CHAPTER VI

SUMMER AND AUTUMN IN ARTOIS

During the six weeks after our arrival the weather was very broken,

with many violent thunderstorms and very little heat. Except for eight

days at Sailly, where fear of aeroplanes was fortunately sufficient to

prevent parades, but not cricket in the orchards, we spent all our

time at Hébuterne. The Battalion, for the most part, relieved itself

as at Plugstreet, but had no fixed dwelling-place, sometimes extending

as far to the right as Trench Bugeaud, half way up the north slope of

the hill of Serre, where the ground was littered with the debris and

decomposing bodies of the June fighting, sometimes as far to the left

as Trench Morand, about 300 yards north of where the Bucquoy road

crossed the trenches. From Morand to Hoche the lie of the land was all

in our favour; the trenches were sited just in front of the gentle

rise which covered Hébuterne; 500 to 600 yards away, at the bottom of

the dip lay the enemy, about 40 feet below us, and behind him the

ground again rose leisurely and showed its slope towards us for 3,000

yards, with the hand of the Hun writ large in chalk, revealing his

second and third line with the great covered communication trenches

which connected them. The left of the picture was closed by Gommecourt

Wood, of sinister memory, with its pretty little red-roofed village

encased therein, and its gaping cemetery sticking out from the

south-east corner. On the skyline appeared several battered farms, La

Brayelle, Les Essarts, and Rettemoy, each surrounded by copses and

orchards, and on their right the Bois de Biez, which provided a home

for those thorns in our flesh, the 5.9-inch howitzers. On its right

flank again running down the hill towards us was the Bois Rossignol,

where an active battery of field guns made music less tuneful than

that of the bird whence the wood was named.

Straight in front of Trench Bataille, about 900 yards away, stood the

skeleton of the little farm called by the French Sans Nom. It was the

favourite point on which every type of gun registered, and the Germans

attached great importance to its bowels, for night after night

hand-carts unloaded there, and men could be heard by patrols talking

and hammering. Much interest and amusement could be obtained from this

panorama with field glasses and telescope. Along the road which ran

obliquely from Les Essarts to Gommecourt came cyclists, fatigue men,

and occasionally formed bodies of troops, who, when assailed with long

range machine gun fire, extended and advanced in short rushes. One day

two fat Huns carrying a dixie walked along the side of the great chalk

communication trench, who, when Sergeant Daniels fired a shot at 1,200

yards, dropped their burden and leapt nimbly into the trench. One

morning when Goolden and I were looking through a telescope we noticed

a trestle table being put up near Rettemoy Farm: this was followed by

half a dozen German officers accompanied by two ladies dressed in

white, who, after surveying the view, sat down to lunch. We thought

this too good an opportunity to miss, and informed the F.O.O. By

describing this little gathering as a working party, he obtained the

major's permission to fire, and the ladies' meal was soon interrupted

by four rounds of shrapnel.

Opposite Lassalle a shoulder ran out towards the German lines with its

steep northern face covered with dense thickets of thorn, apt cover

for night adventures; this shoulder so restricted our view that from

one trench the field of fire amounted to no more than 10 yards. If

you walked south you passed the Puisieux road, opposite which and some

500 yards away was a clump of tall poplars between the lines generally

known as the Seven Sisters. There was a superstition that this was

held by the enemy, but when explored by a daylight patrol of the 5th

Gloucesters nothing was discovered in the nature of defences. South of

the road the line curved south-west into lower ground and became

separated from the opposing trench by 900 yards. From here another

wide prospect unfolded itself, with Puisieux 2 miles away, lifting its

white spire from a knoll enclosed on three sides by beech woods.

Behind an occasional wisp of smoke showed that a train was making its

way between Achiet and Miraumont, whose supply depots were frequently

visited by our bombarding squadrons. A mile to the south the hamlet of

Serre, twice fruitlessly attacked next year, topped a barren and

shell-blown ridge. About this point, notorious for frequent visits

from the earth-shelling aerial torpedo, began the lines of the 4th

Division, once again our neighbours. They were our sister division in

the 7th Corps, which was completed by the arrival at the end of August

of the 37th Division, who after spending some days with us for

instruction relieved the French on our left at Fonquevillers and

Hannescamps. The commander of the 3rd Army, which was gradually

increased until its line extended to the southern marshes of the

Somme, was at this time Sir C. Monro, afterwards Commander-in-chief in

India.

The month of August passed quietly with us, though rendered notable by

the great German successes in Russia. The fate of Warsaw moved the

enemy to put up notice-boards announcing the event, one of which had

on one side 'Warschau Gefallen,' and on the other, apparently

reversable by a string, 'Gott Strafe England.' With commendable

caution, however, they were planted so near their own trench that it

required a field glass to read them. A few days later, when the German

Fleet met with misfortune in the Gulf of Riga, Sergt. Tester posted a

board with details of that reverse just in front of their barbed wire.

