The subsequent history of the inquiry is an instance of the unwisdom of

prophesying unless you know. In 1894 an able summary of the question was

published in a German journal, in which the impossibility of solving the

problem of the gravitational sensitiveness of the root-tip was dwelt on,

and immediately afterwards Section K of the British Association had the

satisfaction of hearing Pfeffer read a brilliant paper giving the

long-hoped-for proof that the tip of the root is a sense-organ for

gravitation. {47}

Like many other experiments, it depends on a deception or trick played on

the plant. The root is forced to grow into a minute glass tube closed at

one end and sharply bent in the middle, resembling a little glass boot;

the extreme tip being thus kept at right angles to the main body of the

root. If the theory we are testing is the right one, a root with its

motor region horizontal and its tip vertical ought to continue to grow

horizontally, because the tip being vertical is not stimulated by

gravity; it is in a quiescent, or, as it were, a satisfied condition, and

no bending influence is being sent to the motor region. And this is what

Pfeffer and Czapek found. On the other hand, if the main body of the

root points vertically down while the sensitive tip is horizontal, a

curvature results, because as long as the tip is horizontal it is

stimulated, and the stimulus is transmitted to the motor region.

This experiment proves not only that the tip of the root is the

sense-organ for gravity, but also that the motile part is not directly

sensitive; in other words, that gravitation is perceived exclusively in

the tip of the root. Since the publication of Pfeffer's and Czapek's

papers I have been lucky enough to hit on another way of investigating

percipient organs for gravitation, {48} and I am not without hopes that

botanists may become in this question as fertile as Cyrano with his seven

ways of flying to the moon.

There is a certain kind of inverted action familiarly known as the tail

wagging the dog, and it is on this principle of inversion that my

experiment is designed. Inversion may in some cases be practised without

altering the final result. For instance, it does not much matter whether

the thread goes to the eye (the rational masculine plan) or _vice versa_,

as in the feminine way of threading a needle. In other cases you create

what is practically a new machine by inversion, as in a certain apparatus

in which the hand of a clock stops still while the clock itself rotates.

The effect is still more striking with my plants, for the inversion

practised on them entirely changes the character of their movement.

The result may be shown with the seedling _Setarias_ of which I have

spoken, or with _Sorghum_, as in Fig. 4. If one of these is supported by

its seed with its stem projecting freely in the horizontal plane, the

gravitation stimulus makes it bend upwards until the tip is vertical,

when the stimulus ceases to act and the curvature comes to an end. If

the conditions are reversed, if the seedling is supported in a horizontal

position _by its tip_, while the seed projects freely, the result is at

first the same, though finally it comes to be strikingly different. The

basal end of the seedling is carried upwards by the curvature of the

stem; but according to the theory we are testing, the tip of the seedling

is the only part of the plant which feels the gravitational stimulus, and

the tip of the seedling remains horizontal in spite of the curvature of

the stem. Therefore the tip of the seedling is not freed from

stimulation as it was in the first case, where the curvature brought the

tip into the vertical position. The horizontal tip therefore continues

to send commands to the stem to go on curving, in a way I can best

explain if I am allowed to make the plant express its sensations in

words. The tip says to the stem, "I am horizontal, therefore you must

bend upwards"; and when this order has been obeyed the tip says, "It is

of no use, I am still horizontal--go on bending." The result is that the

stem curls up into a spiral like a corkscrew or a French horn, as shown

in Fig. 4.

[Picture: Fig. 4.--Seedling Sorghums supported by their tips in

horizontal glass tubes]

These unfortunate plants are in the position of a convict on the

treadmill; their movements are, from their own point of view, absolutely

ineffectual and meaningless. The results are, however, of some

importance from our point of view, since they give clear support to the

theory which I have now attempted to place before you, namely, that the

percipient region is at the tip of the _Setaria_ seedling, and that by

what corresponds to a reflex action, the stimulus perceived by the tip is

transmitted to the motor region.

I should like to add a few words on the question how far the movement of

plants can be placed under the general laws deducible from the movements

of animals. Unfortunately, as soon as we attack this question we are

liable to enter regions where for the ignorant there are many pitfalls.

We are, in fact, face to face with the question whether in plants there

is anything in which we may recognise the faint beginnings of

consciousness, whether plants have the rudiments of desire or of memory,

or other qualities generally described as mental.

If we take the wide view of memory which has been set forth by S. Butler

{51a} and by Hering, we shall be forced to believe that plants, like all

other living things, have a kind of memory. For these writers make

memory cover the whole phenomena of life. Inheritance with them is a

form of memory, or memory a kind of inheritance. A plant or an animal

grows into the form inherited from its ancestors by passing through a

series of changes, each change being linked to the preceding stage as the

notes of a tune are linked together in the nervous system of one who

plays the piano. Or we may compare the development of an animal or plant

to the firing of a train of gunpowder, which completes itself by a series

of explosions, each leading to a new one. To use the language I have

been employing, each stage in development acts as a signal to the next.

In the same way the characteristic element in what is done by memory, or

by that "unconscious memory" {51b} known as habit, is the association of

a chain of thoughts or actions each calling forth the next.

What I wish to insist on is, that the process I have called

action-by-signal is of the same type as action-by-association, and

therefore allied to habit and memory. The plants alive to-day are the

successful ones who have inherited from successful ancestors the power of

curving in certain ways, when, by accidental deviations from their normal

attitude, some change of pressure is produced in their protoplasm. With

the pianist the playing of A has become tied to, entangled or associated

with, the playing of B, so that the striking of note A has grown to be a

signal to the muscles to strike B. Similarly in the plant, the act of

bending has become tied to, entangled or associated with, that change in

the protoplasm due to the altered position. There is no mechanical

necessity that B should follow A in the tune; the sequence is owing to

the path built by habit in the man's brain. And this is equally true of

the plant, in which an hereditary habit has been built up in a brain-like

root-tip.

The capacities of plants of which I have spoken have been compared to

instincts, and if I prefer to call them reflexes it is because instinct

is generally applied to actions with something of an undoubted mental

basis. I do not necessarily wish it to be inferred that there can be

nothing in plants which may possibly be construed as the germ of

consciousness--nothing psychic, to use a convenient term; but it is

clearly our duty to explain the facts, if possible, without assuming a

psychological resemblance between plants and human beings, lest we go

astray into anthropomorphism or sentimentality, and sin against the law

of parsimony, which forbids us to assume the action of higher causes when

lower will suffice.

The problem is clearly one for treatment by evolutionary method--for

instance, by applying the principle of continuity. {53a} Man is

developed from an ovum, and since man has consciousness it is allowable

to suppose that the speck of protoplasm from which he develops has a

quality which can grow into consciousness, and, by analogy, that other

protoplasmic bodies, for instance those found in plants, have at least

the ghosts of similar qualities. But the principle of continuity may be

used the other way up; it may be argued that if a lump of protoplasm can

perform the essential functions of a living thing, to all appearances

without consciousness, the supposed value of consciousness in Man is an

illusion. This is the doctrine of animal automatism so brilliantly

treated by Huxley. {53b} He is chiefly concerned with the value of

consciousness to an organism--a question into which I cannot enter. What

concerns us now is, that however we use the doctrine of continuity, it

gives support to belief in a psychic element in plants. All I contend

for at the moment is, that there is nothing unscientific in classing

animals and plants together from a psychological standpoint. For this

contention I may quote a well-known psychologist, Dr. James Ward, {53c}

who concludes that mind "is always implicated in life." He remarks, too

(_ibid._ p. 287): "It would be hardly going too far to say that

Aristotle's conception of a plant-soul . . . is tenable even to-day, at

least as tenable as any such notion can be at a time when souls are out

of fashion."

