CHAPTER I

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Transcriber's note:

This work was originally published in 1851. As noted below,

footnotes marked by an asterisk were added by the editor

of the 1909 edition, from which this e-book was prepared.

Obvious printer errors have been corrected without note.

Other errors are indicated by a [Transcriber's Note].

Certain spelling inconsistencies have been made consistent;

for example, Pietro della Francesca has been changed to

Piero della Francesca; Rafaelle to Raffaele; and Pintoricchio

to Pinturicchio.

Full-page illustrations have been moved so as not to break

up the flow of the text.

MEMOIRS OF THE DUKES OF URBINO

Illustrating the Arms, Arts & Literature of Italy, 1440-1630

by

JAMES DENNISTOUN OF DENNISTOUN

A New Edition with Notes by Edward Hutton

& Over a Hundred Illustrations

In Three Volumes. VOLUME ONE

[Illustration]

London John Lane The Bodley Head

New York John Lane Company MCMIX

William Brendon and Son, Ltd., Printers, Plymouth

[Illustration: JAMES DENNISTOUN OF DENNISTOUN

_From a medallion in the possession of his Nephew, James N. Dennistoun

of Dennistoun_]

TO

EDMUND G. GARDNER

IN AFFECTIONATE ADMIRATION

THIS NEW EDITION OF A FAMOUS BOOK

IS DEDICATED

BY THE EDITOR

INTRODUCTION

It is surely unnecessary to make any apology for this second edition

of the _Memoirs of the Dukes of Urbino_. Notwithstanding all that has

been done in the last fifty years by historians on the one hand, and

by imaginative writers on the other, with the object of elucidating

the history of that part of Central Italy which lies within the

ancient confines of Umbria, or of appreciating the humanism of that

Court which was once a pattern for the world, this book of James

Dennistoun's remains the standard authority to which every writer

within or without Italy must go in dealing in any way with these

subjects. This very honourable achievement has been won for the book

by the eager and methodical research of the author, who made himself

acquainted with all available original sources, and in the years of

his sojourn in Italy must have read and turned over a vast number of

MSS., of which some have since been printed in various _Bollettini_,

but a great number still remain in those Italian libraries which,

always without an efficient catalogue and often without an excuse for

one, are at once the delight and the despair of the curious student.

For this reason, if for no other, such a work as this was not easy to

supersede, and so, though a later writer always has an advantage, it

was not outmoded by the careful and loving work of Ugolini in his

_Storia de' Conti e Duchi d'Urbino_, which was written, I think, in

exile.

But Dennistoun's _Dukes of Urbino_ is not merely a history of the

houses of Montefeltro and Della Rovere, of their famous and most

brilliant Court, and of that part of Italy over which they held

dominion, but really a work in belles-lettres too, discursive and

amusing, as well as instructive. It deals not merely with history, as

it seems we have come to understand the word, a thing of politics--in

this case the futile and childish politics of the fifteenth and

sixteenth centuries in Italy--but illustrates "the arms, arts, and

literature of Italy from 1440 to 1630." And indeed this programme was

carried out as well as it could be carried out at the time these

volumes were written. The book, which has long been almost

unprocurable, is full, as it were, of a great leisure, crammed with

all sorts of out-of-the-way learning and curious tales and adventures.

Sometimes failing in art, and often we may think in judgment,

Dennistoun never fails in this, that he is always interested in the

people he writes of, interested in their quarrels and love affairs,

their hair-breadth escapes and good fortunes. How eagerly he sides

with Duke Guidobaldo, chased out of his city of Urbino by Cesare

Borgia! It is as though he were assisting at that sudden flight at

midnight, and, whole-heartedly the Duke's man as he was, almost fails

to understand what Cesare was aiming at, and quite fails to see what

Cesare saw too well--the helplessness of Italy, at the mercy, really,

of the unconscious nations of the modern world. Such failures as this

make his work, indispensable as it is, less valuable than it might

have been, but they by no means detract from the general interest of

the story. That is a quarry from which much has been hewn, and a good

many of those enduring blocks which go to make up so popular and

charming a work as _John Inglesant_ came in the first instance from

Dennistoun's volumes.

