CHAPTER III

Guidantonio Count of Urbino--The Ubaldini--Oddantonio Count

of Urbino--Is made Duke--His dissolute habits and speedy

assassination.

Count Guidantonio found himself, on his succession, hampered by debts

incurred in purchasing another ample investiture in vicariate from

Boniface IX., which cost him 12,000 golden florins. But prudence

quickly retrieved these embarrassments, and not only enabled him to

add materially to his territories and influence, but to raise his

house to unprecedented distinction. In 1408, the mountain republic of

Assisi sought protection from his sway; and this was approved by

Gregory XII., to whom he adhered in opposition to the antipope

Benedict XIII.[*37] The disgraceful schisms which at this time

agitated Europe, and convulsed the Church, had their influence upon

the Count of Urbino, who refused to desert Gregory when he and his

rival Benedict were simultaneously deposed by the general council of

Pisa, as a means of restoring union and peace to Christendom.

Ladislaus of Naples, adopting the same policy, appointed the Count his

grand constable, and leader of the war he was carrying on against

John XXII., the _de facto_ pope, by whom he was consequently

excommunicated. Guidantonio, however, made his peace with the Church

in 1413, and was created its gonfaloniere, and vice-general of

Romagna; thereafter he was for some time occupied against Braccio di

Montone, who carried fire and sword into his territories, on his

failing to make good part of the ransom of Carlo Malatesta, for which

he had become security.[*38] This Braccio was a fair specimen of

Italian captains of adventure. His ancestors were among the magnates

of Perugia, which, under the guidance of an oligarchy, had stretched

its sway over much of Umbria, extending almost from sea to sea. "But

man's estate being ever unstable, when its citizens, indolent by

inclination, had thus greatly augmented their dominion and wealth,

their pride swelled with their means. They who had vanquished their

neighbours, waxing savage in their very vitals, set to conquer each

other; hence there arose fierce discords and cruel feuds. Verily the

city of Perugia was in those days most liable to changes, for it was

alternately governed by the nobles, or seized by the mob; in either

case supremacy having been obtained by arms and violence, rather than

by equity and moderation, the victors cruelly massacred or exiled

their opponents." This quaint description, borrowed from Campano, the

biographer of Braccio, was then applicable to almost every city and

township of the Peninsula. It was his hero's fate to be expatriated in

early life by some such convulsion, and nothing was left him but his

good sword, to cut his way therewith as a condottiere, until he

established a despotic authority in his birthplace, and won a high

place in the martial annals of Italy. Even after his death at the Lake

of Celano, his name was during half a century cherished by his

followers as the prestige of victory, and we shall often find the

Braccian bands, under Nicolò Piccinino, opposed to those of his

constant rivals the Sforza.

[Footnote *37: The Chronicle of Gubbio tells us that Cardinal

Maramaldo, legate of the Pope in Umbria, had been promised the

lordship of Assisi for his services, and that at this time he was in

secret treaty with the Perugians to deliver Assisi to them. "Di che

accortisi," says CRISTOFANI (_op. cit._, p. 213), "i cittadini di

Gubbio poco mancò, che non lapidassero il legato. Certo poi egli ebbe

in seguito Assisi e la resse con titolo di vicario della Chiesa.

Difatti in una sentenza registrata in forma pubblica a dì 18 di agosto

1413 in favor del monastero di S. Apollinare contro l'altro di S.

Paolo si legge: _nobilis ac potens comes Riccardus de ... gubernator

Assisii pro illustri ac potenti domino Guidantonio comite montis

feretri Assisii et Umbriæ pro S.R.E. Vicario_" (Archivio di S.

Apollinare in Assisi). The domination of Guidantonio in Assisi is much

better confirmed by a series of letters at various times directed by

him to the public officials of Assisi that are given in the

_Riformagioni_, lib. H, VII. One of these is given dated, 29 July,

1415, from Gubbio, by CRISTOFANI (_op. cit._, p. 214, note 1).]

[Footnote *38: About 1416 the power of Braccio was very great. The

Perugians had lost to him nearly all their fortified places; for this

cause they hired Carlo Malatesta of Rimini, who was at the head of

some 2000 horse and 800 infantry in Assisi; others, too, flocked to

him. Towards the middle of July Carlo and his nephew Galeotto,

half-brother to the famous Sigismondo, fell into the hands of Braccio,

as some say, after the battle of S. Egidio, near Bastia, between

Perugia and Assisi. The ransom was 120,000 ducats. See CRISTOFANI,

_op. cit._, p. 215, and EDWARD HUTTON, _op. cit._, pp. 17-18.]

