THE CONQUESTS IN AFRICA AND EUROPE.
Like Bactria and Arachosia, Asia Minor and Egypt had remained loyal,
when the natives in the centre of the kingdom, the Semites and Arians,
and even the Persians, had revolted against Darius. In Egypt Aryandes,
who had been appointed satrap by Cambyses, still held his office.
Uzahorsun, the Egyptian whom Cambyses had placed in his retinue and
taken into his service (p. 171), tells us, "that his holiness, the king
of upper and lower Egypt, Darius (Ntariush), the ever-living, had
commanded him to go to Egypt, when his holiness was in Elam, when he
became lord of the whole world, the great king of Egypt." According to
the commands of his holiness he (Uzahorsun) had restored order in Egypt
and had received contributions from all. No one had spoken evil of him,
for he had given to every one what was justly his; he had restored all
men to their rights, and had placed them in the boundaries of their
property as it had been marked out; the worship of the gods and their
habitations had been restored according to the will of his holiness; the
offerings had been brought, the festivals had been celebrated.[288] In
addition to the toleration which the Achaemenids always extended to the
religion of the nations subject to them, though it was not their own
religion, and the care which they took of their places of worship,
Darius seems to have been at especial pains to win the affections of the
Egyptians. His intention was, no doubt, to make Egypt the starting-point
for further enterprise in Africa, and the support of the conquests which
he had in contemplation. Herodotus tells us that when Darius determined
to erect his statue before the temple of Ptah at Memphis, he gave way
before the opposition of the priest of the temple. Diodorus tells us
that the Egyptians consider Darius as their sixth law-giver, after
Menes, Sasychis, Sesosis, Bocchoris, and Amasis. Darius had mixed with
the Egyptian priests, and had thus become acquainted with their
theology, and the magnanimity and devotion of their ancient kings. He
set them before him as a pattern, and for this reason he was so highly
honoured among the Egyptians that even in his life-time he was
considered a god, and after his death he received the honours which in
ancient days had been given to the kings of Egypt, whose reigns had been
most in accordance with law. The name of Darius meets us frequently on
the buildings of Egypt. A long inscription in the stone quarries at
Hamamat informs us that an Egyptian architect, Chnum-ab-rha, who had
already been in the service of Amasis, was in the service of Darius from
the 26th to the 30th year of his reign, and carried out his various
buildings.[289] The Apis which had appeared in the fifth year of
Cambyses (p. 171), died in the fourth year of Darius (518 B.C.), and was
buried in the necropolis of Memphis, in the sanctuary of Osiris-Apis, in
the front space of the gallery of the tombs of Apis, which Psammetichus
had added to the gallery of Ramses II.[290] Another great work which
Darius undertook in connection with the monuments of the ancient
Pharaohs, besides the advantages which it conferred on the trade of the
whole kingdom and the intercourse between the parts of it, must have
been of the very greatest value to Egypt.[291]
From the valley of the Nile, to which Darius devoted such attention, in
the autumn of the same year in which he marched to the Danube, a second
Persian expedition set forth, comprising both an army and a fleet--a
great armament, as Herodotus says, which was intended to establish and
extend the dominion of the Persian kingdom on the north coast of
Africa.[292] The Libyan tribes which inhabited these deserts on the
borders of Egypt, like the great cities Cyrene and Barca, had paid
homage to Cambyses, had sent presents, and agreed to pay tribute.[293]
Barca had been founded by Cyrene about 30 years before the conquest of
Egypt by Cambyses, and was governed by a branch of the Battiadae, the
royal house of Cyrene. The daughter of the prince of Barca, whom
Herodotus, following no doubt the Libyan name for the royal title, calls
Alazeir, was the wife of Archelaus III. of Cyrene, who for reasons known
to us had submitted to Cambyses. More than ten years afterwards,
Archelaus repaired to his father-in-law at Barca; during his absence his
mother Pheretima was to govern Cyrene. While at Barca, he was murdered
together with his father-in-law Alazeir by certain Cyrenaeans who had
fled to that city to escape the cruelty with which he had re-established
his sway in Cyrene (p. 153), and by the people of Barca.[294] His
mother, who was no longer in any position to maintain her power in
Cyrene, fled to Egypt and besought assistance from Aryandes; "in return
for her fidelity to Persia, her son had been slain." Aryandes
sympathised with her distress, so Herodotus tells us, and put at her
