CHAPTER II.

SCIENTIFIC JUSTIFICATION OF THE THEORY OF DESCENT.

HISTORY OF CREATION ACCORDING TO LINNÆUS.

The Theory of Descent, or Doctrine of Filiation, as the

Monistic Explanation of Organic Natural Phenomena.—Its

Comparison with Newton’s Theory of Gravitation.—Limits

of Scientific Explanation and of Human Knowledge in

general.—All Knowledge founded originally on Sensuous

Experience, _a posteriori_.—Transition of _a posteriori_

knowledge, by Inheritance, into _a priori_

knowledge.—Contrast between the Supernatural Hypotheses

of the Creation according to Linnæus, Cuvier, Agassiz,

and the Natural Theories of Development according to

Lamarck, Goethe, and Darwin.—Connection of the former

with the Monistic (mechanical), of the latter with the

Dualistic Conception of the Universe.—Monism and

Materialism.—Scientific and Moral Materialism.—The

History of Creation according to Moses.—Linnæus as the

Founder of the Systematic Description of Nature and

Distinction of Species.—Linnæus’ Classification and

Binary Nomenclature.—Meaning of Linnæus’ Idea of

Species.—His History of Creation.—Linnæus’ view of the

Origin of Species.

The value which every scientific theory possesses is measured by the

number and importance of the objects which can be explained by it, as

well as by the simplicity and universality of the causes which are

employed in it as grounds of explanation. On the one hand, the greater

the number and the more important the meaning of the phenomena explained

by the theory, and the simpler, on the other hand, and the more general

the causes which the theory assigns as explanations, the greater is its

scientific value, the more safely we are guided by it, and the more

strongly are we bound to adopt it.

Let us call to mind, for example, that theory which has ranked up to the

present time as the greatest achievement of the human mind—the Theory

of Gravitation, which Newton, two hundred years ago, established in his

Mathematical Principles of Natural Philosophy. Here we find that the

object to be explained is as large as one can well imagine. He undertook

to reduce the phenomena of the motion of the planets, and the structure

of the universe, to mathematical laws. As the most simple cause of these

intricate phenomena of motion, Newton established the law of weight or

attraction, the same law which is the cause of the fall of bodies, of

adhesion, cohesion, and many other phenomena.

If we apply the same standard of valuation to Darwin’s theory, we must

arrive at the conclusion that this theory, also, is one of the greatest

achievements of the human mind, and that it may be placed quite on a

level with Newton’s Theory of Gravitation. Perhaps this opinion will

seem a little exaggerated, or at any rate very bold, but I hope in the

course of this treatise to convince the reader that this estimate is not

too high. In the preceding chapter, some of the most important and most

general phenomena in organic nature, which have been explained by

Darwin’s theory, have been named. Among them are the variations in form

which accompany the individual development of organisms, most varied and

complicated phenomena, which until now presented the greatest

difficulties in the way of mechanical explanation, that is, in the

tracing of them to active causes. We have mentioned the _rudimentary

organs_, those exceedingly remarkable structures in animals and plants

which have no object and refute every teleological explanation seeking

for the final purpose of the organism. A great number of other phenomena

might have been mentioned, which are no less important, and are

explained in the simplest manner by Darwin’s reformed Theory of Descent.

For the present I will only mention the phenomena presented to us by the

_geographical distribution of animals and plants_ on the surface of our

planet, as well as the _geological distribution of the extinct and

petrified organisms_ in the different strata of the earth’s crust. These

important palæontological and geographical phenomena, which were

formerly only known to us as _facts_, are now traced to their active

_causes_ by the Theory of Descent.