[Illustration: THE BATTLE OF S. EGIDIO

_After the picture by Paolo Uccello in the National Gallery. Portraits

of Carlo Malatesta and his nephew Galeotto "il Beato"_]

Cardinal Ottone Colonna, formerly bishop of Urbino, having been raised

to the papacy in 1417, by the title of Martin V., Guidantonio lost no

time in rendering him homage by an envoy, whom he next year followed

in person, meeting the Pontiff at Mantua. His well-timed adhesion was

repaid by a life-grant of the dukedom of Spoleto, after which he

returned to defend his frontiers from his turbulent neighbour of

Montone. On his arrival in Italy in 1419, Martin found his states

greatly disorganised, and the temporal sway of the papacy deeply

infringed by many seigneurs and communities, who had made themselves

independent during the secession to Avignon, and in the prolonged

schisms which had succeeded the return of Urban VI. to Rome. None of

these had so much reason to dread the reckoning likely to follow the

re-establishment of Christ's vicars in their ancient capital as the

tyrant of Perugia, who was now at the height of his power. Unable to

frustrate the impediments which Braccio threw in the way of his

progress southward, the Pontiff paused at Florence, which he entered

on the 26th of February; but even there he found a populace in the

interest of his rebellious feudatory, and ever ready to outrage him

with such taunts as "Martin Pope, not worth a plack."[39] Aware of the

hazard of delay, and of the importance of gaining over a spirit so

powerful for good or evil, Martin invited Montone to an interview, and

found means to conciliate him by a compromise, recognising him as

vicar of Perugia, Assisi, Todi, and Jesi, on his surrendering Orvieto,

Terni, Narni, and Orte.[*40] He at the same time engaged his military

services to reduce Bologna, then standing out for the deposed Pope

John XXIII., who, on the fall of that his last stronghold, repaired to

Florence to make submission to the reigning Pontiff, and died there in

the end of that year.[*41] Martin's difficulties being thus overcome,

he was enabled during the autumn to proceed in peace to Rome, and

there to re-establish the metropolis of Christendom.

[Footnote 39:

"Papa Martino

Non val' un quatrino!"]

[Footnote *40: But see L. FUMI, _Guidantonio e la Città di Castello_,

in _Bollettino per l'Umbria_, vol. VI., pp. 377-401.]

[Footnote *41: Cf. L. BONAZZI, _St. di Perugia_ (Perugia, 1875), vol.

II., p. 641.]

The Pope had availed himself of Braccio's visit to Florence to call

thither the Count of Urbino, in order to effect a reconciliation

between these rivals. Guidantonio, on this occasion, had from the

magistracy of that city, as well as from his own over-lord, a highly

honourable welcome, and in March, 1420, received, at the hands of his

Holiness, the Golden Rose, a compliment usually conferred upon

royalty.[*42] Three years later, he found himself widowed by the death

of Rengarda, daughter of Galeotto Malatesta, Lord of Rimini, whom he

had married in 1397, and who left him childless. After an interval, he

strengthened his intimate relations with the Pontiff, by marrying

Caterina, daughter of his brother Lorenzo Colonna, an alliance which

secured him a series of further favours, in addition to a dowry of

5200 florins of gold. The nuptials were celebrated at Rome with great

rejoicings, in the spring of 1424.[*43]

[Footnote *42: The Golden Rose was conferred not infrequently on

others besides royalty. Sigismondo Malatesta had it later.]

[Footnote *43: It was in January.]

The house of Urbino had hereditary feuds of long standing with the

Brancaleoni, a race of Guelphic principles, whose fiefs lay along the

Apennines from Gubbio to Montefeltro, including all Massa Trabaria

and the upper valley of the Metauro. Their recurring contests ended in

a victory, or were compromised by a marriage, from which the former

were usually the gainers. Upon pretences which it is needless amid

conflicting statements to investigate, and assured of the Pontiff's

support, Guidantonio had seized upon Castle Durante and other

fortresses in 1424, and on the death of Bartolomeo Brancaleoni,

leaving only a daughter,[*44] he arranged her marriage with his

natural son Federico, whose fortunes we shall hereafter have to

follow. The large territory thus absolutely or virtually placed under

the Count continued with his posterity so long as the independence of

Urbino was preserved.

[Footnote *44: Her name was Elisabetta.]