A second edition then, of such a work, as it seems to me, needs no

excuse. What must, perhaps, be excused is my part in it, the intrusion

of another personality into what was so completely the author's own.

Yet I can truly say that I have intruded myself as little as

possible, and, indeed, so far as the text goes, it stands almost as

Dennistoun left it, with the correction of such errata as were due

partly to the printers and partly to the oversight of the author. The

notes which have been my business, my only part in the work, have

filled the leisure of three years. They are far from being complete,

and are imperfect in a thousand ways, as I know perhaps better than

any one else, but they are as good and as useful as I could make them,

and represent in some sort the work not of three years, but of ten. As

for my intention in republishing Dennistoun's book with notes from my

hand, I can frankly say that I undertook it from a love of all that

concerns Italy, and especially Umbria, and therefore I have worked at

it with joy through the long winter evenings, and in summer I have

often raised my eyes from my manuscript to watch the dawn rise over

Urbino and the beautiful great hills among which she is throned. And

you, too, had you watched her thus, would have been sure that no

labour of love could be too great for her. And then Dennistoun's book

is so fine a monument of the love England has always borne to Italy.

And I would be concerned in that too. Yet sometimes I have thought

that, in spite of all my labour--and, though I loved it, labour it

was--rather than sitting down to annotate another man's work, I should

have done better to write my own. Friends, such as one must hear, were

neither slow nor without persistence in impressing this upon me. I

heard them and shook my head. I am not an historian, but a man of

letters. This book is, after all, the work of one who thought well of

facts, while I cannot abide them. For one idea, as I know well, I

would give all the facts in the world. So the writing of history is

not for me; for history is become a sort of science, and is no longer

an art. And therefore I gladly leave her to the friend to whom I

humbly dedicate my edition of this book, and to the virile embraces

of Mr. William Heywood, who first led me into this nightmare of facts

from which I am but just escaped. Let them settle it between them. For

me there remains all the uncertainties that, God be thanked, can never

be decided or be proved merely to have happened.

Thinking thus, I soon gave up any thought of writing the history of

the Counts and Dukes of Urbino myself, and turned a deaf ear to those

who would tempt me to it. I went on with my notes, however, partly

from the joy one feels in playing with fire and all such mysterious

and dangerous things, and partly from a hope that one day they might

serve in some sort as finger-posts to an Englishman who should take up

this subject and study it over again, from the beginning, more simply

than Dennistoun was able to do.

As for Dennistoun's book, it always had my love, and day by day as I

have worked through and through it, it has won my respect. Full of

digressions, a little long-drawn-out, sometimes short-sighted,

sometimes pedantic, it is written with a whole-hearted devotion to the

truth and to the country which he loved. The facts are wonderfully

sound, and if that part of the book for which it was most highly

praised when it was first published--the chapters that deal with the

history of Art--is become that which we can praise least, we must

remember that in art, in painting more than anything else, fashion is

king, and that the thrones from which we have driven Guido Reni, and

perhaps Raphael, setting up in their stead other masters, are as

likely as not to be in the possession of usurpers to-morrow, and we in

as bad a case as our fathers.

Perhaps I may say a word about the illustrations. The book was one

which lent itself very easily to illustration, and the great

generosity of the publisher in this matter has been of the greatest

satisfaction to me. I have sought in selecting my pictures to reflect

the spirit of the book, which concerns itself with many a hundred

things besides the Counts and Dukes of Urbino. As well as trying to

give the reader all the portraits, or nearly all, that I could find,

of the Montefeltro and Della Rovere Dukes, their Duchesses and

courtiers, the men of letters, and the painters with whom they

surrounded themselves, and the pictures of their gallery, I have made

an attempt to illustrate the dress of the time--at a wedding, for

instance, or in time of mourning; and seeing that this is for the most

part a feminine business, I have chosen very many portraits of ladies,

not only because they were beautiful, though there was that too, but

also because they illustrated the manners of dressing the hair, or the

wearing of jewels, and so forth; and I think this may be cause for

entertainment as well as knowledge.