The same statement applies further to all the general laws of

_Comparative Anatomy_, especially to the great law of _division of

labour_ or _separation_ (polymorphism, or differentiation), a law which

determines the form or structure of human society, as well as the

organization of individual animals and plants. It is this law which

necessitates an ever _increasing variety_, as well as a _progressive

development_ of organic forms. This law of the division of labour has,

up to the present time, been only recognized as a fact, and it, like the

law of progressive development, or the law of progress which we perceive

active everywhere in the history of nations (as also in that of animals

and plants), is explained by Darwin’s Doctrine of Descent. Then, if we

turn our attention to the great whole of organic nature, if we compare

all the individual groups of phenomena of this immense domain of life,

it cannot fail to appear, in the light of the Doctrine of Descent, no

longer as the ingeniously designed work of a Creator building up

according to a definite purpose, but as the necessary consequence of

active causes, which are inherent in the chemical combination of matter

itself, and in its physical properties.

In fact, we can most positively assert, and I shall justify this

assertion in the course of these pages, that by the Doctrine of

Filiation, or Descent, we are enabled for the first time to reduce all

organic phenomena to a single law, and to discover a single active cause

for the infinitely intricate mechanism of the whole of this rich world

of phenomena. In this respect, Darwin’s theory stands quite on a level

with Newton’s Theory of Gravitation; indeed, it even rises higher than

Newton’s theory!

The grounds of explanation are equally simple in the two theories. In

explaining this most intricate world of phenomena, Darwin does not make

use of new or hitherto unknown properties of matter, nor does he, as one

might suppose, make use of discoveries of new combinations of matter or

of new forces of organization; but it is simply by extremely ingenious

combination, by the synthetic comprehension, and by the thoughtful

comparison of a number of well-known facts, that Darwin has solved the

“holy mystery” of the living world of forms. The consideration of the

interchanging relations which exist between two general properties of

organisms, viz., _Inheritance and Adaptation_, is what has here been of

the first importance. Merely by considering the relations between these

two vital actions or physiological functions of organisms, also further

by considering the reciprocal interaction which all animals and plants,

living in one and the same place, necessarily exert on one

another—solely by the correct estimate of these simple facts, and by

skilfully combining them, Darwin has succeeded in finding the true

active causes (causæ efficientes) of the immensely intricate world of

forms in organic nature.

In any case we are in duty bound to accept this theory till a better one

be found, which will undertake to explain the same amount of facts in an

equally simple manner. Until now we have been in utter want of such a

theory. The fundamental idea that all different animal and vegetable

forms must be descended from a few or even from one single, most simple

primary form, was indeed not new. This idea was long since distinctly

formulated—first by the great Lamarck, at the beginning of our century.

But Lamarck in reality only expressed the hypothesis of the Doctrine of

Filiation, without establishing it by an explanation of the active

causes. And it is just the demonstration of these causes which marks the

extraordinary progress which Darwin’s theory has made beyond that of

Lamarck. In the physiological properties of Inheritance and Adaptation

of organic matter, Darwin discovered the true cause of the genealogical

relationship of organisms. It was not possible for the genius of Lamarck

in his day to command that colossal material of biological facts which

has been collected by the patient zoological and botanical

investigations of the last fifty years, and which has been used by

Darwin as an overpowering apparatus of evidence.

Darwin’s theory is therefore not what his opponents frequently represent

it as being—an unwarranted hypothesis taken up at random. It is not for

zoologists or botanists to accept or reject this as an explanatory

theory, as they please; they are rather compelled and obliged to accept

it, according to the general principle observed in all natural sciences,

that we must accept and retain for the explanation of phenomena any

theory which, though it has only a feeble basis, is compatible with the

actual facts—until it is replaced by a better one. If we do not adopt

it, we renounce a scientific explanation of phenomena, and this is, in

fact, the position which many biologists still maintain. They look upon

the whole domain of animate nature as a perfect mystery, and upon the

origin of animals and plants, the phenomena of their development and

affinities, as quite inexplicable and miraculous; in fact, they will not

allow that there _can_ be a true understanding of them.