The French batteries remained with us for a month, while our gunners

were registering, and given a free hand in accordance with the British

custom of annoying the enemy incessantly, showed a complete mastery

over him.

Throughout the night at uncertain intervals their guns threw shells

into Gommecourt. It was difficult to believe that the terrible

explosions which resulted were caused by a shell lighter than our 18

pounders, whose shrapnel burst with an almost inaudible 'pip.'

Practically the only retaliation indulged in by the Germans was to

shell our batteries as they were getting into their gun-pits, though

without serious damage. About the end of the month, however, a serious

misfortune befell A Company, one of whose platoons was half destroyed

by a 4.2-inch, which struck the Brickfields, a dangerous and

conspicuous supporting point. The men had just returned from bathing

in the village, when the shell fell among them, killing five and

wounding nine. At the same spot also Lance-Corpl. Boston, of B

Company, was blown to pieces while gallantly remaining out to see that

the working party under his charge had taken cover safely.

On September 3rd, Captain (now Major, O.B.E.) Porter, Secretary of the

County Association, spent a night with the Battalion in the trenches,

and was thus able to assure the people of Berkshire, if such assurance

was needed, that its Territorial Battalion was doing its fair share of

the laborious task of holding the British front line. Next day, after

a month's continuous residence in Hébuterne or the trenches, we were

relieved by the 144th Brigade. The relief was carried out in daylight,

both Brigades marching boldly along the Sailly road, the crest of

which was in clear distant view of the enemy. The two intermediate

communication trenches, Larrey and Jena, some 2,500 yards long, were

not yet sufficiently repaired for our passage. This labour of love was

accomplished by the 5th Sussex, who were attached to the Brigade as

Pioneer Battalion, and lived at Sailly. We marched to Authie, 7 miles

back, and remained there 12 days; this village was until January to be

the rest billets of ourselves and the 4th Gloucesters for alternate

periods. It lies in the valley of the Authie River, between downs of

chalk, beech-covered, which put on beautiful colours as soon as the

first frosts of autumn touched them. The whole countryside is indeed

strangely reminiscent of the Chiltern Hills of Oxfordshire and Bucks.

Battalion Headquarters were at the Château, a substantially-built,

comfortable house under the southern slopes of the hills, belonging to

a widow, Madame De Wailly, who lived there with her two daughters.

Most of the best billets were occupied by the elderly heroes of the

A.O.D. and the Ammunition Column, but it is a roomy village, and

accommodated us without difficulty. The measure of its prosperity may

be gauged by the fact that whereas before the war there were three

shops, there were now 27. Our principal work was to make thousands of

hurdles in the Bois de Warnimont, which greatly to the men's disgust

mysteriously disappeared as soon as made; for when we indented for

them in the trenches we received no more than 17 for the whole

Brigade. Presumably they went to beautify the corps line, which was

such a model of perfected trench artistry that it seemed almost a pity

that it was never likely to be used. In this wood in company with a

few fallow deer, a Navvies' Battalion lived under canvas, who

performed most useful work in digging flints and repairing the roads.

In age they ranged from 40 to 70, and were a cheery crew, mainly from

Wales. Their notions of military discipline were, as may be imagined,

singular, and it is credibly reported that on one occasion, when

General Fanshawe rebuked a navvy for not saluting him, the offender

beckoned with his thumb towards a pal and exclaimed, ''Ere, Bill, come

and 'ave a look at this.'

On September 7th General Monro, G.O.C. 3rd Army, inspected the

Battalion, who were drawn up in old quarter-column formation with 12

paces interval in the Berkshire field on the west outskirts of the

village. He was greatly pleased with the appearance of the Battalion,

and in his subsequent address thus expressed his satisfaction:--

'After hearing what your Divisional General has said of you, I

expected to see a very fine body of men on parade to-day, and I can

assure you--I say so straight out--that I am not in the very least

disappointed. Your bearing as well as your order and steadiness in the

ranks, and the way in which you put your equipment on, all go to show

that you know the right thing, and prove the high standard which you

set before you. I am well acquainted with your 1st Battalion, and have

served with them in this present war. They have lived up to the high

traditions which attach to the regiment, and to the good name which

they have won in the past. You are proud to belong to such a regiment;

you have already reached a high standard, and I hope and believe you

will continue to retain that high standard.... I hear from your

Divisional Commander that you have conscientiously carried out all the

work allotted to you. In the sentry line your vigilance has been

beyond all criticism. You have done good work in all that pertains to

the work of the trenches, digging and so on. Moreover, your conduct in

the village and in billets has been uniformly good.'