To the impression which Guidantonio had made on his visit to Florence

some ten years before he probably owed the baton of captain-general,

sent him in the autumn of 1430 by that republic in their campaign

against Lucca. But there he reaped no laurels. In an engagement fought

in the face of his protestations, he suffered from Nicolò Piccinino a

total discomfiture, and, throwing up the command in disgust, he

returned home early next year. About the same time his prosperity

received a further check in the demise of his steady friend the

Pontiff, who lived to see the schism that had perplexed the Church

during half a century finally healed by the death of all his

competitors for the chair of St. Peter. The triple tiara passed to the

brows of Eugene IV., who visited Martin's undue partiality for his own

family the Colonna, by escheats which they flew to arms to avenge. The

Lord of Urbino, naturally leaning to the party of his wife's

relations, lost the Pontiff's favour; but he gained a well-wisher in

the Emperor Sigismund, who, while returning to Germany from his

coronation at Rome, was magnificently entertained at that court, and

conferred the honour of knighthood upon his host and the young Count

Oddantonio.

The death of Countess Caterina, on the 9th of October, 1438, seems to

have in a great degree broken the fine spirit of her husband, who

immediately retired to pass ten days in devotional exercises at

Loretto, and thenceforward devolved all his military cares upon his

natural son Federigo. His few remaining years were given to pious

works, to which the cathedral of Urbino and the church of San Donato,

both founded in 1439, bear witness; and he is said to have then

habitually worn, under his ordinary dress, the habit of St. Francis,

in which he was interred. His death took place on the 20th of

February, 1442,[*45] and he was buried in San Donato, where his cowled

effigy is still seen on the pavement, his spurs of knighthood hanging

from his sheathed sword-hilt, with a barbarous inscription, which will

be found in the Appendix to our third volume.

[Footnote *45: Guidantonio died on February 21, 1443, according to the

inscription on his tomb; but the Chronicle of Gubbio (BERNI, in

MURATORI, _R.I.S._, tom. XXI., p. 981) gives the date as in the text.

The library at Urbino was begun by him.]

On the demise of this prince, who has been sometimes confused with

Count Guido the elder, "the city of Urbino was," in the simple words

of an old chronicle, "left widowed and desolate." Of his character and

merits, whatever has reached us is favourable. The doggerel verses of

his epitaph celebrate his clemency and justice; his religion was

manifested by the tenor of his latter years, the general respect of

his contemporaries honoured him through life, and he left behind him

an extended frontier and a condensed state. His surviving children

were--

1. ODDANTONIO, his successor, born in 1426.

2. BIANCA, married to Guidantonio or Guidaccio Manfredi,

Lord of Faenza and Imola, who had been brought up at her

father's court.

3. VIOLANTE, who was born in 1430, and at twelve years of

age, married Domenico Malatesta Novello, Lord of Cesena. She

was remarkable alike for talent and beauty; and her husband,

who died childless in 1465, left a fine monument of his

literary tastes, in the public library which remains in that

city.

4. AGNESINA, born in 1431, who in 1445 married Alessandro

Gonzaga, Lord of Castiglione, a younger son of the first

Marquis of Mantua.

5. BRIGIDA SUEVA.[46]

[Footnote 46: Regarding this daughter, who was born in 1428, we have

some curious particulars to offer. After her father's death, she was

carried to Rome, to be educated by her uncles the Colonna. There she

married Alessandro Sforza, Lord of Pesaro, in 1448, an alliance rather

of policy than of affection, and was received in his capital with all

demonstrations of joy by her new subjects. Her husband, fully occupied

with war and business, soon after set off for Lombardy: and in sooth

her charms are described, even by her enthusiastic eulogists, as very

homely, and little adapted to fix the roving tastes of her lord, whose

dissolute and brutal conduct exceeded even the licence of that age.

After patient endurance of his outrages during twelve years, she fled

to the convent of Corpus Domini, of the Franciscan order of Sta.