Those opponents of Darwin who do not exactly wish to renounce a

scientific explanation are in the habit of saying, “Darwin’s theory of

the common origin of the different species is only _one_ hypothesis; we

oppose to it _another_, the hypothesis that the individual animal and

vegetable species have not developed one from another by descent, but

that they have come into existence independently of one another, by a

still undiscovered law of nature.” But as long as it is not shown how

this coming into existence is to be conceived of, and what that “law of

nature” is—as long as not even _probable_ grounds of explanation can be

brought forward to account for the independent coming into existence of

animal and vegetable species, so long this counter-hypothesis is in fact

no hypothesis, but an empty unmeaning phrase. Darwin’s theory ought,

moreover, not to be called an hypothesis. For a scientific hypothesis is

a supposition, postulating the existence of unknown properties or

motional phenomena of natural bodies, which properties have not as yet

been observed by the experience of the senses. But Darwin’s theory does

not assume such unknown conditions; it is based upon general properties

of organisms that have long been recognized, and—as has been

remarked—it is the exceedingly ingenious and comprehensive combination

of a number of phenomena which had hitherto stood isolated, which gives

the theory its extraordinarily great and intrinsic value. By it we are

for the first time in a position to demonstrate an active cause for all

the known morphological phenomena in the animal and vegetable kingdoms;

and, in fact, this cause is always one and the same, viz., the alternate

action of Adaptation and Inheritance, therefore a physiological, that

is, a physico-chemical or mechanical, relationship. For these reasons

the acceptance of the Doctrine of Filiation, as mechanically established

by Darwin, is a binding and unavoidable necessity for the whole domain

of zoology and botany.

As, therefore, in my opinion the immense importance of Darwin’s theory

lies in the fact that it has _mechanically explained those organic

phenomena of forms_ which had hitherto been unexplained, it is perhaps

necessary that I should here say a few words about the different ideas

connected with the word “explanation.” It is very frequently said, in

opposition to Darwin’s theory, that it does indeed explain those

phenomena by Inheritance and Adaptation, but that it does not at the

same time explain those properties of organic matter, and that therefore

we do not arrive at first causes. This objection is quite correct, but

it applies equally to _all_ explanations of phenomena. We _nowhere_

arrive at a knowledge of first causes. The origin of every simple salt

crystal, which we obtain by evaporating its mother liquor, is no less

mysterious to us, as far as concerns its first cause, and in itself no

less incomprehensible than the origin of every animal which is developed

out of a simple cell. In explaining the most simple physical or chemical

phenomena, as the falling of a stone, or the formation of a chemical

combination, we arrive, by discovering and establishing the active

causes—for example, the gravitation or the chemical affinity—at other

remoter phenomena, which in themselves are mysterious. This arises from

the limitation or relativity of our powers of understanding. We must not

forget that human knowledge is absolutely limited, and possesses only a

relative extension. It is, in its essence, limited by the very nature of

our senses and of our brains.

All knowledge springs from sensuous perceptions. In opposition to this

statement, the innate, _à priori_ knowledge of man may be brought up;

but we can see that the so-called _à priori_ knowledge can by Darwin’s

theory be proved to have been acquired _à posteriori_, being based on

experience as its first cause. Knowledge which is based originally upon

purely empirical observations, and which is therefore a purely sensuous

experience, but has then been transmitted from generation to generation

by inheritance, appears in later generations as if it were independent,

innate, and _à priori_. In our late animal ancestors, all our so-called

“_à priori_ knowledge” was originally acquired _à posteriori_, and only

gradually became _à priori_ by inheritance. It is based in the first

instance upon experiences, and by the laws of Inheritance and Adaptation

we can positively prove that knowledge _à priori_ and knowledge _à

posteriori_ cannot rightly be placed in opposition, as is usually done.

On the contrary, sensuous experience is the original source of _all_

knowledge. For this reason alone, all our knowledge is limited, and we

can never apprehend the _first causes_ of any phenomena. The force of

crystallization, the force of gravitation, and chemical affinity remain

in themselves just as incomprehensible as do Adaptation and Inheritance.