disposal the whole force in Egypt, both the army and the fleet; sympathy
with Pheretima was the reason of the campaign of the Persians against
Barca. He adds that in his own opinion this was merely a pretext; the
real object was the subjugation of the Libyans, of whom a few only were
the subjects of Darius.[295]
By the assassination of the two princes who had submitted to Persia the
word for revolt was given, and the more plainly because the Barcaeans,
according to Herodotus, refused to give up the murderers. The land round
Cyrene was extraordinarily fertile, and the district of Barca reached on
the west to the great Syrtis. The army which set out to reduce a city,
600 miles distant from Memphis, was led by a Persian, Amasis of the
tribe of the Maraphians. (V. 323). This march along the north coast
through regions partly desert and partly inhabited by nomads, was to be
supported by a fleet formed no doubt of Phenician and Egyptian ships,
under the command of Badres of the tribe of the Pasargadae. The Persians
reached the extensive and well-watered mountain plain which formed the
territory of Barca. The city was invested, but the Barcaeans made a
vigorous resistance. Furious attacks of the Persians were repulsed, and
even their attempt to carry mines under the city miscarried. A smith in
Barca, according to Herodotus, discovered the direction of the mines by
placing a brazen shield upon the ground, inside the wall, and striking
it,--the soil being hollow, wherever the shield resounded. Then the
Barcaeans dug shafts and killed the workmen of the enemy in their
passages. After nine months of fruitless efforts Amasis was convinced
that he could not take the place by storm. He offered to abandon the
siege if the Barcaeans would pay a suitable tribute to the king; so long
as they fulfilled this condition the Persians would not take up arms
against them. The conditions were sworn to on both sides, as Herodotus
tells us, in the form that they "should be kept so long as the earth
remained." But on the previous night Amasis had excavated the place on
which the oath was sworn, had covered the excavation with wood, and
placed earth upon the wood. When the Barcaeans, in reliance on the
truce, opened the gates, came out of their city and permitted the
Persians to enter it, Amasis caused the earth to fall in by removing the
wood-work, in order to make the treaty invalid. Being masters of the
city the Persians gave up to Pheretima those who were chiefly implicated
in the murder of Archelaus. She caused them to be crucified round the
walls of Barca, and at the same time cut off the breasts of their wives
and affixed them to the walls. The Persians also carried away a large
number of prisoners, in order to weaken the city, and so to retain it in
subjection with less effort. Only the Battiadae and a remnant of the
population were left. After thus reducing the city, the Persians marched
through the fruitful plain, which stretches to the west of Barca between
the table-land and the sea, towards the west. At Euhesperides on the
great Syrtis they reached the extreme point in the west of Africa to
which the Persians ever penetrated.[296]
"When the army reached Cyrene on its return," so Herodotus tells us,
"the Cyrenaeans in obedience to an oracle allowed it to pass through the
city. While passing through, Badres, the commander of the fleet, bade
them take the city, but Amasis prevented this, saying that he was sent
out against Barca, and no other city. When they had marched through, and
the army was encamped on the hill of Zeus Lycaeus, they repented that
they had not seized Carthage, and attempted to enter the city a second
time. But this the Cyrenaeans would not allow. Then the Persians, though
no one was fighting against them, were seized with a panic; they ran
away about sixty stades and there encamped till a messenger of Aryandes
called them back. At their request they received provisions for the
journey from the Cyrenaeans and returned to Egypt. But those who
remained behind and delayed their march were cut down by the Libyans for
the sake of their clothes and armour, till they reached Egypt. The
captive Barcaeans were sent to the king, and Darius gave them a village
in Bactria for a habitation to which they gave the name Barca. This
village was inhabited in Bactria down to my time."[297]
According to this narrative the expedition to Barca, which set out in
the autumn of 513 B.C. and returned home at the earliest towards the end
of 512 B.C. (the siege of Barca occupied nine months), did not turn out
prosperously for the Persians. The contrary was the case. Herodotus
repeats a legend of the Cyrenaeans, which was intended to put their
courage in a clear light, and according to which an entrance into the
city when demanded for the third time was refused to the Persian army