Chiara, at Pesaro, which she enriched with 7500 ducats out of her

dower. That she did not leave behind all mundane tastes may be

concluded from a curious inventory of paraphernalia which she took

into the cloister, printed by the Abbé Olivieri from the original in

her own hand, and contained in II. of our Appendix.[*B]

But even the sacred precincts of her cloister afforded to the unhappy

Sueva no adequate sanctuary from her cruel husband, who, abandoning

himself to a profligate connection with Pacifica, a fair damsel of

Pesaro, sought by renewed persecutions to extort from his wife an

entire release from his matrimonial tie. Her just complaints procured

the interposition of the Colonna; but these were answered by false

charges against her connubial fidelity, which, overawed by the menaces

of Alessandro, that he would consign the monastery and its inmates to

the flames, she tacitly admitted. Thus cut off from human succour, the

afflicted lady had recourse to the support of religion, and whilst

prostrated before a crucifix, her faith was reassured by the

conviction that the figure upon it had turned towards her with

compassionate words. For such woes the world had no asylum. The

outraged wife became the spouse of Christ, by taking the final vows as

Sister Serafina, and sent back to her oppressor the ring that had been

the token of their ill-starred union. His restored liberty was

immediately used to marry Pacifica, whom his cruelties within two

years consigned to a premature tomb. Finally, repenting of his long

criminal career, he sought forgiveness of Serafina, and richly endowed

the convent, of which she had become abbess. After an age of peace,

such as youth, and the world with its gauds, had failed to afford her,

her body was deposited in the cathedral of Pesaro, where it is revered

as a sacred relic, its spirit having, in 1754, received the honours of

beatification, and been associated with Sta. Michelina and S.

Terenzio, as a protectress of that city. I had the good fortune, in

1843, to discover in the Oliveriana Library there, and to rescue from

neglect, a curious piece of furniture that had belonged to the Corpus

Domini, on which were portraits of the Beata Felice who founded that

monastery, and of the Abbess Serafina. They were executed in

distemper, with much of the feeling of Pinturicchio, and the latter of

them has been rudely but faithfully engraved for Olivieri's _Life of

Alessandro Sforza_.]

[Footnote *B: Cf. FELICIANGELI, _Sulla monacazione di Sueva

Montefeltro-Sforza_ (Pistoia, 1903).]

Count Guidantonio also left two natural children:

1. FEDERIGO, afterwards Duke of Urbino;

2. ANNA, AURA, or LAURA, married in 1420 to Bernardino

Ubaldino della Carda, although by some authorities his wife

is incorrectly called _sister_ of Count Guidantonio.[47]

[Footnote 47: The remote origin of the Ubaldini is curiously

illustrated by an inscription, which is among the earliest known

records of armorial bearings. It was inscribed in Gothic characters

upon a stone, originally placed on one of their Apennine castles, but

brought to Florence by a branch of their race, where it was long

regarded as an heirloom. It has been published in Borghini's _Discorsi

Toscani_, II., p. 25, and the following literal translation from its

barbarous Latino-Italian rhymes may be acceptable to our readers. It

was intended to commemorate the erection of the castle, and exhibits,

in rude carving, the Ubaldini arms, a stag's head antlered.

"For this boon

Thanks I render to Christ,

Completed on the fête of the gentle

St. Mary Magdalene;

Ah! do Thou specially pray

To God for me a sinner.

In this my chant,

From the most veritable narration

I in nothing deviate.

In the year one thousand

Of Christ's salvation, and a hundred

Eighty-four,

Chased by hounds

Furiously, I, hard by the

Coppices in Mugello, a stag

By the horns stopped,--

Of old the genius of the Ubaldini,

Subjects of the holy Empire;

Where, rushing on at speed,

I grappled with my hands

At his horns all the while.

The mighty Sir Frederick,

Who observed him thus cumbered,

Having come up, slew him outright.

Thereupon he gifted me with

The forehead, beautifully horned,

And honourably branched;

And desired that it should be

Of my race

The accepted cognisance.

My father was Ugicio,

And my grand-sire Guarento,

Son of Ugicio, son of Azo,

Son of Ubaldino,

Son of Gotichino,

Son of Luconazo.

Q.D.A.A.D.V."

[_Thus read_]

"Who shall sway the Apennines? The favoured house of Ubaldini."

After many a conflict with their neighbours of Florence, the Ubaldini

of Val di Mugello paid the penalty of their Ghibelline principles, by

expulsion from their native fiefs, and were scattered throughout

Central Italy. A branch of them retired to the more distant fortresses

of Umbria, and after lording it for a time over Città di Castello,

found an eventual home on the mountains north of Gubbio, which they

are supposed to have had in dowry with a daughter of the Brancaleoni,

about 1280. Her descendant,

BERNARDINO UBALDINI DELLA CARDA, a gallant condottiere in

the wars of Count Guidantonio, died in 1437, having married

that Count's natural daughter Aura. Their son,

OTTAVIANO UBALDINI DELLA CARDA, will figure in these pages,

as the companion and counsellor of his uncle Count Federigo.