During this stay at Authie rumours began to be active. It was

persistently reported that the 'great offensive' would be in full

swing before September was out. Some of the A.S.C., who had been

buying coal at Marles-les-Mines, reported that the country round

Béthune was incredibly thick with guns, while a similar and more

detailed forecast was brought back by officers who had dined with the

4th Divisional Headquarters. Then leave, which had been on more or

less regularly since the beginning of June, was indefinitely stopped.

Thus, though no one yet knew the date arranged for the opening of the

battle, expectations were abroad, and each morning the significance of

any unusual cannonade was eagerly discussed. Amidst such an atmosphere

of uncertainty we relieved the 4th Gloucesters at Hébuterne on

September 17th, making the passage from Sailly over the brow of the

hill for the first time by the congested Boyau Larrey.

For a few days we lived our ordinary trench life, and helped to

instruct a company of the 13th Manchesters; but on September 21st the

bombardment from the sea to the Vosges opened in our sector, with

short fierce bursts of fire on the enemy villages and roads. On

September 23rd, at 7.30 a.m., a squadron of 21 aeroplanes, spread

loosely over the sky, flew over Hébuterne to attack the station of

Valenciennes; throughout this day the roar of the guns to north and

south was continuous; as the sun set a fierce thunderstorm came up,

and the rival rumblings and flashes of nature and machinery in the

dusk made a sufficiently lurid prelude for battle. On the 24th it

became generally known that in certain contingent events, carefully

kept secret, the Brigade would attack between Gommecourt Wood and the

Puisieux road, with the Berks and the Bucks in the leading waves.

Accordingly, the gunners got to work, and the 18-pounders cut three

narrow lanes in the enemy wire (which each night the patient Hun

carefully repaired), while the howitzers played on the forts and

beehive structures in Gommecourt Wood and near Ferme Sans Nom. It was

far and away their biggest show up to date, but the number of rounds

fired by the Divisional Artillery in the three hottest days was only

5,000, an amount which, by present-day standards, appears ludicrously

small. Meanwhile, two platoons of 5th Sussex, cursing the fortune

which had brought them up again to the trenches, were packed into the

battalion sector to look after our belongings, if we went over.

Saturday, the 25th, broke wet and misty; the lovely autumn weather of

the past fortnight had gone for good. The gunners were unable clearly

to see their targets, or to mark by the spurt of dry earth the exact

strike of their wire-cutting shrapnel. Through the mist on that most

inappropriate morning appeared a herd of cows and men harvesting

between Rossignol and Puisieux, not much more than a mile from our

lines.

During the day a notable series of messages came through from G.H.Q.,

and it seemed at first as if the attack had broken the German lines,

as we identified on our maps those names then unfamiliar--Loos, Hill

70, Hulluch, Cité St. Elie, and Cité St. Auguste--which successive

messages announced as having passed into our hands. Then came the

reports from Champagne with their impressive and ever-growing lists of

guns and prisoners. The men were in high spirits, and some of B

Company were heard making bets as to who would take the first German

prisoner. Towards evening, however, the messages spoke only of

violent counter-attacks and ground lost, while it was announced that

the attack of the French Corps on our immediate left had failed

completely. When this message reached Major Hedges in the Keep just as

he was turning in, he summed up our general feeling by his remark:

'Well, I think I can take my boots off now.' Throughout the whole of

Sunday expectation was at its highest pitch, for all believed that if

the general advance was coming it would come quickly. But there was

little positive news beyond the short French statement: 'We have taken

Souchez.' Yet in the evening all the last preparations for attack were

hastily carried through. A Berks and a Bucks dump were dug in the

trenches, in which were collected all the engineering material

required for an assault--tools, sandbags, trench bridges and flags for

marking out positions in the captured line. The Brigade Signallers

were busy putting up directions everywhere for the Bucks, who were to

take over the left of our line: and new maps were issued to come into

use at midnight. The night was very disturbed with bursts of rapid

fire, and once a great cheer from the Warwicks at Fonquevillers, who

were simulating an attack; while thousands of spent bullets from the

37th Division in the loop north of Gommecourt came wearily to rest in

our trenches, several of which struck sentries in the sap-heads

without doing them any harm. Early next morning a British aeroplane

flew very low over the enemy trenches and, as desired, drew heavy

fire, thereby proving them to be full of men, a matter in doubt

before, as they had not responded to our attempts at provocation. But

during the day it became increasingly clear that the great scheme had

failed; for, although a message came from 3rd Army saying 'that in

view of the great Allied successes both north and south it is

possible that the Germans may evacuate their trenches, and in that

case you must be prepared to slip quietly into them at a moment's

notice,' its effect was more than discounted by a simple message which

read: 'Work may now be resumed as usual in the trenches.' The enemy,

meanwhile, appeared to be well acquainted with our plans, for voices

were heard calling out, 'Come on, Bucks, come on, Berks!' 'The Royal

Berks will lead the attack,' while a humorist shouted from the fort at

Gommecourt, 'Run away, English; go away home.' The enemy had indeed

good reason to be confident in the strength of these positions, which

twice next year were to defy capture after the most elaborate

preparation. The turmoil of the last few days was now succeeded by a

complete calm in which scarcely a gun spoke.