This is a path of inquiry I am quite incapable of pursuing. It would be

safer for me to rest contented with asserting that plants are vegetable

automata, as some philosophers are content to make an automaton of Man.

But I am not satisfied with this resting-place. And I hope that other

biologists will not be satisfied with a point of view in which

consciousness is no more than a bye-product of automatic action, and that

they will in time gain a definite conception of the value of

consciousness in the economy of living organisms. Nor can I doubt that

the facts discussed in these pages must contribute to the foundation of

this wider psychological outlook.

IV

A LANE IN THE COTSWOLDS

Early in May I walked up from the valley to the extreme rim of the

Cotswolds, just above our house. The lower country is all pasture, where

we can wander at will, and delight in the many beautiful trees: the fresh

green elms, the vernal yellow of the oak (which lingers in varying

degrees behind some of its companions, but does not deserve Tolstoy's

epithet 'maussade'), and the grey anatomy of the timid ash, whose black

buds are still getting up their courage. We do not owe the trees in the

meadows to landowners with a taste for natural beauty, but to the cattle

that must have shade.

The buttercups are beginning their golden show, and there is not much

else to decorate the fields, except daisies and the cheerful dandelions.

These last are still growing obliquely, and not yet staring boldly up at

the sky, as in later life. There is also an occasional patch of

bugle--sturdy little blue sentinels, and a few purple orchids. In the

upper meadows where the wind is cold the daisies bend their stalk and lay

their heads on the ground (as they do at night), and their little noses

look red like poor Marian's in Shakespeare's winter song. In the daisy

it is the pink-tipped petals {56} huddling together that make this chilly

symbol a contrast to the happy star that sunshine shows.

Near the top of the hill is a bare pasture covered with cowslips, all

pointing their pretty heads one way. At first it seemed that they were

simply yielding to the fresh wind, but on picking them it was made clear

that they bent their stalks wilfully, not on compulsion. On the whole it

seemed that they were nodding towards the brighter light, but I could not

perceive that the quarter to which they turned had any advantage in

luminosity.

Close to the top of the hill is a little wood of nut-trees, and I looked

down into it over the hedge with a shock of pleasure at the chequer-work

of white and blue, a conspiracy of wild garlick and blue-bells. In this

land I have not seen the blue haze covering acres of cleared woodland

such as we have in Kent. But this colour-dance of the two plants is

beautiful in its own way. Now we have reached the rim of the valley, and

look over into a new country, with many red patches of ploughed land, and

sheep in the treeless fields instead of cattle. Here the skylark sings,

who is something of a stranger to us dwellers in the valley. The same is

true of the yellow-hammer, whose hot and dusty voice is less familiar

there. To one inland bred the seagulls feeding in the ploughed lands are

a delight. They seem an echo from the salt sea, or a variation (in a

musical sense) on the far away silver strip which is the Severn shining

down to the Bristol Channel.

We now come to a little wandering road, called for reasons unknown to me

Seven Leases Lane, and after a time end our wanderings at a point whence

we can look down on misty Gloucester and its cathedral; and this is a

historic spot if the rumour is to be trusted, that from here King Charles

watched the siege. The lane is pleasant with its plashed hedges beset

with traveller's joy (clematis) and bryony. Clematis likes to climb up

trees, but it seems quite happy ramping over the hedges. It is now in

its freshest youth, and the careless way in which the young stems toss

themselves hither and thither gives an impression of endless living

things dancing with complete abandon on the hedge as on an airy floor.

The traveller's joy climbs by seizing hold of the branches of plants more

solid than itself. It grips them with its leaf-stalks, which serve as

tendrils and support the weakling stem aloft in the clear air. But as

yet they have hardly begun to fix themselves; though some I saw which had

caught each other, giving themselves a gay aspect by seeming to dance

hand in hand.

The white bryony is there also, and its tendrils have fastened on to the

hazel, beech and dog-wood, which make up the mass of the hedge. Their

tendrils are but delicate ropes, and when they have seized a twig they

would break away in the first fresh breeze. But this is prevented by the

fact that the tendrils contract into spiral springs, and by the

give-and-take of its elastic coils the cable becomes almost unbreakable

and the ship rides out the stiffest gale. {58a}

Two other types of climbing plants are common in our lane, which have

neither the grasping leafstalks of clematis nor the delicate tendrils of

white bryony. Black bryony is a twining plant, and can travel spirally

up the hazel stems, just as a hop ascends its pole. But here in our lane

there is but little to climb up, and its livid pink stems, often twisted

with one or more brother-strands, lie along the hedge or sway in the air

like discontented snakes. Just now they hardly show any leaves, but

later in the spring they will have finely polished ones, and later still

bunches of red berries, which do not seem to be popular with birds, and

hang on their branches till winter comes. Another type of climber which

shows itself early is the goose-grass. {58b} This is a humble personage,

probably looked down on by the superior climbers above described, as able

neither to swarm spirally nor to ascend by the aid of tendrils or other

gripping apparatus. The goose-grass depends on the possession of

delicate little hooks covering stem and leaves. These can be perceived

by stroking the plant from the base upwards, but not in the other

direction. The hooks being directed downwards do not hinder the upward

push of the growing plant, but they prevent it from slipping downwards.

If one disentangles a goose-grass from its position it will fall weakly

over and lie along the ground. In its simple way it gains the object

aspired to by all climbers, namely the possession of a satisfactory

position in the world without going to the expense of building a stem

stiff enough to stand alone. To children goose-grass is valuable as the

ideal material for the making of sham birds' nests, since the hooked

prickles hold the stems in position and make the art of nest-building a

singularly easy one.

The great revolution that breaks out in the spring, when the store-houses

of the plant pour nutriment into the numberless awakening buds is a

miracle annually repeated in the endless procession of life. We know

something of the mechanism by which mobilisation is effected. We know

for instance that the starch-grains guarded by the dormant plant during

the idle days of winter are liquified, or rather, that the starch is

converted into sugar, and being soluble in water can flow from the

magazines of the plant to where growth, implying the creation of millions

of newly born cells, demands material. We are gradually learning to

understand something of that seething cauldron of life which we can dimly

watch in living things. The ferment diastase is one of the tools with

which plants perform their miracles of chemical activity. This diastase

and its brother-ferments have qualities resembling those of living

creatures. They may, like seeds, be dried and kept in a bottle until

they are awakened by giving them water. Perhaps this is talking in a

circle, and that ferments only resemble living things because organisms

contain so many of these mysterious bodies. I like to fancy that there

is something more than this, and that a ferment is an automaton which the

plant compels to labour for it--a Frankenstein monster having semi-living

qualities, being no more than a parody of life. But I am getting beyond

the questions that are in tune with a spring day.