which had marched through Cyrene on its advance and return. Further, an
attempted attack of the Persians failed though there was no resistance,
and Cyrene magnanimously furnished the Persians with provisions for
their journey. The army and fleet of the Persians, when quartered in the
fertile district of Cyrene, were in a position to supply themselves
abundantly at the cost of the city. Moreover, we subsequently find a
fourth Battus at the head of Cyrene and Barca, and after him a fourth
Arcesilaus.[298] After the murder of Arcesilaus III. a Battiad would
have been the less likely to ascend the throne of Cyrene without the aid
of the Persians, owing to the cruel punishment which Pheretima had
inflicted on her opponents. Moreover, Herodotus tells us himself that
Darius included the Libyans adjacent to Egypt as well as Cyrene and
Barca in the sixth satrapy, _i.e._ the satrapy of Egypt, and imposed
upon the two a yearly tribute of 700 talents.[299] From other accounts
it is clear that the Libyans of this district, and with them the
inhabitants of the oasis of Ammon, had to contribute salt to the
Persians, and Herodotus tells us that these Libyans of the north coast,
clad in the skins of animals and armed with poles hardened in the fire,
served in the army of the Persian kings along with the curly-haired
negroes living beyond Egypt.[300] Monuments and inscriptions also prove
that not Cyrene and Barca only, but even the Libyan tribes of the north
coast as far as the great Syrtis, _i.e._ the Adyrmachidae, Giligammae,
and Asbystae were subdued at that time, and that the dominion of Darius
extended as far as the oases on the northern edge of the desert.
Herodotus has already told us of the oasis Polis, which was situated
seven days' journey from Thebes in the sand (p. 165),--the modern Oasis
el Charigeh. The inscriptions of the great temple, the walls of which
still exist at this place in tolerable preservation, tell us that Darius
"S-tut-Ra,"[301] _i.e._ rival of the sun, dedicated this temple to Ammon
Ra of Thebes, the lord of Hib (which is the name of this oasis among the
Egyptians). In the colossal picture on the exterior wall at the back,
Darius offers sacrifice to this god and the goddess Mut, who stands
behind him; behind the king we also see the goddess Hathor.[302] At a
later time Darius Ochus added to this temple. The inscription of
Naksh-i-Rustem, which distinguishes the tomb of Darius, quotes among the
nations who were his subjects the _Putiya_, _Machiya_, and _Kushiya_. By
the Putiya (Puta in the Babylonian translation of the inscription) we
must understand beyond doubt the Put of the Hebrews, _i.e._ the Libyans;
the Machiya may be the Maxyes of Herodotus, to the west of Cyrene, the
Mashawasha of the Egyptians; the Kushiya are the Cushites of the
Egyptians, Hebrews, and Assyrians, the Ethiopians of the Greeks, _i.e._
the Nubians and negroes beyond Egypt.[303]
Justin's excerpt from Pompeius Trogus tells us that Darius sent an
embassy to Carthage with the command that the Carthaginians must abstain
from human sacrifices and the use of dogs' flesh, burn their corpses
instead of burying them; and at the same time he bade them furnish
auxiliary troops against the Greeks, whom he intended to attack. The
Carthaginians refused the auxiliary troops because they were frequently
at war with their neighbours; to the rest of his commands they readily
submitted that they might not seem to be obstinate.[304] Both the
objects mentioned for the embassy are fictions, though they show an
acquaintance with the Arian religion and the views of Darius, but there
is no reason to doubt that Darius entered into negotiations with
Carthage. Cambyses had already fixed his eye on Carthage, and Darius by
the expedition to Barca and Euhesperides, had become the neighbour of
the city, the territory of which reached as far to the east as the Great
Syrtis. In common opposition to the Greeks the interests of Carthage and
Darius were united, for the Greek navy was the rival of the Phenicians
and Carthaginians, and the Carthaginians were in conflict with the Greek
cities in Sicily. In Justin's account the embassy of Darius came to
Carthage at the time when the Carthaginians in Sicily were in conflict
with Dorieus. Their struggle to prevent the settlement on Eryx fell
between the years 510 and 508 B.C. The expedition against Barca came to
an end as we saw in the year 512 B.C. Hence the negotiations between
Persia and Carthage must have followed upon this expedition.[305]
While the Persians in the south of the Mediterranean were advancing to
the west along the coast of Africa, the army of Megabyzus moved along
the north in the same direction (512 B.C.). Perinthus and the cities on
the northern shore of the Propontis were reduced and punished, and then
Darius gave orders, according to Herodotus, for the reduction of Thrace.
