28] "because in the matter of foreign war the
king was not certainly {xix} informed of the disposition of his brother of
Burgundy, and on that account he had lately sent his ambassadors to his
said brother."
The treaty with Burgundy was concluded in July 1474. The principal
documents[29] respecting it bear date on the 25th of that month, on which
day they were ratified both by king Edward and duke Charles. The former
undertook to land in Normandy, or in other parts of France, with more than
ten thousand men, before the 1st of July following (_i.e._ 1475); and the
latter agreed to support the king's part in person and with his forces, in
order to accomplish the recovery of the duchies of Normandy and Aquitaine,
and the kingdom and crown of France, from Louis, then unjustly occupying
them. The king engaged not to treat with Louis, without the consent of the
duke of Burgundy; and the duke in like manner covenanted not to treat with
him without the consent of king Edward. Henceforth Louis was to be deemed
and proclaimed their common enemy.
By further articles, dated on the next following day, the contracting
parties agreed that, when either of them waged war, they should have
liberty to demand from the other aid to the amount of six thousand armed
men; which were to be paid at the expense of the party requiring them,
unless the war were in his own defence, in which case he was to pay only
three fifths, and the other party two fifths of the soldiers' wages. By a
further treaty, also dated on the 26th July 1474, king Edward ceded to the
duke of Burgundy the duchy of Barr, the counties of Champagne, Nevers,
Rethelle, Eu, and Guise, the barony of Douzi, the cities of Tournay and
Lingon, with their dependencies, the castle and town of Picquigny, all the
towns and lordships on either side the Somme before pledged to him, and
further all the lands and lordships then possessed by Louis de {xx}
Luxemburgh count of St. Paul: retaining no feudal sovereignty over the
same, but conceding that the duke and his successors should in future be
esteemed as the sovereign princes thereof. It was further agreed that
Edward should be crowned and anointed king of France at Rheims,
notwithstanding that the county of Champagne was ceded to the duke of
Burgundy.
From this time the whole military population of England made constant and
earnest preparation for hostilities. They were retained by indenture to
serve the king for a whole year in his duchy of Normandy and realm of
France, each receiving the wages assigned to their respective ranks. These
were,--to a Duke xiij s. iiij d. by the day, to an Earl vj s. viij d., to a
Baron or Banneret iiij s., to a Knight ij s., to a Man at Arms xij d. by
the day and vj d. more as of reward, and to an Archer vj d. by the day.[30]
{xxi}
In December proclamations were made throughout England for all bowyers and
fletchers to pursue their labours with the utmost haste and diligence, the
latter to make only "shefe arrowes;" and purveyors were sent into several
circuits to superintend the delivery of their supplies.[31] Other
commissions were issued for impressing into the king's service carpenters,
wheelers, cartwrights, masons, smiths, plumbers, and other artificers; and
also for taking all ships of the burden of sixteen tons and upwards, for
the transport of the army.[32]
For all these expenses the large sums already voted by the lords and
commons in parliament, together with those granted by the clergy in their
convocation, were not sufficient. It was then that recourse was had to the
collections called Benevolences, to which allusion has been already made,
from their being so strongly advocated by the author of The Boke of
Noblesse. The process by which they were first brought into operation is
thus described by Fabyan the London chronicler:
"He sent for the mayer of London and his brethren the aldermen, and them
severally examined and exorted to ayde and assyst hym towarde the sayd
great journaye; of whiche the maier (Robert Drope, draper,) for his parte
granted xxxli. and the aldermen some xx marke, and the leest xli. And that
done he sent for all the thryfty commoners within the sayd cytie, and theym
exortyd in lyke maner, whiche for the more partye granted to hym the wages
of halfe a man for a yere, the whiche amounted to iiijli. xjs. iijd. And
after that he rode about the more part of the lande, and used the people in
suche fayre maner, that he reysed therby notable summes of money, the
whiche way of the levyinge of this money was after named a Benevolence."
"But here (adds the chronicler Hall on this subject) I wil not let passe a
prety conceyt that happened in this gathering, in the which you shall not
onely note the humilitie of a kyng, but more the fantasie of a woman. Kyng
Edward had called before hym a wydow, muche aboundynge in substance, and no
lesse grown in yeres, of whome he merely demaunded what she gladly woulde
geve him towarde his greate charges. By my treuth, (quod she,) for thy
lovely countenance thou shalt have even xxl. The kyng, lokyng scarce for
the halfe of that summe, {xxii} thanked her, and lovingly kyst her. Whether
the flavor of his brethe did so comfort her stommacke, or she estemed the
kysse of a kynge so precious a juell, she swore incontinently that he
should have xxl. more, which she with the same will payed that she offered
it.
"The kynge, willing to shew that this benefite was to hym much acceptable,
and not worthy to be put in oblivion, called this graunt of money a
Benevolence, notwithstanding that many with grudge and malevolence gave
great summes toward that new-founde Benevolence. But the using of such
gentill fashions toward them, wyth frendly prayer of their assistance in
his necessitie, so tempted theim, that they could not otherwise do, but
frankely and frely yelde and geve hym a reasonable reward."