V

JANE AUSTEN

The most obvious characteristic of English country life as described by

Jane Austen, is a quietness such as even the elder generation now living

have not experienced. A quietness which many would call dull and some

few peaceful. It is, indeed, hard to believe that life was once so

placid, so stay-at-home, so domestic, so devoid, not merely of

excitement, but of any change whatever.

The life of Emma Woodhouse (to take a single instance) has all the

characteristics of this deep repose. At Hartfield there was certainly no

changing "from the blue chamber to the green," a revolution which would

have made Mr. Woodhouse seriously unwell.

Emma never seems to leave home, she had not seen the sea, nor indeed had

she (before a memorable occasion) explored Box Hill, a few miles away,

although her father kept a carriage and a pair of horses. Nor is there

any evidence of her going to London, a distance of sixteen miles. She

did not engage in good works; there were no committees or meetings except

those held at the 'Crown' at which Mr. Knightly and Mrs. Elton's _cara

sposo_ were the leaders, and where no ladies were admitted.

In comparison with the hurried unsheltered life of the modern girl, Emma

seems a princess shut in a tower of brass or an enchanted garden. And

although in the course of the story she escapes this particular tower, it

is only to fall into the castle of Mr. Knightly, who (with his squire

William Larkins) plays the part of knight errant.

And Emma was not dull, but full of happy animation, and her quiet life

encouraged the growth of an educated, or at least a cultivated, condition

which re-appears in the other novels. This placid life is all the more

striking in contrast to the great contemporary struggle of the Napoleonic

wars, hardly a sound of which reaches Miss Austen's readers, although in

_Persuasion_ we do hear something of Captain Wentworth's prize money.

George Eliot knew the flavour of this quietude, and reproduces it in the

introduction to _Felix Holt_. But even in these pre-reform days the

quiet is beginning to be broken; the stage-coachman is beginning to dread

the railway train, and looks on Mr. Huskisson's death as a proof of God's

anger against Stephenson. Again, in _Middlemarch_ we see the country

stirring in its sleep, and poor Dorothea suffering in the process of

awakening. There is nothing of this in Miss Austen; it is true that the

Miss Bennets sometimes experienced the blankness of female existence, but

they could imagine nothing blanker than the departure of the militia from

Meryton.

Jane Austen's books have something of the quiet atmosphere of Cowper's

_Letters_. Mr. Austen Leigh in his _Memoir_ speaks of her love for the

writings of Cowper and of Crabbe (the latter indeed she proposed to

herself to marry). We know that Marianne Dashwood (that type of

sensibility) was very far from finding Cowper too quiet. For when Edward

Ferrars failed to read him aloud with spirit, Marianne remarks, "Nay,

mamma, if he is not to be animated by Cowper!"

Bagehot {63a} in his article on the _Letters of Cowper_ unconsciously

describes the life at Hartfield or Mansfield Park. Of Cowper he writes:

"Detail was his forte and quietness his element. Accordingly his

delicate humour plays over perhaps a million letters mostly descriptive

of events which no one else would have thought worth narrating, and yet

which, when narrated, show to us, and will show to persons to whom it

will be yet more strange, the familiar, placid, easy, ruminating,

provincial existence of our great grandfathers."

The domestic and intimate parts of life are the most lastingly happy, and

thus it is that an imaginary existence, which in some moods seems to be

unbearably humdrum, harmonises with the best parts of our own life. The

quiet winds that blow through Miss Austen's imagined land cannot turn

windmills or overset tall trees, but they can set going those tunelike

chains of simple experiences written on our memories by the quiet and

happy parts of life.

Imaginative writing is often compared to painting, and Miss Austen has

spoken {63b} of "the little bit (two inches wide) of ivory on which I

work with so fine a brush, as produces little effect after much labour."

But this gives a false impression, suggesting a niggling character from

which her work is free. What strikes one is rather how much she conveys

by touches which seem trifling until we realise the triumph of the

result. The effect is not a miniature, as the author suspects, but

something essentially broad in spite of its detail, like a picture by Jan

Steen.

To discuss why Jane Austen's humour is admirable, or how she reaches such

perfection in the drawing of character, seems to me as hopeless as to ask

by what means Bach or Beethoven wrote such divinely beautiful tunes. Her

powers are rendered even more admirable by the fact {64a} that she did

not draw portraits, so that no one could say _A_ is Mr. Collins and _B_

is Mrs. Palmer.

I think it is true, but not easily explained, that the simplest people in

her books give us most pleasure. Why is Admiral Croft so delightful, and

why do we read again and again the speech about his wife, who suffered

from sharing the exercise prescribed for her husband's gout? "She, poor

soul, is tied by the leg with a blister on one of her heels as big as a

three-shilling piece." Why do we delight in Mr. Woodhouse's

perambulation among his guests, and his words to Jane Fairfax, "My dear,

did you change your stockings?" In this respect we have advanced beyond

the _Quarterly_ reviewer of 1815, {64b} who says: "The faults of these

works arise from the minute detail which the author's plan comprehends.

Characters of folly or simplicity, such as those of old Woodhouse and

Miss Bates, are ridiculous when first presented, but if too often brought

forward, or too long dwelt on, their prosing is apt to become as tiresome

in fiction as in real society." If ever a reviewer "damned himself to

everlasting fame," surely this writer did so; but, indeed, we need not

have quoted so much, since (in the words of Corporal Trim) "he is damned

already" for leaving out the 'Mr.' before the name Woodhouse.

But six years later (1821) another _Quarterly_ reviewer (said to be

Archbishop Whately) reversed the above unfortunate judgment by singling

out the drawing of Miss Austen's fools as shining examples of her skill.

Jane Austen must surely be the most re-read author of the last hundred

years. Lord Holland is said to have read her books when he had the gout,

and in that case he must have experienced what smaller people have

suffered during less picturesque complaints, viz., from not being able to

determine which of her books they have most nearly forgotten. In this

frame of mind one longs for a new Miss Austen more than for a new

symphony of Beethoven, or a play of Shakespeare, and much more than for

the lost books of Livy, which, indeed, I, for one, do not desire at all.

The power of endlessly re-reading the novels of Miss Austen is the only

advantage conferred by a bad memory. I do not imagine that Macaulay,

greatly as he admired her, could have endured to read her as often as I

have. Nor am I willing to allow that this is intellectual idleness, for

her works like those of Nature, always yield something new to the

faithful student.

And she, like Nature, has the power of creating in her devotees a minute

interest which I rarely experience in other writers. It does not seem to

Austenites a foolish thing to inquire what was Mr. Woodhouse's Christian

name, a problem only soluble by remembering that he thought it "very

pretty" of poor Isabella to call her eldest little boy Henry, and by

implication proving that the child, who should have been christened John

after his father, was named after his grandfather. And I am proud to

remember that when the problem of Mr. Woodhouse's name was propounded to

my mother, she solved it at once, and as though it were a question too

simple to be asked. Nor does it seem to us trivial that the word given

by Frank Churchill to Jane during the "word-game" at Hartfield was

'Pardon.' This was traditionally known in the author's family, indeed

Mr. Austen Leigh {66} says that she was always ready to reveal such

valuable facts as that Mrs. Norris' "considerable sum" given as a present

to William in _Mansfield Park_ was one pound; that Miss Steele never

caught the Doctor, and that Mary Bennet married an unfortunate clerk of

her uncle Philip's. These revelations lend an air of history to her

romance, they give the exciting quality of treasure-trove to the secrets

she shares with us. "And here," as children's books say, "a very pretty

game may be played by each child saying" what question he would put to

the ghost of Jane Austen. For myself I believe I should ask, "Would

Fanny Price really have married Crawford if he had not eloped with Miss

Bertram?" If in the words of Captain Price there had not been "the devil

to pay" in Wimpole Street. Then, too, I should have liked some eugenic

information about Elizabeth's (Mrs. Darcy's) children. Because if there

was reversion to the type of Lydia it would have been serious. One can

fancy Elizabeth retorting that if he said another word about the Lydia

type she would pray for an infant possessing all the qualities of Lady

Catherine de Burgh, a gift well within the powers of the gods who rule

heredity.