"And Megabyzus marched through Thrace, and reduced every nation and
every city into submission to the king. The nation of the Thracians is
the greatest after the Indians, and if it were united or governed by one
man, it would be invincible, and in my opinion the strongest of all
nations. But as this is impossible, and can never be brought about,
they are weak. They buy their wives at a high price from their parents
and sell the children into foreign countries. They regard it as the
greatest degradation to till the field, as most honourable to do
nothing, as most noble to live by war and plunder. It is a mark of birth
to be tatooed, and of low origin to have no print upon the skin. The
rich lay out their dead for three days; first they mourn for them, then
they slay victims of every kind and make a feast, burn the corpse or
bury it, heap up a mound, and celebrate games of all kinds, in which, as
is right, the greatest prizes are put up for the victors. They worship
only Ares, Dionysus, and Artemis; but their kings also specially worship
Hermes from whom they claim to be descended. Of this territory Megabyzus
subjugated the whole strip, which lay on the sea, to Darius." The
Paeonians, who were settled on the Strymon and round Lake Prasias,
assembled on their coast to await the attack. But Megabyzus turned into
the inland region to the north of Mount Pangaeum, and from that
direction fell unexpectedly upon the cities of the Paeonians, which were
undefended. Then each of the Paeonians hastened back to his family and
they submitted to the Persians, and Megabyzus caused the Paeonians on
the Siris, and the Paeoplians, who were situated to the north of
Pangaeum, on the Strymon, to be carried captive to Sardis to the king.
"But the Paeonians who dwelt on Mount Pangaeum, and on piles in Lake
Prasias, were not at first subjugated by Megabyzus, though he made the
attempt."[306]
Together with the tribes of the Thracians, the numerous cities of the
Greeks on this coast became subjects of Darius.[307] Doriscus on the
mouth of the Hebrus received a Persian garrison.[308] In vain the
inhabitants of Teos, more than thirty years previously, had emigrated
before the siege of Harpagus, and founded Abdera on this coast--they now
became subjects of the Persians. In return for the great service which
he had rendered at the bridge on the Danube, Histiaeus the prince of
Miletus received permission to found a colony on the Strymon, where it
leaves Lake Prasias, in the land of the Edonians, near Myrcinus, on the
north-west spur of Pangaeum, which is here clothed with magnificent
forests, and possessed fruitful veins of silver.[309] Histiaeus began at
once to build the walls which were to protect the new settlement.
With the subjugation of the Paeonians and the crossing of the Strymon,
Megabyzus reached the border of an empire, the Macedonian kingdom, the
central district of which lay between the Axius and the Haliaemon.
Amyntas, the son of Alcetas,[310] the king of Macedonia, was requested
by Megabyzus through an embassy of seven Persians to send earth and
water as tokens of submission to Darius. Amyntas was in great terror of
the Persians, as Herodotus tells us;[311] he did not refuse the request,
and thus acknowledged the sovereignty of the Persians. In order to do
honour to his envoys, they were hospitably entertained. But when in
their intoxication they laid hands on the women of the royal house,
Alexander the young son of Amyntas caused them to be cut down with their
train. As they did not return, Megabyzus sent his son Bubares, the
brother of the Zopyrus who had done good service before Babylon, and
was now viceroy there, with an armed force.[312] Amyntas was prepared to
pay a large sum as a fine, and to receive the son of Megabyzus at his
royal house; he gave his own daughter Gygaea, the sister of Alexander,
in marriage to Bubares.[313]
While Megabyzus subjugated the Thracian coast with its harbours and
trading-places to the west as far as the Strymon, Otanes had completed
the reduction of the rebellious Greek towns to the south of the straits,
on the shores of Asia Minor. Not only Lamponium and Antandrus, opposite
Lesbos, but also Abydus, Chalcedon, and Byzantium were punished. Coes,
who had led the ships from Lesbos to the Danube, had been rewarded for
his services to Darius by the government of the island. He was not
required to furnish ships to Otanes for the conquest of Lemnos and
Imbros. The Lemnians resisted bravely. When they had been conquered,
Otanes made Lycaretus, a brother of Maeandrius of Samos (p. 261), tyrant
of the island, and he governed it till his death (towards 500
B.C.[314]). With the conquest of Lemnos and Imbros, two large and
important islands in the AEgean Sea, in addition to Samos, Chios and
Lesbos were gained for the Persian kingdom.