Seeing that Darwin’s theory explains from a single point of view the

totality of all those phenomena of which we have given a brief survey,

that it demonstrates one and the same quality of the organism as the

active cause in all cases, we must allow that it gives us for the

present _all_ that we can desire. Moreover, we have good reason to hope

that at some future time we shall learn to explain the first causes at

which Darwin has arrived, namely, the properties of Adaptation and

Inheritance; and that we shall succeed in discovering in the composition

of albuminous matter certain molecular relations as the remoter, simpler

causes of these phenomena. There is indeed no prospect of this in the

immediate future, and we content ourselves for the present with the

tracing back of organic phenomena to two mysterious properties, just as

in the case of Newton’s theory we are satisfied with tracing the

planetary motions to the force of gravitation, which itself is likewise

a mystery to us and not cognizable in itself.

Before commencing our principal task, which is the careful discussion of

the Doctrine of Descent, and the consequences that arise out of it, let

us take an historical retrospect of the most important and most widely

spread of those views, which before Darwin men had elaborated

concerning organic creation, and the coming into existence of the many

animal and vegetable species. In doing this I have no intention of

entertaining the reader with a statement of all the innumerable stories

about the creation which have been current among the different human

species, races, or tribes. However interesting and gratifying this task

would be, from an ethnographical point of view, as well as in a history

of civilization, it would lead us here much too far from our subject.

Besides, the great majority of all these legends about creation bear too

clearly the stamp of arbitrary fiction, and of a want of a close

observance of nature, to be of interest in a scientific treatment of the

history of creation. I shall therefore only select the Mosaic history

from among those that are not founded on scientific investigation, on

account of the unparalleled influence which it has gained in the western

civilized world; and then I shall immediately take up the scientific

hypothesis about creation, which originated with Linnæus as late as the

commencement of last century.

All the different conceptions which man has ever formed about the coming

into existence of the different animal and vegetable species may

conveniently be divided into two great contrasted groups—the natural

and supernatural histories of creation.

These two groups, on the whole, correspond with the two different

principal forms of the human notions of the universe which we have

already contrasted as the _monistic and the dualistic_ conception of

nature. In the usual dualistic or teleological (vital) conception of the

universe, organic nature is regarded as the purposely executed

production of a Creator working according to a definite plan. Its

adherents see in every individual species of animal and plant an

“embodied creative thought,” the material expression of a _definite

first cause_ (causa finalis) acting for a set purpose. They must

necessarily assume supernatural (not mechanical) processes for the

origin of organisms. With justice, we may therefore designate their

scheme of the world’s growth as the _Supernatural History of Creation_.

Among all such teleological histories of creation, that of Moses has

gained the greatest influence, since even so distinguished a naturalist

as Linnæus has claimed admittance for it in Natural Science. Cuvier’s

and Agassiz’s views of creation also belong to this group, as do in fact

those of the great majority of both scientific and unscientific men.

On the other hand, the theory of development carried out by Darwin,

which we shall have to treat of here as the _Non-miraculous_ or _Natural

History of Creation_, and which has already been put forward by Goethe

and Lamarck, must, if carried out logically, lead to the monistic or

mechanical (causal) conception of the universe. In opposition to the

dualistic or teleological conception of nature, our theory considers

organic, as well as inorganic, bodies to be the necessary products of

natural forces. It does not see in every individual species of animal

and plant the embodied thought of a personal Creator, but the expression

for the time being of a mechanical process of development of matter, the

expression of a necessarily active cause, that is, of a mechanical cause

(causa efficiens). Where teleological Dualism seeks the arbitrary

thoughts of a capricious Creator in the miracles of creation, causal

Monism finds in the process of development the necessary effects of

eternal immutable laws of nature.

The Monism here maintained by us is often considered identical with

Materialism. Now, as Darwinism, and in fact the whole theory of

development, has been designated as “_materialistic_,” I cannot avoid

here at once guarding myself against this ambiguous word, and against

the malice with which, in certain quarters, it is employed to stigmatize

our doctrine.