In a lengthened sketch of his character, Giovanni Sanzi, the metrical

chronicler of Federigo's reign, tells us that his native excellences

were amply developed at the court of Filippo Visconti, where he was

brought up under that Duke's immediate eye. During many years he was

chief minister and treasurer of his uncle, to whose interests he

devoted himself with unwearied zeal, discharging his duties with

singular dignity and discretion. Nor did he, amid the cares of state,

forget the improvement of his intellectual gifts. Francesco Filelfo

dedicates a work to him, as a man of great weight and learning.

Porcellio, who had probably shared his bounty, calls him an

indefatigable reader of the poets; and Sanzi thus extends the

catalogue of his acquirements:--

"Well versed he was in classic literature,

And mastered readily theology,

Whilst music's gentle art his pastimes shared:

The secrets of astrology to him

Seemed nature's lesson. Never man than he

A heart more trusty or more leal could boast;

A shrine of truth his bosom. Friend of peace

And justice, merit's steady patron still,

Painters and sculptors solace found in him,

Their almost father."

Berni, the chronicler of Gubbio, applies to Ottaviano and to his

father the epithet Magnificent, a not unfrequent euphuism in Italy,

although with us applied exclusively to Lorenzo de' Medici. In 1473 he

had from Sixtus IV. in special guerdon the privilege of using at his

devotions a portable altar, and authority to legitimise bastards. When

Federigo set forth with sad forebodings on his last fatal campaign of

Ferrara, he confided to Ottaviano the guardianship of his boyish heir

Guidobaldo, and the government of his state, trusts which appear to

have been faithfully and judiciously fulfilled. Yet Bembo has

perpetuated what was probably a vile slander, or at best the

suggestion of ignorant drivelling, that the alleged impotence of Duke

Guidobaldo was occasioned by magical arts resorted to by his guardian,

who had been named next heir of his state. Ottaviano breathed his last

at Cagli in 1498, leaving by his wife Angela Orsini, an only son

Bernardino, on whose early death the estates and townships of La

Carda, Mercatello, Sassocorbaro, S. Marco, Rampugnano, Sta. Croce, La

Merola, Lamola, Cargine, and Pecchio devolved upon Duke Guidobaldo.

Two contemporaries of his name are mentioned, but I have not traced

their relationship; Guidantonio Ubaldini, who in 1464 married

Altadonna, daughter of Bartolomeo Contarini; and Pietro, whom Duke

Federigo sent to England in 1475, as proxy at his installation as

Knight of the Garter, and who was killed at La Stellata in 1482. In

1648 there remained to this ancient house but a wreck of their great

estates, including Massa Vaccareccia, but in compliment to their

descent and connection with the Montefeltri, they retained precedence

over the nobles of Urbino. The Counts of Pecorari and Montefiori were

branches of the same stock.]

COUNT ODDANTONIO from infancy gave promise of a character combining

the virtues of his immediate predecessors with talents rare in any

rank. But prematurely

"Lord of himself, that heritage of woe,"

the good seed was choked by tares springing from the too fertile soil;

and a prince on whom nature and fortune, imperial and papal favour,

concentrated their bounties, perished miserably and disgracefully ere

he had attained to manhood. His birth occurred in 1424 or 1426,[*48]

his youth being distinguished by remarkable progress in liberal

studies, and by rapidly mastering those accomplishments befitting the

spurs of knighthood, with which he had been decorated in childhood by

the Emperor Sigismund. Soon after his father's death, he repaired to

Siena, to obtain from Eugene IV. a confirmation of his hereditary

states, and to supplicate a renewed investiture of the dukedom of

Spoleto. But the pontifical jurisdiction over the long-abandoned

Italian provinces was as yet imperfectly consolidated, and Braccio di

Montone had but recently shown to what peril it might be exposed by

the restlessness of an overgrown feudatory. Profiting by this

experience, his Holiness evaded compliance with Oddantonio's second

request, but softened the refusal by conferring upon him the title of

Duke, along with his patrimonial territories.

[Footnote *48: See page 47. The latter is correct.]