With regard certainly to two of the portraits I reproduce, I should

like to suggest that they are of more than a superficial importance. I

refer to the portraits of "Giulia Diva" and "Cesare Borgia,"

reproduced on page 330 of Vol. I. from contemporary medals now in the

British Museum, by the courtesy of Mr. G.F. Hill, who had casts made

for me.

The first, that of "Giulia Diva," I suggest is a portrait of Giulia

Bella, Giulia Farnese, that is, mistress of Alexander VI. If it be so

it is very precious, for no portrait of her is known to exist, and

though in this medal, struck about 1482, she seems already

middle-aged, we most probably see there the portrait of her whom the

Pope would scarcely let out of his sight. Of the two reputed

portraits, the nude figure, lying on the tomb in the apse of St.

Peter's, was carved some thirty years after her death, and since the

monument it adorns commemorates a Farnese Pope, it is little likely to

be the beautiful Giulia who was in some sort the shame and not the

boast of her house. Ruined now by the Puritanism that suddenly

overwhelmed the Papacy after the Council of Trent, the body is almost

completely hidden by the horrid chemise Canova made for her to

reassure his master. The portrait of Giulia Farnese, which Vasari

tells us is painted in the Borgia apartments, has never been

identified.

As to the medal of Cesare Borgia, we are, I think, on surer ground. It

bears his name, and was struck, Mr. G.F. Hill tells me, about 1500. In

the Borgia apartments, as we know, he was certainly represented, and

though his portrait has never been surely identified, this medal

agrees so perfectly with Pinturicchio's portrait of the Emperor there,

before whom S. Catherine of Alexandria (always supposed to be a

portrait of Lucrezia Borgia) pleads, that we may well believe we have

in that figure a contemporary portrait of one of the greatest and most

romantic personalities then living.

My thanks are due to Mr. J.W. Dennistoun of Dennistoun for his

courtesy in allowing me to reproduce the portrait of James Dennistoun,

which forms the frontispiece to this work, and for his kindness in

lending me the book from which I have drawn a good part of the Memoir

which follows this preface. I have also to express my gratitude to

Professor Zdekauer, Professor Anselmi, Mr. Edmund G. Gardner, Mr.

William Heywood, Mr. G.F. Hill, Mr. William Boulting, and Mrs. Ross,

for various assistance and kindness freely given whenever I sought it.

I desire also to thank Mr. H.G. Jenkins for the infinite pains he has

taken with the illustrations and the production generally of so large

a book.

EDWARD HUTTON.

LONDON, _September_, 1908.

MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR

JAMES DENNISTOUN OF DENNISTOUN

James Dennistoun of Dennistoun and Colgrain was descended from the

ancient and noble Scots family of the Lords de Danzielstoun. The first

of his house of which authentic records can be traced is Sir Hugh de

Danzielstoun, witness to a charter from Malcolm Earl of Lennox, who

lived during the reign of Alexander III of Scotland, who died in 1286.

His son, Sir John de Danzielstoun, was the associate-in-arms of his

patriotic brother-in-law, the Earl of Wigton, and of Sir Robert

Erskine in the reigns of Bruce and David II. His son, Sir Robert, was

one of the young men chosen from among the "magnates Scotiæ" in 1357

as hostages for the payment to Edward III of 100,000 marks of ransom

for the release of David II. He seems to have been a prisoner in

England for a long time. With him the direct line of the house of

Danzielstoun failed, and the representation devolved upon his brother

Sir William de Danzielstoun, the first of Colgrain. So we find that in

1828 James Dennistoun of Dennistoun, the father of the author of this

work, having succeeded to his father 1816 in the estates of Colgrain,

Camis-Eskan, and Kirkmichael, proved his descent as heir male of Sir

John de Danzielstoun Lord of Danzielstoun, and obtained the authority

of the Lord Lyon to bear the arms proper to the chief of his house[1]

and thereupon assumed as his designation, Dennistoun of Dennistoun. He

married in 1801 Mary Ramsay, fifth daughter of George Oswald of

Auchencruive, in the county of Ayr, and of Scotston, in the county of

Renfrew. By her he had thirteen children, and died on June 1st, 1834.