By the word “_Materialism_,” two completely different things are very

frequently confounded and mixed up, which in reality have nothing

whatever to do with each other, namely, scientific and moral

materialism. Scientific materialism, which is identical with our Monism,

affirms in reality no more than that everything in the world goes on

naturally—that every effect has its cause, and every cause its effect.

It therefore assigns to causal law—that is, the law of a necessary

connection between cause and effect—its place over the entire series of

phenomena that can be known. At the same time, scientific materialism

positively rejects every belief in the miraculous, and every conception,

in whatever form it appears, of supernatural processes. Accordingly,

nowhere in the whole domain of human knowledge does it recognize real

metaphysics, but throughout only physics; through it the inseparable

connection between matter, form, and force becomes self evident. This

scientific materialism has long since been so universally acknowledged

in the wide domain of inorganic science, in Physics and Chemistry, in

Mineralogy and Geology, that no one now doubts its sole authority. But

in Biology, or Organic science, the case is very different; here its

value is still continually a matter of dispute in many quarters. There

is, however, nothing else which can be set up against it, excepting the

metaphysical spectre of a vital power, or empty theological dogma. If we

can prove that all nature, so far as it can be known, is only _one_,

that the same “great, eternal, iron laws” are active in the life of

animals and plants, as in the growth of crystals and in the force of

steam, we may with reason maintain the monistic or mechanical view of

things throughout the domain of Biology—in Zoology and Botany—whether

it be stigmatized as “materialism” or not. In such a sense all exact

science, and the law of cause and effect at its head, is purely

materialistic.

_Moral_, or _ethical Materialism_, is something quite distinct from

scientific materialism, and has nothing whatever in common with the

latter. This real materialism proposes no other aim to man in the course

of his life than the most refined possible gratification of his senses.

It is based on the delusion that purely material enjoyment can alone

give satisfaction to man; but as he can find that satisfaction in no one

form of sensuous pleasure, he dashes on weariedly from one to another.

The profound truth that the real value of life does not lie in material

enjoyment, but in moral action—that true happiness does not depend upon

external possessions, but only in a virtuous course of life—this is

unknown to ethical materialism. We therefore look in vain for such

materialism among naturalists and philosophers, whose highest happiness

is the intellectual enjoyment of Nature, and whose highest aim is the

knowledge of her laws. We find it in the palaces of ecclesiastical

princes, and in those hypocrites who, under the outward mask of a pious

worship of God, solely aim at hierarchical tyranny over, and material

spoliation of, their fellow-men. Blind to the infinite grandeur of the

so-called “raw material,” and the glorious world of phenomena arising

from it—insensible to the inexhaustible charms of Nature, and without a

knowledge of her laws—they stigmatize all natural science, and the

culture arising from it, as sinful “materialism,” while really it is

this which they themselves exhibit in a most shocking form. Satisfactory

proofs of this are furnished, not only by the whole history of the

Catholic Popes, with their long series of crimes, but also by the

history of the morals of orthodoxy in every form of religion.

In order, then, to avoid in future the usual confusion of this utterly

objectionable Moral Materialism with our Scientific Materialism, we

think it necessary to call the latter either _Monism_ or _Realism_. The

principle of this _Monism_ is the same as what Kant terms the

“principle of mechanism,” and of which he expressly asserts, that

_without it there can be no natural science at all_. This principle is

quite inseparable from our Non-miraculous History of Creation, and

characterizes it as opposed to the teleological belief in the miracles

of a Supernatural History of Creation.

Let us now first of all glance at the most important of all the

supernatural histories of creation, I mean that of Moses, as it has been

handed down to us in the Bible, the ancient document of the history and

laws of the Jewish people. The Mosaic history of creation, since in the

first chapter of Genesis it forms the introduction to the Old Testament,

has enjoyed, down to the present day, general recognition in the whole

Jewish and Christian world of civilization. Its extraordinary success is

explained not only by its close connection with Jewish and Christian

doctrines, but also by the simple and natural chain of ideas which runs

through it, and which contrasts favourably with the confused mythology

of creation current among most of the other ancient nations. First the

Lord God creates the earth as an inorganic body; then he separates light

from darkness, then water from the dry land. Now the earth has become

inhabitable for organisms, and plants are first created, animals

later—and among the latter the inhabitants of the water and the air

first, afterwards the inhabitants of the dry land. Finally God creates

man, the last of all organisms, in his own image, and as the ruler of

the earth.