In the spring of 1475 the season for the campaign had at length arrived;
and on the 1st of May proclamation was made that all "the lordes and
capitaignes" who were retained for the army should muster at Portsdown in
the county of Southampton on the 26th of the same month.[33] John lord
Dynham, by letters patent dated the 15th of April, was appointed to conduct
the army across the sea.[34]
The transport of the army to Calais occupied the greater part of the month
of June. The king, having left London on the 4th of that month,[35]
proceeded towards the coast through the county of Kent. On the 6th and 10th
he was at Canterbury, and on the 20th at Sandwich, where on that day he
made his will,[36] and executed the instruments by which he constituted his
son Edward prince of Wales to be Custos and Lieutenant of the kingdom
during his absence.[37] There was still some further delay, and the king
appears not to have crossed the channel until the 4th of July,[38] just one
month after his quitting London.
The king was accompanied in this expedition by his two brothers, the dukes
of Clarence and Gloucester, by the dukes of Suffolk and Norfolk, the
marquess of {xxiii} Dorset, the earls of Northumberland, Rivers, and
Pembroke, the earl of Ormond, the earl of Douglas, and lord Boyd, the
barons Grey of Ruthyn, Scrope, Grey of Codnor, Stanley, Hastings, Ferrers,
Howard, Lisle, and probably others[39]; together with a long train of
knights, among whom were sir Thomas Mountgomery and sir Ralph Hastings
bannerets and knights for the king's body, sir John Astley a banneret, sir
John Parre a knight for the body, sir William Parre, and sir Richard
Tunstall.
When the king had landed at Calais his sister the duchess of Burgundy came
thither to welcome him, on the 6th of July. She was followed by the duke
her husband on the 14th; at which time the duchess was at St. Omer's with
her brothers the dukes of Clarence and Gloucester. On the 18th the
sovereigns of England and Burgundy went together to the castle of Guisnes,
where the duke was entertained at king Edward's expense, as he had been at
Calais.[40]
{xxiv}
Meanwhile, (relates Molinet,) "the army spread itself through the
neighbouring countries, numbering about twenty-two thousand men in the
king's pay, of which the archers were badly mounted, and little used to go
on horseback. The English were then inflated with high expectations, and
thought that France might well tremble before them. They brought a new
engine of artillery in the form of a carriage, which required, to put it in
action, more than fifty horses, and it was calculated to make at every
stroke breaches both deep and wide. Many of the English, who were natives
of the duchies of Guienne and Normandy, brought with them the deeds of
purchase, and registrations duly sealed, of the inheritances and rents that
they used to possess in those duchies before their expulsion, looking
forward to recover their title and enjoyment thereof.
"The king (continues the same chronicler) drew his army towards
Fauquenbergh, where he raised the richest tent ever seen; then he moved on
Rousseauville, and stayed for two nights in the place where king Henry, the
father of his predecessor, had obtained a glorious victory over the French,
in the year 1415--_i.e._ at Agincourt; from thence he marched to Blangy,
and from Blangy towards Peronne. Supplies came to his army from the
countries and lordships of the duke of Burgundy. The English repeatedly
passed and repassed the river Somme; and the duke of Burgundy, in person
departing from Valenciennes, (where he had been honourably received, and
where many pageants had been exhibited and performed before him in
compliment to the king of England and himself,) came to view the army of
the English, whom he caused to march and countermarch at his orders, to
show his desire to lead them. The duke and king Edward, who then kept the
field, held a conference for the space of three hours. A dove was observed
to remain on the king's tent for a whole day and a half[41]: and after its
departure there {xxv} followed a terrible thunder-storm, which did great
damage to the army, by the hail stones which fell, as large as walnuts.
From that day forward the English were in trouble enough, and began to
murmur, saying that the king had kept badly the promises that had been made
to them. The time passed away without anything being accomplished. The duke
of Burgundy parted from them, and went to Lorraine, where he had left part
of his forces, to conquer the duchy and county of Vaudemont."
Our own historians have not discoursed at any length of the campaign made
in France on this occasion. It has not offered to them the attractions of a
Creci, a Poictiers, or an Agincourt; nor even presented any minor
achievement that might have inspired their eloquence or stimulated their
researches. Its laurels in fact withered under the wily diplomacy of Louis
the Eleventh; and, besides the chapter of Molinet from which the preceding
passages have been taken, it is in the pages of that monarch's vivid
biographer, Philippe de Commines, that we are most fully informed of its
transactions. Its results were entirely in correspondence with the personal
characteristics of the three sovereigns concerned. The obstinate self-will
of Charles the Rash, the luxurious indolence of king Edward, and the timid
but crafty time-serving of Louis the Eleventh, all contributed to work out
their natural effects.