[Footnote 1: The armorial bearings are: Argent, a bend sable. _Crest_,

a dexter arm in pale proper clothed gules holding an antique shield

sable charged with a mullet or. _Supporters_, dexter, a lion gules

armed and langued azure; sinister, an antelope argent, unguled and

horned or. _Motto: Adversa virtute repello._]

James Dennistoun of Dennistoun, the author of this work, was born on

the 17th March, 1803, in Dumbartonshire, and spent the greater part of

his youth with his grandfather, George Oswald of Scotston, to whom he

owed, as he said, his first impulse towards letters. About the year

1814 he and his brother George were placed under the care of a tutor,

the Rev. Alexander Lochore, later minister of Drymen parish. He then

proceeded to Glasgow College, and later read for the Bar, though with

no intention of practising. He passed advocate in 1824, but seems by

then and for long after to have been gathering information regarding

the old families of Dumbartonshire, which he placed at the disposal of

Mr. Irving, who acknowledges his indebtedness to him. It was in 1825

that he went to Italy, spending Christmas in Rome with a few friends,

and meeting there Isabella Katherina, eldest daughter of James Wolfe

Murray, Lord Cringletie, whom he married in 1835. In 1836 he sold the

family estates, including Colgrain and Camis-Eskan, and purchased

Dennistoun Mains in Renfrewshire, the property which gave name to his

house. His visits to Italy then became frequent, their most important

result being the _Memoirs of the Dukes of Urbino_, which he published

in 1851. He died some four years later, on February 13th, 1855, and

was buried at his own desire in the Greyfriars churchyard, Edinburgh,

not in the family vault at Cardross.[2]

[Footnote 2: The account given above of the life of James Dennistoun

has been drawn from _Some Account of the Family of Dennistoun of

Dennistoun and Colgrain_ (Glasgow: printed for private circulation by

James MacLehose and Sons, 1906), kindly lent to the Editor by J.W.

Dennistoun of Dennistoun, Esq.]

The best contemporary account of his life appeared in the _Gentleman's

Magazine_ for June, 1855, which he was so fond of quoting.

"Mr. Dennistoun," we read there, "was born in Dumbartonshire in 1803,

and was the representative of the knightly house of Danzielstoun in

Renfrewshire, one of the oldest Scottish families. He was educated at

the College of Glasgow and qualified himself for the Bar in Edinburgh;

but his taste took a different direction, and being possessed of

sufficient fortune, he turned aside from the legal profession and

devoted his whole attention to literature, in connection chiefly with

the Fine Arts. He was an amateur of Art according to the true and

proper meaning of that designation--he loved and admired Art, and

studied to appreciate the best examples that the world possesses.

Though in following out these studies he devoted much of his time to

the Italian school, as there painting first arose in strength, yet he

was no bigoted admirer, and could appreciate the qualities of all

kinds of Art, whether Italian or German, ancient or modern. He then

aimed at giving to the public the ideas he had formed regarding its

principles, and the facts he had collected as to its history. He could

not unfold before all his friends and visitors portfolios filled with

sketches, done by himself, of passes in the Alps, or of scenery in the

Tyrol, or of views of the Temple of the Sibyl at Tivoli, of Mount

Vesuvius, etc.; but to all who wished to learn, he could impart in a

manner the most simple and unpretending, but with a clearness and

elegance that impressed and charmed all who were privileged to hear

him (and these were many), information and instruction on almost

everything relating to Art: while he often explained and illustrated

what he stated by reference to examples he had himself collected--many

of them of great rarity and value.