After the expedition across the Danube, Darius intended to carry his
conquests to the west of Europe, not to the north. The cantons of
Hellas were the aim towards the attainment of which Megabyzus and Otanes
prepared the way. The co-operation of the marine appeared indispensable
for further enterprises in this direction. The events at the bridge over
the Danube had shown Darius that it was extremely rash to leave in the
hands of the tyrants of the Greeks the command of the fleet formed out
of the vessels from their cities. The Phenicians he could certainly
trust, if he led them against the Greeks, but the navigation of the
Greeks had long ago driven the trade of the Phenicians from the Greek
coasts. In any case it was advisable that a number of leading Persians
should be acquainted with the Greek waters, that they might be entrusted
with the command of squadrons. That Persians were equal to such an
office had been shown in Africa. Darius commanded fifteen Persians
selected by himself to go on board Phenician ships in order to visit and
investigate the coasts of Hellas and Sicily. The expedition embarked on
two Sidonian ships of the line, which were accompanied by a transport
vessel, and set sail from Sidon. On board was a Greek physician as
interpreter and guide--Democedes of Croton, who had previously been
physician to Polycrates of Samos. He had accompanied his master on his
unfortunate voyage to Magnesia (p. 261). After the execution of
Polycrates, Oroetes had released the Samians in his company, and
retained the rest as slaves in his house. When Bagaeus had caused
Oroetes to be slain he sent his property and slaves to the court of the
king, where Democedes was kept in rags and chains along with his
companions in misfortune. It happened that Darius, in leaping from his
horse when hunting, dislocated his ancle. The Egyptian physicians, who
were in the greatest repute in the east, and had already been retained
since the time of Cyrus at the Persian court (p. 134), could not cure
the mischief. At last some one remembered to have heard of the fame of
Democedes among the Greeks. Darius caused him to be summoned, and was
healed by him. Soon after Democedes cured Atossa, the daughter of Cyrus,
the first wife of Darius, of a dangerous tumour in the breast. In return
for his successful treatment Darius presented him with two pairs of
golden chains; and when receiving them Democedes, according to the
Greeks, inquired: Whether the king desired to double his misery in
return for the cure? From that time he was in high favour with the king,
and was appointed a companion of his table, one of the greatest and
rarest distinctions in Persia; it was said to be his intercession which
rescued the Egyptian physicians who were about to be crucified because
they were unable to heal Darius. He now accompanied the expedition, as a
man acquainted with the localities, to Hellas and Sicily, in the year
512 B.C. The king bade the Persians keep watch upon Democedes, and not
suffer him to escape to the Hellenes. The expedition sailed round
Hellas; it kept close to the shore, and sketched the coast; as Herodotus
remarks, these were the first Persians who had come to Greece. From
Hellas they directed their course to lower Italy. When the Persians were
at Tarentum Democedes succeeded in escaping. When it was discovered that
he had gone to Crotona, his native city, the Persians sailed thither and
requested the inhabitants to give him up, but in vain. Then they
experienced a further disaster; they were driven to Iapygia; the crew
were captured and enslaved; only after some time had passed were the
Persians ransomed by Gillus, a Tarentine exile, and carried back to
Persia.[315] However vexatious the loss of his physician might be to
Darius, this expedition enabled him to prepare for the enterprise in the
Greek waters which he had in view. The main object was attained; a
number of Persians had been made acquainted with the sea and the
coasts.
FOOTNOTES:
[288] De Rouge, "Revue Archeolog." 8, 51, 52. De Rouge has Aram, Brugsch
now reads Elam ("Hist. of Egypt," 2, 297), and translates: "For he also
was the great lord of all lands and a great king of Egypt,--in order
that I might reinstate the number of the sacred scribes of the temples,
and revive whatever had fallen into ruin. The foreigners escorted me
from land to land, and brought me safe to Egypt, according to the
command of the lord of the land. I did according to what he had
commanded. I chose them from all their (?) of the sons of the
inhabitants--to the great sorrow of those who were childless--and I
placed them under expert masters, the skilful in all kinds of learning,
that they might perform all their works. The king did all this--in order
to uphold the name of all the gods, their temples, their revenues, and
the ordinances of their feasts for ever."