We have from the pen of Pius II. a narrative of this ceremonial, which

took place on the 26th of April, 1443. "He who was to be created duke

by the Pope repaired to his residence, suitably dressed, and arrayed

in a mantle of gold, open on the right side from the shoulder to the

ground. Thence he followed the Pontiff, holding the lower extremity of

his cope, as he descended to the [cathedral] church to hear mass, and

when his Holiness took his seat, he placed himself on the first step

at his feet. Next he was made a knight of St. Peter, by girding him

with a sword (which after three lunges in the air he resheathed) and

by receiving three strokes with it on the shoulders, whilst his spurs

were buckled on. The Duke-elect then kneeling, swore and promised

reverence and obedience in time to come to the holy Church and to the

Pope, serving him in all its behests, and defending his jurisdiction,

rights, and territories, and bound himself to pay yearly on St.

Peter's day, for his new dignity, a white hackney suitably accoutred.

The Pontiff then placed the ducal cap on his head, and the sceptre in

his hand, and the new Duke, having therewith kissed his Holiness's

foot, was led by the two youngest cardinal-deacons to his place

between them. Finally, having taken off his cap, he returned to the

Pope's feet, and presented him with an offering of gold coin at his

discretion, and, on conclusion of the mass, departed between the two

cardinals, decorated with the ducal dignity: this was the ceremony

performed by Eugene IV. for Oddantonio."

This Duke's brief life is shrouded in mystery; for contemporary

authorities do not enable us to pronounce with certainty on the

enormous vices wherewith tradition and innuendo have vaguely blackened

his memory, whilst the narratives of Galli and Baldi, composed for his

successors in a spirit of adulation rather than of truth, clearly

overplead his defence. The testimony of Pius II. is so direct as to

one atrocity, barbarous almost beyond belief, that it would be

equally difficult to reject it, or crediting the tale, to limit the

probable enormities of a wretch so inhuman. The accusations against

him are that, intoxicated by good fortune, he cast off his early

discipline, forgot the lessons of philosophy, and placing himself

unreservedly in the guidance of dissolute favourites, dismayed his

subjects by outrages the most licentious, and by cruelties the most

revolting. The instance mentioned by Pius II. is that he had one of

his pages, who had neglected to provide lights at the proper hour,

enveloped in sear-cloth coated with combustibles, and then setting

fire to his head, left him to the horrors of a lingering agony.

The account transmitted to us by his apologists mingles pity with our

blame. They say that, desirous of suitably regulating his government,

he listened to the silver-toned suggestions of his crafty and covetous

neighbour, the Lord of Rimini, by whose advice he employed, as

confidential ministers, Manfredi Pio da Carpi, and Tomaso Agnello da

Rimini, men selected by Sigismondo as fitting instruments for his

ruin. That, acting upon the instructions of their principal, these

agents by precept and example debased the mind and corrupted the

morals of the young prince, with the view of rendering his person and

rule odious, and of accelerating a popular revolution, which might

peril his life, or, at least, place his territories within the grasp

of Malatesta. That in prosecution of this diabolical plot, they

promoted loathsome orgies and shameless debaucheries, until the

leading citizens, indignant at the dishonour which daily violated

their domestic circles, rose at the instigation of Serafius, a

physician whose handsome wife had been seduced by Manfredi. In the

riot which followed, the two favourites and their master met a

tragical end, and their bodies were exposed to nameless atrocities;

but whether the popular vengeance was equally merited by, and

inflicted upon the three, or whether the Duke was accidentally slain

without being involved in these disgraceful malpractices, is a point

likely to remain at issue. It would seem probable, however, from this

passage of an old chronicle transcribed in the Oliveriana Library,

that political discontent had a part in the rising: "On the 22nd of

July, 1444, at lauds [three o'clock a.m.], Oddantonio was slain in his

own hall, and along with him his familiar servants Manfredo de' Pii

and Tomaso da Rimini; and forthwith the people of Urbino in one voice

called for Signor Federigo, who at once took possession of the state.

On the 1st of August, public proclamation was made of the abolition of

imposts and of the assize of salt, and all penalties were

remitted."[*49] The same writer speaks vaguely of previous intestine

broils, slaughters, and alarms, with other symptoms of feeble

government, all indicating considerable disorganisation in the duchy,

of which the Malatesta and Bartolomeo Colleone availed themselves to

harass its frontiers.[50]

[Footnote *49: The chronicle of Gubbio (MURATORI, _R.I.S._, XXI., 982)

speaks of Oddantonio's death happening on 22 July, "ob violatum

pudicitiam feminarum," as the author of the _Annali di Forlì_,

_R.I.S._, XXII., 222, writes. It is recorded that he left debts of

many thousands of ducats to the Count, his brother, "per soperchierie

e trascurate spese, fatte in quel poco di tempo che egli aveva

governato." GRAZIANI, however, the supposed author of the Perugian

chronicle published under his name, who, as Prof. OSCAR SCALVANTI has

demonstrated (_Boll. per l'Umbria_, vol. IV., p. 57 _et seq._), is not

the author, but rather Antonio dei Guarneglie, followed by Pietro

Angelo di Giovanni, says in his _Cronaca della Città di Perugia_ that

Oddantonio was murdered on 21 July, on Tuesday evening, at the sixth

hour of the night, which I take to be about two o'clock on the morning

of 22 July. He gives a long and circumstantial account of his murder.