On September 30th we were relieved in due course by the 6th

Gloucesters, but went not to Authie, which was considered too far

away, but to Souastre, a village in the area of the 37th Division,

five kilometres west of Fonquevillers. As we approached we were played

into the village by our band of drums and fifes, which had just

arrived from England. Here the Battalion remained for six days in

readiness to move at half an hour's notice, with baggage and transport

reduced to a minimum, before we returned to Authie and resumed for

many months to come our customary alternation of trench duty and rest,

though the respective periods were in future lessened from 12 days to

8.

By our next return to the trenches autumn was already merging into

early winter in this chilly tableland, with sharp night frosts and

thick white mists. For days on end it was almost impossible to

distinguish the hostile lines: and so the guns maintained their

silence, for it was unprofitable to fire where you could not observe,

and our own people had the strictest orders to economise rigorously

until the expenditure of the Loos battles had been again made good.

Such weather gave the finest opportunity for patrols, whose wanderings

were made easier by the apparent indifference of the enemy. His saps

and barbed wire were examined more than once, but though hares were

started constantly in the thick tangled grass, only once were his

patrols encountered. On this occasion a party of ten, moving in a

dense fog and pitch darkness along the enemy wire, was challenged, and

a lively fight ensued for a few minutes with rifles, revolvers and

bombs, in the course of which Private A. Gibbs, of D Company, a huge,

stout-hearted soldier, specially distinguished himself. As generally

happens in these blind affrays, there was more noise than damage, and

our patrol, which was considerably outnumbered, made its way safely

back. One man who became separated from his comrades remained,

uncertain of his direction, in No Man's Land for eight hours, until

sunrise showed him his bearings. An officer and sergeant of the 10th

Royal Irish Rifles, who formed part of the patrol, were spending their

first tour of instruction with us in the trenches.

On October 17th-18th the general calm was rudely broken by the

performance of the Bavarian Circus, a travelling siege train of 5.9's

with a few heavier pieces, which retaliated effectively from the Bois

de Biez for our September bombardments. The first day's firing was

directed on the forward billets, Hébuterne, Sailly and Colincamps,

with short fierce bursts from six or seven batteries firing

simultaneously. Next day it was the turn of the Trenches. On the left

of the battalion sector part of D Company held a little salient

position which enclosed a thicket standing steeply some 12 feet above

the Bucquoy road. The enemy apparently believed it to be used for

observation purposes, and frequently directed fire upon it, but in

point of fact it was untenanted by day. On this salient and on its

approaches, a total trench line of about 150 yards, the Bavarians

threw during an hour about 400 5.9's, not to mention smaller shells,

while two field guns galloped into Gommecourt Park and unlimbering in

full view fired obliquely at the wire from point-blank range. They

were harassed and eventually forced to retire by the action of Lieut.

Coombes, of the Bucks, on our left, who gallantly got a machine gun

into the open and took them in the flank. Our own guns were not

available at the time, as they were themselves engaged in a 'shoot'

and busy on pre-arranged targets. Although the trenches were cut to

pieces and the thicket levelled by the fire, which was of extreme

accuracy, not a single serious casualty was incurred. Captain Thorne

had his Company Headquarters just behind the salient, and his dugout

received several hits, and bulged ominously, but did not give way. All

wires were cut, but were promptly repaired by the Company Signallers

in the heat of the bombardment. Meanwhile, the Oxfords had been

assailed with much greater violence, and over 2,000 shells fell in

their lines; while their communication trenches were barraged with

lachrymatory shells. It almost seemed as if an infantry attack might

be imminent, and colour was lent to this theory by an aeroplane

message saying that what appeared to be gas cylinders were observed

along the enemy trenches between Gommecourt and Serre. Accordingly we

stood-to all night repairing the shattered trenches and re-erecting

the wire. The hostile infantry who probably disapproved of their

artillery's activity as likely to bring future trouble upon

themselves, made no attempt to hinder with rifle or machine-gun fire

our all-night task. This was by far the heaviest and most concentrated

bombardment which the Battalion had yet sustained.

The War Service of the 1/4 Royal Berkshire Regiment (T. F.) · 第 6 / 23 章