I doubt whether Jane Austen consciously painted the results of heredity;

rather, I suppose that her memory working instinctively, made, for

instance, the Bennet family consist of types recalling the father or

mother. She could hardly have known of the questionable theory that the

eldest child is commonly inferior to the second, and nevertheless she

makes Jane Bennet inferior in capacity to Elizabeth, although so greatly

superior to the younger children of Mrs. Bennet's type.

There are other cases of heredity among her characters; for instance, in

_Persuasion_, the snobbery and selfishness of Miss Elliott clearly

reproduces her father, while Anne, as we know from Lady Russell, was a

true child of her mother. I like to fancy that the querulousness and

weakness of Mary (Mrs. Charles) was a perverted gentleness coming from

her mother, while her vulgarity came from Sir Walter. Then again, Emma

had none of Mr. Woodhouse's qualities, and we must suppose her to be a

repetition of her mother. Unless, indeed, her general kindliness came

from her father, and possibly also the stupidity which wrecked her

matrimonial agency. We must, I think, believe that Mrs. Woodhouse had

been a managing woman, who probably insisted on Mr. Woodhouse marrying

her; thus her instinct for matrimonial scheming was confined (we may

fancy) to her own interests. It is too fanciful to suggest that Mrs.

Woodhouse had a tinge of hardness in her which came out in Emma's

celebrated rudeness to Miss Bates. At any rate, it is certain that it

was not a heritage from her father. I knew a lady who could never

forgive this slip of poor Emma. And the vividness of this feeling was

not a symptom of that want of literary sense which makes the gallery hiss

the villain on the stage, but must be taken as a proof of the vitality of

the character. Isabella Woodhouse is obviously of her father's type,

with hardly a mental feature to remind us of Emma.

In the Bertram family the inheritance is not very clear; the Miss

Bertrams seem to show the hard narrowness of Mrs. Norris, and none of the

sheep-like good nature and futility of Lady Bertram. I suspect that in

Mrs. Norris, hardness and business tendency were an inheritance from her

uncle, the Huntingdon solicitor, for we know that he made the harsh and

commercial statement that his niece was at least 3000 pounds short of any

equitable claim to the hand of Sir Thomas. We do not know anything of

the parents of Lady Bertram, but we may suspect that her Ladyship

inherited from her mother the soft and cushiony character of which she is

a great example. Mrs. Price, with her small income and large family, was

unfortunately of the same easy and futile temper. Edward Bertram is

obviously his father the Baronet over again, with all his kindness and

extreme respectability, while what will ultimately grow into Sir Thomas'

pomposity is like the delicate tissues of the sucking pig in Charles

Lamb's essay, not to be described by the gross terms applicable to the

adult, "Oh, call it not fat! but an indefinable sweetness growing up to

it," etc. The elder brother, Tom, who began life as a cheerful,

irresponsible person, falls under the family curse in consequence of a

mysterious fever, so that he doubtless inherited the fatal tendency from

Sir Thomas, together with a certain insouciance and want of heart, which

one can imagine to be forms of Lady Bertram's emptiness and Mrs. Norris's

hardness.

This is a subject on which a Mendelian inquirer might endlessly

speculate, but the characters in fiction being even less susceptible to

experiment than our living friends and acquaintance, the interest of the

matter is soon exhausted.

It is to be regretted that Miss Austen did not allow the characters of

one novel to appear in the next. It is true that this would have upset

plots in an absurd way, but I should like to know what would have

happened if, when Henry Tilney had made up his mind that he was in love

with Catherine, Elizabeth Bennet had appeared? He would surely have

repented of his entanglement with Catherine. There is, however, this to

be said, that I strongly suspect Elizabeth of being his first cousin.

She is so like him that she might have failed to please him, or he may

have known her from a little girl and looked on her as a sister. Or the

marriages of cousins may have been as impossible among the Tilneys as in

the Royal Family of Crim Tartary, where Bulbo's beautiful Circassian

cousin simply had to be allowed to die of love for him.

There are many possibilities in the combination of characters now

separated by inexorable paper and ink. One can imagine a meeting at Bath

between General Tilney and Sir Walter Elliott; they would clearly

sympathise, and unless the General has injured his complexion by

incautious zeal on active service, which seems unlikely, Sir Walter would

have had "no objection to being seen with him anywhere"; he might even

have walked arm-in-arm with him as he did with Colonel Wallis, who "was a

fine military figure, though sandy haired." Again, Mr. Collins would

have been charmed with Mr. Dashwood in _Sense and Sensibility_, for

although the two characters are not quite similarly compounded of

snobbery and folly, yet there is a common substratum of meanness that

must have served as a bond.

It would be interesting to treat the whole of Miss Austen's characters as

the flora of a given land is dealt with, to divide them into genera and

species, and to provide an analytical key. Take, for instance, the young

men: these would correspond to a Natural Order, say the Ranunculaceae,

and may be divided, as the following table shows, into two groups,

Attractive and Unattractive, and these are subdivided again into four

groups which correspond to genera. No. 1, which we should call

Brandonia, possesses the three species _Brandonia brandoni_, _ferrarsi_,

and _bertrami_, and so on with the rest.

[Picture: Table of characters]

Brandon, Dashwood, Ferrars, R. Ferrars, Willoughby are in _Sense and

Sensibility_; E. Bertram, Crawford, Rushworth in _Mansfield Park_; Mr.

Collins, Darcy, Wickham in _Pride and Prejudice_; Tilney and Thorpe in

_Northanger Abbey_; Mr. Elton, F. Churchill and Knightley in _Emma_;

Wentworth and Mr. Elliot in _Persuasion_.

Then of course we should need descriptions to distinguish the species,

thus in genus (ii) Darcy would be known by pride, Knightley by calm

sense, Tilney by light-hearted cheerfulness, while Wentworth would be

easily recognised by his sub-dull character. Naturalists would dispute

whether Mr. Elton should be in the same genus as Wickham, or in the quite

distinct genus (iv); or again, whether F. Churchill should not be placed

with Darcy and Knightley. In the same way Captain Wentworth might

perhaps be placed in the dull group with Brandon, Edward Ferrars and

Edward Bertram.

I have not attempted to include in the system all the young men who occur

in the novels. I leave the completion to those who can devote a

life-time to the subject, and who are possessed of the necessary

discrimination and patience to marshall and arrange the whole flora of

Miss Austen's world.

In connexion with this subject I have found it interesting to read for

the first time quite recently Miss Austen's unfinished novels, _Lady

Susan_ and _The Watsons_. It is easy to classify some of the

characters--thus Mrs. Robert Watson is obviously Mrs. Elton, as, indeed,

Mr. Austen Leigh points out in his _Memoir_.