"He was a member of most of those societies formed for collecting

materials for, and adding to and illustrating the literature of

Scotland, and besides editing several important publications by the

Bannatyne and Maitland Clubs, contributed many interesting papers on

subjects connected with Art to most of the leading periodicals,

particularly to the _Edinburgh_ and _Quarterly Reviews_.

"His first work, we believe, was the edition of Moysie's _Memoirs of

the Affairs of Scotland from 1577 to 1603_, which he contributed to

the Bannatyne and Maitland Clubs in 1830. This was followed by the

_Cartularium Comitatus de Levenax, ab initio seculi decimi tertii

usque ad annum MCCCXCVIII_, edited by Mr. Dennistoun, and printed for

the Maitland Club by Mr. Campbell of Barnhill. In 1834 another

illustration of Lennox history proceeded from Mr. Dennistoun's pen, in

a reprint of _The Lochlomond Expedition, with some Short Reflections

on the Perth Manifesto, 1715_. He also edited the volume of _The

Coltness Collections, 1608-1840_, for the Maitland Club, in 1842. _The

Ranking of the Nobility, 1606_, was printed, along with some other

papers, in _The Miscellany of the Maitland Club_.

"A residence in Italy gave a new bent to his pursuits. One of the

first-fruits of these Transalpine studies was a deeply interesting

paper on _The Stuarts in Italy_, published in the _Quarterly Review_

for December, 1846. But by far the most considerable result of Mr.

Dennistoun's Italian sojourn was his _Memoirs of the Dukes of Urbino_,

published in three volumes in 1852. This work is of great value, as

illustrating the state of Italy during the fifteenth and sixteenth

centuries, the portion devoted to the Arts of the period being

particularly interesting; and it is to be regretted that from a

delicacy carried perhaps too far, he has curtailed this important

section--the one he could best handle--from fear, as he states in the

preface, of trenching on ground entered on by his friend, Lord

Lindsay.

"Mr. Dennistoun was the writer of the article on Mr. Barton's 'History

of Scotland' in the _Edinburgh Review_ for October, 1854; and also of

the analysis lately given in the same periodical of the Report by the

Commission on the National Gallery, which is very masterly, and,

indeed, the only successful attempt yet made to grapple with that huge

accumulation of facts and opinions of all kinds.

"He had just lived to complete another very interesting work,

consisting of the _Memoirs of Sir Robert Strange_, the excellent

engraver, and of his brother-in-law, Andrew Lumisden, secretary to the

Stuart princes, and author of the _Antiquities of Rome_. Sir Robert

Strange was the maternal grandfather of Mrs. Dennistoun. To that lady,

Isabella-Katharina, eldest daughter of the Hon. James Wolfe Murray,

Lord Cringletie, a Lord of Session, Mr. Dennistoun was married in

1835."

In the Report from the Select Committee on the National Gallery,

published by order of the House of Commons in December, 1853, we find

Dennistoun as one of the witnesses. His evidence appears to have been

of some value, and the articles which he wrote for the _Edinburgh

Review_, both before and after the Report was published, are excellent

both in tone and substance.

"You are the possessor," he was asked, "of a small and, I may say,

very choice collection of Italian pictures, are you not?"

"A collection of early Italian pictures," he answered. And, indeed, in

his day such a collection must have been very rare in England, or, in

fact, anywhere else. These pictures were sold with other works of art

that had been in his possession, on Thursday, June 14, 1855, and by

the courtesy of Messrs. Christie, Manson & Woods, of King Street, St.

James's, I am able to print the catalogue they prepared for the sale,

and the prices the pictures fetched.

E.H.

CATALOGUE

OF

THE HIGHLY INTERESTING COLLECTION

OF

PICTURES,

AND

OTHER WORKS OF ART,

Of that distinguished Amateur,

JAMES DENNISTOUN, OF DENNISTOUN, ESQ., DECEASED.