The _Chronicle of Rimini_, _R.I.S._, XV., 948, names the protonotary

and one of the three other friends whom "Graziani" says fell with him.

They were Manfredo da Carpi and Tomasso di Ser Guidicino da Arimino.

"Graziani," who doubtless wrote from hearsay, says he was killed

because "non aveva rispetto a persona e che quando glie piaceva una

giovane, o zitola o maritata che fusse, se ne voleva cavare la voglia.

Et el conte Guido suo padre fo tutto el contrario." The usual cries

rang through the city: "Morto è il signore! Viva la Chiesa e viva el

populo!" See _Arch. St. Ital._, ser. I., tom. XVI., parte I., p. 552

_et seq._ While fully admitting Sigismondo Malatesta to be capable of

any cunning, I do not think we have any evidence against him here. The

Malatesti were the enemies of the Montefeltri, and the latter, with

their subjects, were afraid of Sigismondo, already a very brilliant

soldier. Cf. MARCOLINI, _St. d. Prov. di Pesaro e Urbino_ (Pesaro,

1885).]

[Footnote 50: In another chronicle, the immediate provocation to this

fell outrage is thus tersely stated: "The Duke was slain by the

citizens because he had little respect for their wives by night or by

day." Sanzi has deleted a portion of his poem, and the substituted

passage gives the version we have adopted, passing lightly over the

manner in which the victims met their death.]

[Illustration: _Alinari_

LEONELLO D'ESTE

_After the picture by Pisanello in the Morelli Gallery, Bergamo_]

There were tinges of peculiar sadness in the gloomy fate which thus

overtook this unhappy youth. In the preceding summer he had been

betrothed to Isotta, daughter of Nicolò Marquis of Ferrara, and but

three months before his death, had attended the nuptials of her

brother Leonello. On that occasion he spent fifteen days in joyous

excitement, preluding, as he hoped, similar festivities in his own

honour. After the piazza of Ferrara had glittered with a gallant show

of chivalrous exercises, and had witnessed the semi-religious pageant

of St. George's triumph over the dragon, it was, as if by magic,

converted into a forest-scene, studded with goodly oaks amid a thick

jungle of underwood, the haunt of numerous wild animals. Upon these

the sportsmen wrought their pleasure, until the place was strewed with

bodies of bullocks, steers, wild boars, and goats. As a test of the

attendant good cheer, we have a return of provender consumed,

amounting to 2000 oxen, 40,000 pairs of fowls, pheasants and pigeons

without number, 20,000 measures of wine, and 2000 _moggie_ of grain,

besides 15,000 pounds of sweetmeats, and 12,000 of wax candles.[51] On

the conclusion of festivities congenial to his tastes, but ill-suited

to his impending fate, the young Duke lingered in dalliance with his

bride, returning home only the eve of the fatal night which summoned

him

"From that unrest which men miscal delight."

[Footnote 51: _Diario Ferrarese_, in _R.I.S._, XXIV., 194.]

It remains doubtful whether his own marriage was ever completed, as

supposed by Litta, but Isotta's cup was fully charged with bitters.

During the festive celebration of her after nuptials with one of the

Frangipani, the partner and lover of her maid of honour fell dead in

the dance, an evil omen too fully realised in domestic dissensions

which soon sent her back to her brother's court.

The Duke was buried in the church of S. Francesco, but his remains are

said to have been subsequently removed to the chapter-house of that

convent. In a neglected cloister leading from the church, there may

still be seen two monuments bearing the Montefeltro arms, one of

which, canopied by light columns of spiral Gothic, has a stork,

holding in its mouth a scroll.[*52] Here probably was the ill-fated

Oddantonio's tomb; the nameless dead to whom the other was dedicated

may have been his grandfather, Count Antonio, or the Countess

Rengarda, both of whom were interred in these precincts, where their

graves were opened and identified in 1634.

[Footnote *52: The other in the sacristy is the _Flagellation_ with

the Duke's portrait on the right; it is the work of Piero della

Francesca.]