In the following scene the character addressed as Jane is Mrs. Robert

Watson, who has come to stay at the house of Mr. Watson, her

father-in-law. Elizabeth is the eldest of the Watson girls, and keeps

house for her father. "I hope you will find things tolerably

comfortable, Jane," said Elizabeth, as she opened the door of the spare

bed-chamber. {73}

"My good creature," replied Jane, "use no ceremony with me, I entreat

you. I am one of those who always take things as they find them. I hope

I can put up with a small apartment for two or three nights without

making a piece of work. I always wish to be treated quite _en famille_

when I come to see you. And now I do hope you have not been getting a

great dinner for us. Remember we never eat suppers." And then: "Mrs.

Robert, exactly as smart as she had been at her own party, came in with

apologies for her dress. 'I would not make you wait,' said she, 'so I

put on the first thing I met with. I am afraid I am a sad figure. My

dear Mr. W. (addressing her husband) you have not put any fresh powder in

your hair.'"

This is certainly Mrs. Elton's double, and the resemblance extends to

calling her husband Mr. W. It gives one a certain shock of surprise to

find an old friend masquerading as a new acquaintance, nor is she the

only example in the book. I think the following speech of Mr. Tom

Musgrave will recall a well-known character.

"Oh, me," said Tom, "whatever you decide on will be a favourite with me.

I have had some pleasant hours at 'speculation' in my time, but I have

not been in the way of it for a long while. 'Vingt-un' is the game at

Osborne Castle. {74a} I have played nothing but 'Vingt-un' of late. You

would be astonished to hear the noise we make there--the fine old lofty

drawing-room rings again. Lady Osborne sometimes declares she cannot

hear herself speak. Lord Osborne enjoys it famously, and he makes the

best dealer without exception that I ever beheld--such quickness and

spirit, he lets nobody dream over their cards. I wish you could see him

over-draw himself on both his own cards. It is worth anything in the

world!"

We may surely recognise the folly and underbred parade of Mr. John Thorpe

in Mr. Tom Musgrave's speech. Again, Tom Musgrave plagues Emma just as

Thorpe persecuted Catherine by an ill-timed invitation to a _tete-a-tete_

curricle drive.

The heroine, Emma Watson, has no resemblance to Emma Woodhouse. In

situation she may be compared to Fanny Price, for she has been brought up

by a refined aunt, and is suddenly plunged into the very different

manners and surroundings of her pushing jealous sisters; but in character

she seems to me to have none of the charm which has given Fanny Price

such various admirers as the Rev. Sydney Smith and Mr. F. W. H. Myers.

{74b} It is perhaps characteristic of her creator's truth, that her

heroine who is made known to us just as she arrives at her new home in

uncomfortable surroundings and among unknown sisters, should be reserved

and a little prim, and that we should be made to feel that this was not

her complete character. Possibly she would have developed into a Fanny

Price with a strong touch of Eleanor Dashwood, but this is a barren

speculation.

Another unfinished novel was begun in January, 1817, and twelve chapters

were written by the middle of March. Miss Austen died on July 18 of that

same year. This unnamed novel, to judge by extracts published in the

_Memoir_ (p. 181), promised to contain at least one admirable character

in the person of Lady Denham, who seems an ill-natured and grasping Mrs.

Jennings (if that is not a contradiction in terms), with a strong flavour

of Lady Catherine de Burgh.

Miss Austen's works are not only to be studied from the point of view of

genetics, nor merely by a naturalist whose desire is to classify without

inquiry as to the origin of his species; they also supply material for

the geographer. I do not know who first identified the Highbury of

_Emma_ with Cobham, as being seven miles from Boxhill and 18 from London

("sixteen miles, nay 18, it must be full 18 to Manchester Street"). The

identification is confirmed by a slip on the part of the authoress, who,

in a single passage, printed Cobham in place of Highbury. By this method

of mensuration my friend the Master of Downing has shown Kellynch Hall in

_Persuasion_ to be near Buckland St. Mary, and Mansfield Park to coincide

roughly with Easton, near Huntingdon.

The geography of Lyme Regis is of interest.

The party from Upper Cross drove in a leisurely way to Lyme, and the

afternoon was well advanced as they descended the steep hill into the

village. The hill is doubtless much as it was, and nearly at the bottom

are the two hotels mentioned; it is, honestly speaking, impossible to say

at which of the two the Musgroves put up. I am inclined to believe it

was that on the west side, but my reasons, if indeed they exist, are not

worth giving.

The house in which Miss Austen is known to have stayed is probably

Captain Harville's. It is near the Cobb, and presents that air of not

having much room inside, which we gather from the description in

_Mansfield Park_.

But these points are of trifling interest in comparison with the really

important question--where did Louisa's accident occur? There are three

separate flights of steps on the Cobb, and the local photographer, in the

interests of trade, had to fix on one of them as the scene of the jump.

I cannot believe that he is right. These steps are too high and too

threatening for a girl of that period to choose with such a purpose, even

for Louisa, whose determination of character we know to have been one of

her charms. Then, again, this particular flight is not (so far as I

could make out) in the New Cobb, which is where the accident is described

as occurring. It is true that at first sight it hardly looks dangerous

enough to bring about the sight which delighted the fishermen of Lyme,

namely, a "dead young lady," or rather two, for the sensitive Mary

contributed to the situation by fainting. I am, however, confirmed in my

belief by what happened to myself, when I went to view the classic spot.

I quite suddenly and inexplicably fell down. The same thing happened to

a friend on the same spot, and we concluded that in the surprisingly

slippery character of the surface lies the explanation of the accident.

It had never seemed comprehensible that an active and capable man should

miss so easy a catch as that provided by Louisa. But if Captain

Wentworth slipped and fell as she jumped, she would come down with him.

I am told that when Tennyson visited Lyme he repelled the proposals of

his friends, who wished him to see something of the beauties of the

place, and insisted on going straight to the flight of steps. This is an

attractive trait in Tennyson's character, but it may not have been

pleasing to his hosts.

VI.

THE EDUCATION OF A MAN OF SCIENCE

An Address to the Association of University

Women Teachers, January 13, 1911

In the following pages I propose to give my own experience of education,

that is to say, not of educating others, but of being educated. It seems

to me that the education of one's youth becomes clear to one in middle

life and old age; and that what one sees in this retrospect may be worth

some rough record and some sort of criticism. One may, of course, be

mistaken about what was bad and what was good in one's training. But the

experience of the pupil is, at the least, one aspect of the question.

And I think that the memories of how we were taught is something much

more definite and vivid, something that can be more easily made

interesting to one's readers, than the generalised experience gained as a

teacher.

Any record of education which extends fifty years back has a certain

value, and my experience may serve as a stepping-stone to that of my

father, of which we fortunately have an account in his own words, and

these take us back to a period more than one hundred years ago.

Those of us who are inclined to despair over education as an inherent

misfortune of youth, may be encouraged by this putting down of

milestones, and may almost believe that we have moved in the right

direction. Whereas, to those optimists who are cheerfully and

unhesitatingly educating their allotted prey of children, it may be as

salutary, as a cautionary story, to realise that the same optimism ruled

one hundred years ago, when the Eton latin grammar was a symbol to

innumerable complacent schoolmasters of what was best in the best of all

possible worlds. But the chief part of what I have to say is

autobiographical, and I have only an occasional remark to make on the

progress and improvement that have occurred in education.