Two great and fundamental ideas, common also to the non-miraculous

theory of development, meet us in this Mosaic hypothesis of creation,

with surprising clearness and simplicity—the idea of separation or

_differentiation_, and the idea of progressive development or

_perfecting_. Although Moses looks upon the results of the great laws of

organic development (which we shall later point out as the necessary

conclusions of the Doctrine of Descent) as the direct actions of a

constructing Creator, yet in his theory there lies hidden the ruling

idea of a progressive development and a differentiation of the

originally simple matter. We can therefore bestow our just and sincere

admiration on the Jewish lawgiver’s grand insight into nature, and his

simple and natural hypothesis of creation, without discovering in it a

so-called “divine revelation.” That it cannot be such is clear from the

fact that two great fundamental errors are asserted in it, namely,

first, the _geocentric_ error that the earth is the fixed central point

of the whole universe, round which the sun, moon, and stars move; and

secondly, the _anthropocentric_ error, that man is the premeditated aim

of the creation of the earth, for whose service alone all the rest of

nature is said to have been created. The former of these errors was

demolished by Copernicus’ System of the Universe in the beginning of the

16th century, the latter by Lamarck’s Doctrine of Descent in the

beginning of the 19th century.

Although the geocentric error of the Mosaic history was demonstrated by

Copernicus, and thereby its authority as an absolutely perfect divine

revelation was destroyed, yet it has maintained, down to the present

day, such influence, that it forms in many wide circles the principle

obstacle to the adoption of a natural theory of development. Even in our

century, many naturalists, especially geologists, have tried to bring

the Mosaic theory into harmony with the recent results of natural

science, and have, for example, interpreted Moses’ seven days of

creation as seven great geological periods. However, all these ingenious

attempts at interpretation have so utterly failed, that they require no

refutation here. The Bible is no scientific book, but consists of

records of the history, the laws, and the religion of the Jewish people,

the high merit of which, as a history of civilization, is not impaired

by the fact that in all scientific questions it has no commanding

importance, and is full of gross errors.

We may now make a great stride over more than three thousand years, from

Moses, who died about the year 1480 before Christ, to Linnæus, who was

born in the year 1707 after Christ. During this whole period no history

of creation was brought forward that gained any lasting importance, or

the closer examination of which would here be of any interest. Indeed,

during the last fifteen hundred years, since Christianity gained its

supremacy, the Mosaic history of creation, together with the dogmas

connected with it, has become so generally predominant, that the 19th

century is the first that has dared positively to rise against it. Even

the great Swedish naturalist, Linnæus, the founder of modern natural

history, linked his System of Nature most closely to the Mosaic history

of creation.

The extraordinary progress which Charles Linnæus made in the so-called

descriptive natural sciences, consists, as is well known, in his having

established a system of nomenclature of animals and plants, which he

carried out in a manner so perfectly logical and consistent, that down

to the present day it has remained in many respects the standard for all

succeeding naturalists engaged in the study of the forms of animals and

plants. Although Linnæus’ system was artificial, although in classifying

animal and vegetable species he only sought and employed single parts as

the foundation for his divisions, it has, nevertheless, gained the

greatest success; firstly, in consequence of its being carried out

consistently, and secondly, by its nomenclature of natural bodies, which

has become extremely important, and at which we must here briefly

glance.