[289] Herod. 2, 110; Diod. 1, 50, 95. For _Rach-num-hat_ which he read
previously Brugsch now reads _Chnum-ab-rha_. "Hist. of Egypt," 2, 299.
[290] Mariette, "Athen. Franc." 1855; Mai, p. 48.
[291] The remark in Polyaenus; Darius marching through Arabia against
the Egyptians who rebelled against the tyranny of Aryandes, had again
gained their affection by offering a prize of 100 talents of gold to the
discoverer of a new Apis in the place of that which had just died,
cannot be referred to the Apis which died in the year 518 B.C. In that
year Darius was fighting in Media against Phraortes, Aryandes was satrap
in the year 512 B.C. and long after. Hence it must refer to the second
Apis, which appeared in 491 B.C., the thirty-first year of Darius, for
which Darius caused a sepulchre to be built. That the first rebellion of
the Egyptians against Darius took place about this time follows from a
chapter in Aristotle's "Rhetoric," 2, 20, where we are told that Darius
did not cross over to Hellas before he had reduced Egypt; and in like
manner Xerxes reduced Egypt before crossing over to Hellas. The
"crossing over" can only refer to the campaign of Datis and Artaphernes;
the first rebellion of Egypt against Darius therefore took place just
when the rebellion of the Ionians had been crushed, _i.e._ 492, 491
B.C.; the second occurred in 486 B.C.
[292] Herod. 4, 145 says, "at the same time when Megabyzus subjugated
the inhabitants of the Hellespont." This subjugation would begin in the
autumn and pass over into the next spring.
[293] Herod. 4, 167. Above, p. 152.
[294] Herod. 4, 164, 200.
[295] Herod. 4, 165, 167, 197.
[296] Herod. 4, 200-204; Heracl. Pont. fragm. 4, ed. Mueller.
[297] Herod. 4, 203, 204.
[298] Herod. 4, 163; Heracl. Pont. Fragm. 8, ed. Mueller; Pindar, "Pyth."
4, 5 and the Scholia.
[299] Herod. 3, 91.
[300] Herod. 7, 71.
[301] In Brugsch, "Hist. of Egypt," 2, 297, Settu-Ra.
[302] Lepsius, "Inschriften von Charigeh und Dachileh, Z. f. Aeg. Spr."
1874, s. 75, 78.
[303] It seems to me rash to find Carthage in _Karka_ (so also in the
Babylonian version) with Oppert ("Journal Asiatique," 1872, p. 163 ff.),
and Mordtmann ("Z. D. M. G." 16, 110).
[304] Justin, 19, 1.
[305] Though I admit that negotiations may have taken place between
Darius and the Carthaginians, I do not at the same time allow the
accuracy of the statement in Diodorus about the league of Xerxes and the
Carthaginians against the Greeks: a Sicilian may be suspected of
ascribing to his countrymen as large a share as possible in the glory of
the Persian war.
[306] Herod. 5, 16.
[307] Herod. 5, 26.
[308] Herod. 7, 59.
[309] Herod. 5, 11, 23.
[310] Herod. 8, 139; Thuc. 2, 99, 200.
[311] Herod. 5, 19.
[312] Herod. 5, 21; 7, 21; Justin, 7, 3, 4.
[313] Herod. 5, 18, 21; Justin, 7, 3, 4. In the year 512 B.C., in which
this incident falls, Alexander must have been very young; Herodotus
speaks of him as young and inexperienced. In Justin we are told in
reference to the length of his life: "_Senex decessit_." On the reigns
of Amyntas and Alexander Philhellen, I shall treat in my Greek History.
For the present I refer to Droysen, "Hellenismus," 1^2, 75, and Von
Gutschmid, "Ueber die makedonische Anagraphe, Symbol. Philolog." Bonn.
[314] The Ionian revolt liberated Lemnos from the dominion of the
Persians; when Miltiades during the revolt subjugated Lemnos and Imbros
to Athens, Hermon was at the head of Lemnos.
[315] Herod. 3, 129-138. Athenaeus, p. 522. On the date of the
expedition above, p. 270, _n._ That this whole expedition owed its
origin to an intrigue of Democedes, is merely a part of Herodotus' love
of anecdote. But it is not incredible that Democedes joined it in the
hope of returning to Greece.