My ignorance of educational methods may probably lead me to repeat what

is well known; because what seems to me bad in my training has doubtless

been recognised as such by modern teachers, nor can I hope to have

anything very new to say about what seems to me to have been good.

As children, we, my brothers and sisters, were treated by our parents in

a way the very reverse of the pitiless 18th and early 19th century

manner--the spirit of those surprising stories such as the _Purple Jar_,

where the child is deceived by her abominable parent. In fact, a chief

characteristic of our parents' treatment of us was their respect for our

liberty and our personality. We were made to feel that we were

"creatures whose opinions and thoughts were valuable to them."

The happy relations with our elders which we enjoyed in the holidays to

some extent counteracted the evil effects of going to school. The worst

of a boarding-school is that it is a republic of children, where the

citizens are saturated in the traditions and conventions peculiar to

themselves, and are, for more than half their lives, deprived of the

saner ideals of grown-up people. Before we went to school we were taught

by governesses. I cannot help wishing that we had had foreign teachers

who would have taught us to speak their language--a thing that can be

done so easily in childhood. I have never got over the want of fluent

French and German, and I resent the fact that I should be condemned to

feel like a child or a boor in the presence of foreigners. We are taught

Latin and Greek because, as we are assured, they introduce us to the

finest literature in the world. To most boys they do nothing of the

kind, and are an intolerable burden. French and German taught by the

oral methods really do introduce us to whole nations of minds that are

otherwise cut off from us; and not merely minds mirrored in books, but

more especially those of human beings as given in speech.

This is all very familiar, I only mention it because it is a special case

of a wider question, namely: How much can be safely poured into a

receptive child which he will be thankful for as he gets older? I mean,

rather: What is the proportion that ought to be maintained between

learning to reason, _e.g._, Euclid; exercising the attentive faculties,

_e.g._, in plodding through a Latin book with a dictionary; and the more

or less mechanical acquirement, as in learning by heart? Why was I not

taught addition by memorising tables as in the case of multiplication?

It could have been built into the structure of my mind equally well, and

would have saved much misery. It is, of course, essential that what is

learned should be true. I have heard a credibly attested story of a

dame-school at the beginning of last century, where class and teacher

were heard chanting together: Twice 1 is 2, twice 2 is 3, twice 3 is 4,

etc.

I certainly believe in learning by heart, and I am grateful for having

learned many dates at school; most of them are forgotten, but enough to

be of some use are retained. The worst of it is that I am as likely to

know the date of the Flood as that of the Fire of London, and of the

battle of Arbela as that of Worcester.

I am also grateful for having been made to learn Shakespeare by heart,

although we had to do it before breakfast. I do not imagine that I now

remember any of it, but it gave me some idea of the beauty of literature,

which I hardly gained at all from the classics. It also started me

reading Shakespeare out of school. I believe this is the easiest way of

supplying some modicum of literature to a boy who cannot get it out of

Latin and Greek. And a kind of Cowper-Temple Shakespeare, without note

or comment, is more effective than regular so-called literary lessons,

and the worrying of boys about the metre or the difference between a hawk

and a handsaw. A boy does not want to understand everything, and he

likes to get his poetry in a book which looks as if it were meant for

reading, not for cramming or for holiday tasks.

Personally, I also resent that I was not taught at school to read music

by the sol-fa system, which is another of the things that can be poured

into most children not only easily but with pleasure to themselves. I

have been assured by a learned musician, that in the 17th century reading

music was as much a sign of culture as reading a book. There was

recently an excellent letter in the _Times_ {82} on public school music,

pleading that boys should be allowed to drop, let us say greek iambics,

and devote the time to serious musical study. The writer describes how

at a certain school a good professional orchestra gives a concert once in

each term, for which the boys are prepared by having the themes of the

movements, _e.g._ of a Beethoven symphony, played over to them on the

piano and expounded. He describes how an athletic boy, a member of the

football team, declared, when the concert was over, that there was

nothing to live for during the rest of the half, apparently not even

football. No wonder that the writer of this letter should respectfully

deride a former Head Master of Eton for his approval of choral singing,

on account of its "moral and political value."

I have always felt that the best teaching I received was in two practical

matters, viz., how to play the flute, and how to use a microscope. It

may be said that these were subjects in which I took a natural and

spontaneous interest, and were therefore easily taught. This is no doubt

partly true, but I do not think it depended on any special attraction for

music or microscopy, but on something wider--on the novelty of being

taught to do something physical, something with one's hands and ears and

eyes. I am sure boys ought to have more practical teaching--not

necessarily in science, but such things as mild carpentering, the tying

of knots, and such exercise in rough weighing and measuring as would form

a basis for a little elementary physics. The same is true of girls, and

in one way they need handiwork more than boys. I found, in my Cambridge

class of practical plant-physiology, that the girls had not such 'deft

fingers' as their brothers; I believe the difference is largely due to

the boys having played with string and knives, etc., for many idle hours.

Both boys and girls must be taught to use, not only their hands, but

their eyes. It seems to me piteous that when I was at school there was

absolutely nothing done to keep alive the natural sharp-eyedness of

children. I remember vividly the intense pleasure which my father gave

me (a very small boy) by showing surprise at my knowledge of common trees

and shrubs in a winter coppice. I am sure that school did much to kill

the power of observation in me.

It may be that observation is an essentially transitory quality, a

fleeting ancestral reminiscence, a trail of glory, like other savage

traits in children. But more than now survives might be preserved to us

by training at school. It ought not to be possible for a boy to come up

to a University so blind and helpless as to describe a wall-flower (which

has six obvious stamens arranged in a striking pattern) as having "about

five stamens." Yet this I experienced in an examination of medical

students. Describing an object placed before him is excellent training

in observation for a boy. And the capacity of describing an object by

memory should also be cultivated. Remember what Dr. Noel says in

Stevenson's story of the Saratoga Trunk, and how we may fail in a

question of life and death because we cannot describe the mysterious

stranger who dogs our footsteps.

To return for a moment to the description of an object. It not only

practises the power of observation, but is also excellent exercise in

writing English, far better as it seems to me than the usual essay on the

usual subjects. In describing a given object the pupil has not to seek

for material--it is there before him. He need not recall his feelings

during a country walk, or the way he spent his time in the Christmas

holidays, or vainly search for facts on the character of Oliver Cromwell.

He can concentrate on arrangement, on directness and clearness. My

experience of the essays set to candidates in the Natural Science Tripos

was most depressing. A man who could write a good plain answer to an

ordinary examination question becomes ornate and tiresome when he is told

to write an essay. Such candidates have clearly never heard the

admirable statement by Canon Ainger of the style expected in writers in

the Dictionary of Natural Biography, "No flowers by request." Nor can

they have known that other bit of advice, "You have no idea what strength

it gives to your style to leave out every other word." I have heard

suggested another method of checking the natural diffuseness of the

youthful essayist, namely, to make him confine himself to a definite

number of words, I have even heard an essay on a post card recommended.