Before Linnæus’ time, many vain attempts had been made to throw light

upon the endless chaos of different animal and vegetable forms (then

known) by adopting for them suitable names and groupings; but Linnæus,

by a happy hit, succeeded in accomplishing this important and difficult

task, when he established the so-called “_binary nomenclature_.” The

binary nomenclature, or the twofold designation, as Linnæus first

established it, is still universally applied by all zoologists and

botanists, and will, no doubt, maintain itself, for a long time to come,

with undiminished authority. It consists in this, that every species of

animal and plant is designated by two names, which stand to each other

in the same relation as do the christian and surnames of a man. The

special name which corresponds with the christian name, and expresses

the idea of “a species,” serves as the common designation of all

individual animals or plants, which are equal in all essential matters

of form, and are only distinguished by quite subordinate features. The

more general name, on the other hand, corresponding with the surname,

and which expresses the idea of a genus, serves for the common

designation of all the most nearly similar kinds or species.

According to Linnæus’ plan, the more general and comprehensive generic

name is written first; the special subordinate name of the species

follows it. Thus, for example, the common cat is called Felis domestica;

the wild cat, Felis catus; the panther, Felis pardus; the jaguar, Felis

onca; the tiger, Felis tigris; the lion, Felis leo. All these six kinds

of animals of prey are different species of one and the same

genus—Felis. Or, to add an example from the vegetable kingdom,

according to Linnæus’ designation the pine is Pinus abies; the fir,

Pinus picea; the larch, Pinus larix; the Italian pine, Pinus pinea; the

Siberian stone pine, Pinus cembra; the knee timber, Pinus mughus; the

common pine, Pinus silvestris. All these seven kinds of pines are

different species of one and the same genus—Pinus.

Perhaps this advance made by Linnæus may seem to some only of

subordinate importance in the practical distinction and designation of

the variously formed organisms. But in reality it was of the very

greatest importance, both from a practical and theoretical point of

view. For now, for the first time, it became possible to arrange the

immense mass of different organic forms according to their greater or

less degree of resemblance, and to obtain an easy survey of the general

outlines of such a “system.” Linnæus facilitated the tabulation and

survey of this “system” of plants and animals still more by placing

together the most nearly similar genera into so-called orders (ordines);

and by uniting the most nearly similar orders into still more

comprehensive main divisions or classes. Thus, according to Linnæus,

each of the two organic kingdoms were broken up into a number of

classes, the vegetable kingdom into twenty-four, and the animal kingdom

into six. Each class again contains several orders. Every single order

may contain a number of genera, and, again, every single genus several

species.

Valuable as was Linnæus’ binary nomenclature in a _practical_ way, in

bringing about a comprehensive systematic distinction, designation,

arrangement, and division of the organic world of forms, yet the

incalculable _theoretical_ influence which it gained forthwith in

relation to the history of creation was no less important. Even now all

the important fundamental questions as to the history of creation turn

finally upon the decision of the very remote and unimportant question,

_What really are kinds or species?_ Even now the _idea of organic

species_ may be termed the central point of the whole question of

creation, the disputed centre, about the different conceptions of which

Darwinists and Anti-Darwinists fight.

According to Darwin’s opinion, and that of his adherents, the different

species of one and the same genus of animals and plants are nothing else

than differently developed descendants of one and the same original

primary form. The different kinds of pine mentioned above would

accordingly have originated from a single primæval form of pine. In like

manner the origin of all the species of cat mentioned above would be

traced to a single common form of Felis, the ancestor of the whole

genus. But further, in accordance with the Doctrine of Descent, all the

different genera of one and the same order ought also to be descended

from one common primary ancestor, and so, in like manner, all orders of

a class from a single primary form.

On the other hand, according to the idea of Darwin’s opponents, all

species of animals and plants are quite independent of each other, and

only the individuals of each species have originated from a single

primary form. But if we ask them how they conceive these original

primary forms of each species to have come into existence, they answer

with a leap into the incomprehensible, “They were created.”