There is little inducement to dwell on the few notices remaining of

one whose character and fate merit no sympathy. Yet among a rich store

of letters from the Montefeltrian princes to the government of Siena,

we have selected two written by Oddantonio in Italian; one is

characteristic, the other calculated to throw a more favourable light

upon his disposition.

"To our very noble and well beloved, the Podestà, Priors,

and Vice-counts of Siena.

"Mighty and potent Lords, dearest Fathers; After

commendations: Having heard that, in your magnificent city,

stakes will shortly be run for, I should have much pleasure

in sending to it one of my racers;[*53] but understanding

that there are reprisals between your magnificent community

and the illustrious lord, my lord father, I beg you, for my

protection and security, to let me have by the bearer, whom

I send on purpose, a safe conduct in such ample form as your

magnificences may think fit, on whose singular favour I

rely, ever recommending myself to your lordships. From

Urbino, the 10th of November, 1439. Your magnificences' son,

"ODDANTONIO, COUNT OF MONTEFELTRO, URBINO, AND

CASTELDURANTE."

[Footnote *53: For all that concerns the races in Siena see WILLIAM

HEYWOOD, _Palio and Ponte_ (Methuen, 1904), esp. p. 85 _et seq._]

"Our noble and beloved;

"Though we should wish to write you things pleasant and

consolatory, we must lay before you what our Lord God has

ordered; and although you ought to participate in all our

circumstances, whether prosperous or adverse, yet it is with

grief and much bitterness of heart that we inform you how it

has been the will of our Lord God to call to himself the

soul of our lord and father, who passed from this miserable

life on the 20th instant, between nine and ten at night

[_i.e._ about half-past three a.m. of the 21st], before

Thursday morning. And his death occurred in the course of

nature, from the violence of fever, the proper sacraments of

the Church having first been received as became a faithful

Christian, with the utmost humility, contrition, and

devotion, and having disposed in due form of his own

affairs, and those of his children and state, and all his

other concerns. I feel assured that you will be as much

vexed and grieved at this event in mind and heart as myself;

and this with reason, for the misfortune and severe loss is

yours as much as mine, and keeping in view his worth,

excellence, and good conduct, and the affection he bore you,

I may say it specially touches you. In whose steps we shall

do our best to tread, by a conduct at once satisfactory to

you, and beneficial to our state, as to this city and

people, and the others that we have to govern, that so you

may be satisfied with our future conduct, and constrain

yourselves to conform to the will of our Lord God, and be

comforted. And we pray you to do thus, and to regard the

welfare of this city and of our state as recommended to you,

to which effect we firmly rely upon you. And by help of

God's grace and the good advices of our said lord and

father, with the counsel and aid of worthy friends, and our

own right intentions, matters will go on well and to your

satisfaction. If we have been [tardy] in advising you of

these things, do not be astonished, as this was done

advisedly and for good purpose.

"ODDANTONIO, COUNT OF MONTEFELTRO, URBINO, AND DURANTE.

"Urbino, the 24th February, 1443."

It does not distinctly appear whether the dignity of Duke was merely

personal, or limited to the heirs male of Oddantonio's body. At all

events it must have lapsed on his death, as it was not only dropped by

his successor in the state, but Count Federigo, even after his new

creation, called himself "first" Duke; in this he was followed by his

descendants down to Francesco Maria II., the last of the race, who

alone designated himself sixth Duke, counting from Oddantonio.[*54]

[Footnote *54: Oddantonio seems to have strongly disliked Federigo,

his father's natural son. He would not suffer him to live at Urbino.

The Duke was to have married Cecilia Gonzaga, but preferred at the

last moment Isotta d'Este, thinking she would be more likely to give

him an heir and so exclude Federigo. See TARDUCCI, _Cecilia Gonzaga ed

Oddantonio di Montefeltro_ (Mantova, 1897). Violante, Federigo's

half-sister, renounced her part of the heritage of her father in

documents preserved in Arch. Centrale di Firenze (Carte d'Urbino,

Cartapecore Laiche, Nos. 180 and 209), printed by MADIAI in _Le

Marche_, vol. III., pp. 125-32.]

BOOK SECOND

OF FEDERIGO DI MONTEFELTRO, COUNT AND SECOND DUKE OF URBINO

Memoirs of the Dukes of Urbino, Volume 1 (of 3) Illustrating the Arms, Arts, and Literature of Italy, from 1440 To 1630. · 第 3 / 19 章