For myself, I believe the best exercise in English I ever had was the

correction of my father's proof-sheets. What I found so educational was

the necessity of having to explain clearly and exactly why I objected to

a given sentence, since I naturally could not baldly express my

disapproval. It was not only good training, but as has been well said by

my sister (who also helped in this way), "It was inexpressibly

exhilarating to work for him"--and she continues--referring to the

generous way in which he took our suggestions, "I think I felt the

singular modesty and graciousness of his nature through thus working for

him in a way I should never otherwise have done."

How far every boy ought to be made to do mathematics (beyond simple

arithmetic) I cannot say. I know that I am extremely grateful for the

small amount of mathematics forced into me. I am even thankful for a

very mechanical side of the subject, namely, the use of mathematical

tables in general, and for being compelled to work out innumerable sums

by logarithms, which we had to do in a "neat tabular form" to quote our

precise master's words.

Certainly my opportunities were strikingly better than my father's, who

records that at Shrewsbury School nothing {85} was taught but classics,

ancient history and ancient geography. Euclid, which he liked and felt

to be educational, was taught by a private tutor who had the attractive

characteristic of wearing top boots.

I now pass from general education to the teaching of science. When I

went to Cambridge in 1866, the teaching, as far as the biological

sciences went, was in a somewhat dead condition. Indeed, I hardly think

it had advanced much from the state of things which existed in 1828, when

my father entered Christ's College. Cambridge was a turning point in his

scientific life, chiefly through Professor Henslow's discovery that the

youth, whom his father Dr. R. W. Darwin thought likely to be a mere

sporting man and a disgrace to his family, was really a remarkable

person, possessed by a burning zeal for science. Henslow made a friend

of my father (he was known as the "man who walks with Henslow"), and

recommended him as naturalist to the "Beagle," where he was made into a

man of science.

In my time there were two ways of acquiring knowledge: attending the

lectures of University professors, and going to a _coach_. Lectures, as

my father has said, have "no advantages and many disadvantages . . .

compared with reading." And the same view (or heresy as he confesses it

to be) has been well given by the late Henry Sidgwick in his

_Miscellaneous Essays_ (1904). He holds that a purely expository

lecture, without experiments or specimens, is something very like a

barbarism, an echo of the days before printing was invented. He points

out too how there is every temptation to the teacher not to publish his

lectures. Thus the students who live elsewhere, and therefore cannot

attend his course, "are deprived of useful instruction," and the students

who do attend them have to receive it in an inconvenient form, in order

that the Professor may be enabled to fulfil with _eclat_ the traditional

conception of his function (_op. cit._, p. 347). One set of lectures,

which as a medical student I was compelled to attend, were so dull that I

literally could not listen to them, but I got into a quiet corner and

read Swift's _Journal to Stella_, and for that opportunity I am certainly

grateful.

A course I thoroughly liked was that given by the late Sir George

Humphry, the Professor of Anatomy. He used to sit balancing himself on a

stool, with his great hungry eyes fixed on us, talking in plain direct

terms of anatomy enlivened by physiology. The one point that remains

with me is the way in which he would stop and wonder over the facts he

brought before us: "This is a wonderful thing, one of the most wonderful

things in the world, I know nothing about it--no one knows--you had

better try and find out, some of you"; simple words enough, but they

struck a chord of romance in some of his hearers. I remember another

teacher of anatomy in London who stirred our wonder in quite another way,

for he made us marvel how any man could repeat by heart Gray's book on

Anatomy for an hour, and wonder too, why we should be compelled to

listen.

The private tutors or coaches to whom most Cambridge students of natural

history went were, as far as my experience went, hopelessly bad. My

coach tried to ensure that I knew certain inferior books well enough to

be examined in them, but he never showed me a specimen, and never

attempted to ensure that I should have any sort of first-hand knowledge.

We were also taught by the Curator of the Botanic Garden, a completely

uneducated man, and in all ways as different from the present learned and

cultivated Curator as it is possible to imagine. He, like my other

coach, simply insisted that we should know by heart a very bad text-book,

on which he cross-examined us as we walked round the Botanic Garden. As

far as my recollection goes he never stopped to show us a flower or a

leaf, and we had nobody to help us to a sight of the minute structure of

plants as seen with a microscope, about which, however, we could talk

eloquently from the book.

I sometimes wonder that fire did not descend from heaven and destroy a

University which so sinned against the first elements of knowing, in

neglecting the distinction between what we learn by our own personal

experience and what we acquire from books.

Of course there are some sciences which have their origin in practical

matters, _e.g._, chemistry, which originated partly in alchemy and partly

in what is now the work of the druggist; such a science was fortunate, in

that no one objected to its claim for practical teaching. Nevertheless,

the student of chemistry in my day easily fell into a lamentable dulness

of different coloured precipitates. I should have liked to do something

quantitative, however rough, to get away from the everlasting test-tube,

and to make, for instance, some of the historic experiments with gases.

Human anatomy again was always taught practically, _i.e._, by work in the

dissecting-room. But owing to the manner in which medical students were

examined, the subject failed to have the value it might have had; minute

questions were asked which no amount of dissecting would enable us to

answer. The book had to be learned by heart, and I shudder as I remember

the futile labour entailed. And the examination was so arranged, that

whilst we were "cramming" anatomy we had also to suffer over another

subject, materia medica, which was almost entirely useless, and wearisome

beyond belief. Much of it was about as rational a subject to a physician

as to a surgeon would be a minute knowledge of how his knives were made

and how steel is manufactured. I remember how, after getting through

this double ordeal of cram on drugs and on the structure of the body, I

heard a surgeon say in lecture: "This is one of the very few occasions on

which you must know your anatomy." I recall the anger and contempt I

then felt for the educational authorities, as I remembered the drudgery I

had gone through.

The want of organised practical work in zoology was perhaps a blessing in

disguise. For it led me to struggle with the subject by myself. I used

to get snails and slugs and dissect their dead bodies, comparing my

results with books hunted up in the University Library, and this was a

real bit of education. I remember too that a thoughtful brother sent me

a dead porpoise, which (to the best of my belief) I dissected, to the

horror of the bedmaker, in my College rooms.

Then the late Mr. Clark, superintendent of the Museum of Zoology, and one

of the kindest of men, occasionally gave us beasts to cut up. I shall

never forget my pride of heart when a preparation which I made of a

hedgehog's inside was placed in the Museum.

Just as I was leaving Cambridge in 1869 or '70 there arrived that great

man, Sir Michael Foster, who organised the revolution in which the

futilities of the early 19th century were blown to fragments, and in

their place a sound system of practical instruction was created. Foster

was discovered by Huxley, and it was through him, and thanks to the

patriotism of Trinity College in creating for him the post of Praelector,

that Foster got this great opportunity. The effect of what he did for

English education has been incalculably great. His pupils have gone

forth into all lands, and have spread the art of learning and teaching

wherever they have come to rest.

In thinking over the reformation wrought by Michael Foster I am

somehow--quite inconsistently--reminded of the great scene in _Guy

Mannering_. I see in imagination the cold dark cave at Warroch Head,

where Dirk Hatteraick lurks; he plays the part of False Science in the

Mystery Play, and the cave is the Cave of Inanity. Then comes the great

flare of light, as Meg Merrilees throws the torch on to the heap of flax,

and her cry, "The hour is come and the man!" while Harry Bertram with his

supporters rush in and bind False Science fast. Harry Bertram is, of

course, Michael Foster, and I should say that Dandie Dinmont is Coutts

Trotter. Meg Merrilees is naturally Huxley, who was the magician of the

affair (she is always said to have looked like a man). Here all analogy

breaks down. Meg was killed by False Science, Huxley was not; indeed it

was the other way. Harry Bertram lived happily ever afterwards. Michael

Foster was not so fortunate, and I am ashamed to think that before he

died he was misunderstood and half forgotten in his own University.