Linnæus himself defined the idea of species in this manner by saying,

“There are as many different species as there were different forms

created in the beginning by the infinite Being.” (“Species tot sunt

diversæ, quot diversas formas ab initio creavit infinitum ens.”) In this

respect, therefore, he follows most closely the Mosaic history of

creation, which in the same way maintains that animals and plants were

created “each one after its kind.” Linnæus, accepting this, held that

originally of each species of animals and plants either a single

individual or a pair had been created; in fact a pair, or, as Moses

says, “a male and a female” of those species which have separate sexes,

but of those species in which each individual combines both sexual

organs (hermaphrodites), as for instance the earthworm, the garden and

vineyard snails, as well as the great majority of plants, a single

individual.

Linnæus further follows the Mosaic legend in regard to the flood, by

supposing that the great general flood destroyed all existing organisms,

except those few individuals of each species (seven pairs of the birds

and of clean animals, one pair of unclean animals) which Noah saved in

the ark, and which were placed again on land, on Mount Ararat, after the

flood had subsided. He tried to explain the geographical difficulty of

the living together of the most different animals and plants, as

follows: Mount Ararat, in Armenia, being situated in a warm climate, and

rising over 16,000 feet in height, combines in itself the conditions for

a temporary common abode of such animals as live in different zones.

Accordingly, animals accustomed to the polar regions could climb up the

cold mountain ridges, those accustomed to a warm climate could go down

to the foot of the mountain, and the inhabitants of a temperate zone

could remain midway up the mountain. From this point it was possible for

them to spread north and south over the earth.

It is scarcely necessary to remark that this Linnæan hypothesis of

creation, which evidently was intended to harmonize most closely with

the prevailing belief in the Bible, requires no serious refutation. When

we consider Linnæus’ clearness and sagacity in other matters, we may

doubt whether he believed it himself. As to the simultaneous origin of

all individuals of each species from one pair of ancestors respectively

(or in the case of the hermaphrodite species, from one original

hermaphrodite), it is clearly quite untenable; for, apart from other

reasons, in the first days after the creation, the few animals of prey

would have sufficed to have utterly demolished all the herbivorous

animals, as the herbivorous animals must have destroyed the few

individuals of the different species of plants. The existence of such an

equilibrium in the economy of nature as obtains at present cannot

possibly be conceived, if only one individual of each species, or only

one pair, had originally and simultaneously been created.

Moreover, how little importance Linnæus himself attached to this

untenable hypothesis of creation is clear, among other things, from the

fact that he recognized _Hybridism_ (crossing) as a source of the

production of new species. He assumed that a great number of independent

new species had originated by the interbreeding of two different

species. Indeed, such hybrids are not at all rare in nature, and it is

now proved that a great number of species, for example, of the genus

Rubus (bramble), mullen (Verbascum), willow (Salix), thistle (Cirsium),

are hybrids of different species of these genera. We also know of

hybrids between hares and rabbits (two species of the genus Lepus),

further of hybrids between different species of dog (genus Canis), etc.,

which can be propagated as independent species.

It is certainly very remarkable that Linnæus asserted the physiological

(therefore mechanical) origin of new species in this process of

hybridism. It clearly stands in direct opposition to the supernatural

origin of the other species by creation, which he accepted as put

forward in the Mosaic account. The one set of species would therefore

have originated by dualistic (teleological) creation, the other by

monistic (mechanical) development.

The great and well merited authority which Linnæus gained by his

systematic classification and by his other services to Biology, was

clearly the reason why his views of creation also remained, throughout

the whole of the last century, undisputed and generally recognized. If

throughout systematic Zoology and Botany the distinctions,

classification, and designations of species, introduced by Linnæus, and

the dogmatic ideas connected therewith had not been maintained—more or

less unaltered—we should be at a loss to understand how his idea of an

independent creation of single species could have stood, by itself down

to the present day. It is only owing to his great authority, and through

his attaching himself to the prevailing Biblical belief, that his

hypothesis of creation has retained its position so long.

The History of Creation, Vol. 1 (of 2) Or the Development of the Earth and its Inhabitants by the Action of Natural Causes · 第 2 / 14 章