I must apologise for this outburst of incoherence; I am afraid it was not

this sort of thing that Tyndall had in mind when he pleaded for the

scientific imagination--that is something much more serious.

Not only does the student of to-day get good practical teaching, but he

has the great advantage of being under professors who are generally

engaged in original work. And if a man can afford the time to stay up

after his degree, he is encouraged and helped to undertake research. If

practical teaching is the foundation, the protoplasm as it were, of

scientific education, I am sure that original work is its soul or spirit.

Whether, like my father in South America, we have the genius to solve big

problems in geology and "can hardly sleep at night for thinking of them,"

or whether, as with us smaller people, the task is some elusive little

point which we triumphantly track to its cause, there is an extraordinary

delight in such work. Professor Seward arranged an admirable imitation

of original research in his advanced class on the anatomy of plants at

Cambridge. He gave out specimens which the students had never seen;

these had to be investigated, and they had to give _viva voce_ accounts

of their discoveries to the rest of the class. I believe this to be a

method worth imitating, and I may say as an encouragement to women

teachers that it was a Newnham student who was especially distinguished

in this mutual instruction class.

When I left Cambridge and became a medical student in London, I had the

luck to work in the laboratory of Dr. Klein, who was then head of the

Brown Institute at Nine Elms. He was fresh from Vienna, with all the

continental traditions in favour of original research. Even in the

ordinary laboratory work I remember how he tried to throw the romance of

practicality over my task. He rushed in one day with a large bread-knife

stained with blood in the most sinister manner, saying that a murder had

occurred in South Lambeth, and it was for me to determine whether or no

the red fluid on the blade was blood!

Later on he set me to work investigating inflammation, and I can still

remember his praise of the harmless little paper I wrote. To my secret

satisfaction he blamed me for the severity of my remarks on a German

Professor who had written on the subject. He told me to strike out my

criticism, though he allowed it to be just. I sighed as an author, but

obeyed as a pupil,--to misquote the words of Gibbon.

Education is often spoken of, and is praised or blamed, as a method of

imparting information to the young. It is obvious that it is far more

than this. It includes the stimulation of tastes, tendencies, or

instincts which are inherent but dormant in the pupil. In my case the

opportunity, so wisely and kindly given by Dr. Klein, of seeing science

in the making--of seeing research from the inside--his giving me the

delight of knowing that I had added a minute fragment to the great raging

flood of publications which marks the progress of knowledge--all this was

a potent factor in my education in the wider sense. That is, it did not

merely teach me certain facts, but woke in me the desire to work at

science for its own sake. My father finally gave me the necessary

opportunity by taking me as his assistant.

No one should ever be able to finish the history of his own education,

because it is co-extensive with his life. In my father's autobiography

written shortly before his death, he attempts to sum up the effect of

this self-education on himself, both as concerns his experimental

research and also in regard to the literary part of his work. An

instance of his modest estimate of his own mental progress, is so

characteristic that I shall venture to quote it. "I think that I have

become a little more skilful in guessing right explanations and in

devising experimental tests; but this may probably be the result of mere

practice, and of a larger store of knowledge. I have as much difficulty

as ever in expressing myself clearly and concisely; and this difficulty

has caused me a very great loss of time; but it has had the compensating

advantage of forcing me to think long and intently about every sentence,

and thus I have been led to see errors in reasoning and in my own

observations or those of others." I repeat that self-education is an

endless task. To some men this is a comforting, to others a depressing,

fact. Samuel Johnson was, I think, saddened by the making of fresh plans

of conduct for each new year. A very different man, though also a

Samuel,--Butler, the author of _Erewhon_, was cheered by the thought that

it was always possible to improve. When I knew him he was working as a

painter in an untidy room in Clifford's Inn, without much furniture

except a piano. He was poor, and therefore, to save models, painted

himself over and over again, the result being a cupboard full of grim

heads, which he called the chamber of horrors. He always believed he

should succeed at last, and the point I am slowly reaching is that he

comforted himself with the belief that John Bellini entirely altered his

style when he was between 60 and 70 years of age. One of the French

aphorism writers, Vauvenargues, has said (as translated by Lord Morley),

"To do great things a man must live as though he had never to die." {94}

I too would recommend the wholesome theory that it is never too late to

learn; it helps to keep one from falling too soon into incurable

fogeydom.

In the lives of big men it is sometimes possible to see how work done for

its own sake may turn out to have had its real value as a piece of

training for something of far greater worth. Thus my father began in

1846 working at a curious Cirripede, _i.e._, a barnacle, which he had

found on his voyage; this led him to examine others, and in the end he

worked seven or eight years at this group of animals.

To his children the habit of working at barnacles seemed a commonplace

human function, like eating or breathing, and it is reported that one of

us being taken into the study of a neighbour, and seeing no dissecting

table or microscope, asked with justifiable suspicion, "Then where does

he do his barnacles?" When I was writing my father's _Life_, I asked Mr.

Huxley his opinion whether this seven or eight years' work had been, in

his judgment, worth the great labour involved. His answer was that no

man is a good judge of the speculative strain which may be put on the raw

materials of science, unless he knows at first hand how this raw material

is acquired, and this knowledge my father gained by his barnacles. The

_Origin of Species_ is the evidence that he did not miscalculate the

strain his facts would bear, for his theory is as strong as ever.

There is one influence, of the greatest importance in regard to

education, with which I have not attempted to deal. I mean the personal

influence of the teacher. This is a part of the pupil's environment

which not even a millionaire can undertake to supply to his pet

University. It is rather a thing to pray for, and to treasure when the

gods send it to us.

There is a magic in the personal effect of a great teacher, which makes

it comparatively unimportant what sort of science he teaches. In him the

How entirely dwarfs the What.

To take an instance. My father's master, Professor Henslow, was of this

type. But some of his advice was extremely bad. Thus he told my father

to read Lyell's _Principles_, but on no account to believe the

theoretical parts of the book. In spite of the warning, my father was at

once converted to the doctrines set forth in the _Principles_, and Lyell

was from that time forward the chief influence of his scientific life.

But his gratitude to Henslow remained fresh and strong to the day of his

death.

The same thing is true of Lyell and his instructors. When he left Oxford

and went down to Scotland geologising, he must have been full of

Buckland's teaching, and ought to have believed that the surface of the

county of Forfar was just as the Flood left it, some few thousand years

ago. But he at once proceeded to discover in Noachian Forfarshire the

most striking evidence of geological change actually in progress. So

that, under the influence of a great catastrophist, Lyell became the

greatest of the uniformitarians, and more than any one man was the

destroyer of the older point of view.

The personal effect of teacher on pupil cannot be bought at a price, nor

can it be paid for in any coin but gratitude. It is the possibility of

earning this payment that makes the best part of a teacher's life.

VII.

THE PIPE AND TABOR

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