The PICTURES comprise choice Examples of the Italian School,

commencing with the Works of some of the earliest Masters; also of the

Spanish, German, Flemish, French, and English Schools.

The other WORKS OF ART include three very interesting early Paces, of

Niello Work; Tryptics, of Ivory and Bone; a few Bronzes; Majolica

Plates; Illuminated Miniatures; a Crucifix, in Boxwood, etc.

WHICH

Will be Sold by Auction, by

MESSRS. CHRISTIE & MANSON,

AT THEIR GREAT ROOM,

8 KING STREET, ST. JAMES'S SQUARE,

On THURSDAY, JUNE 14, 1855,

AT ONE O'CLOCK PRECISELY.

May be viewed Three days preceding, and Catalogues had, at Messrs.

CHRISTIE and MANSON'S Offices, 8, King Street, St. James's Square.

NOTE: The figures in brackets are the prices at which the works they

refer to were bought in.

CATALOGUE

ON THURSDAY, JUNE 14, 1855

AT ONE O'CLOCK PRECISELY

Early Florentine 1 The Virgin, suckling the Infant £1 5s.

Fra Angelico da Fiesole 2 The Madonna, and St. John £6 6s.

Fra Angelico da Fiesole 3 The Resurrection, two soldiers

sleeping beneath--very

small. Pronounced by Dr.

Waagen "a genuine picture." £44 2s.

Fra Angelico da Fiesole 4 The Virgin enthroned, with two saints at

her side. A very interesting small work.

From the Gerini Gallery; on which

Dr. Waagen says, "In this little picture

all that earnestness and spirituality

peculiar to that master is expressed"

£56 14s.

Berna di Siena 5 The Stoning of St. Stephen--painted on

gold ground £2 10s.

Giottino 6 The Crucifixion, on gold ground--small,

with pointed top £5 10s.

Giottino 7 The Crucifixion, with the Maries and the

centurion and soldiers beneath--on gold

ground, with pointed top £5 15s.

Giottino 8 The Crucifixion, with the Virgin and St.

John; the Magdalen kneeling at the

foot of the cross--small square. £4 4s.

Taddeo Gaddi 9 The Epiphany, and Visitation--parts of a

predella £19 8s. 6d.

Gentile da Fabriano 10 The Holy Family, seated before a building,

the Magi in adoration, in the

singular landscape background £21

School of Memmi 11 The Virgin and Child--a fragment £3 10s.

S. Memmi 12 The Virgin and Child, with saints on

gold ground--a fragment. From the

collection of M. Lauriani of the

Vatican--unframed £2 5s.

Cos. Roselli 13 The Miracle of St. Augustine. An

interesting composition of nine figures

£15 15s.

Don Lorenzo Monaco 14 The Nativity: the Virgin kneeling, St.

Joseph seated on the ground, the

Infant in a manger, the shepherds and

angels above. From the collection of

M. Lauriani, Librarian of the

Vatican £9 19s. 6d.

Giovanni Sanzi 15 The Madonna and Child £12 12s.

Sano di Pietro di Siena 16 The death of Santa Monaca, who is being

laid in the tomb by the Saviour and a

bishop. An interesting specimen £9 9s.

DUCCIO DI SIENA 17 A beautiful small tryptic, in five parts:

in the centre the Virgin and Child

enthroned; on the wings St. Nicholas, St.

Peter, St. Paul, and St. Jerome, on gold

ground; the Emperor Constantius and

Empress Helena, and the Entombment on the

outside of the wings. This interesting

work is most perfectly preserved

£22 11s. 6d.

Greek School 18 St. Nicolas: a Byzantine painting--on

gold ground [Transcriber's Note: price

missing in original]

Lorenzetti di Siena 19 A large tryptic: the Virgin and Child,

with two angels in the centre; two

saints presenting devotes on each

wing--painted on gold ground, with

pointed tops £30 9s.

G. Schiavone 20 An altar-piece, on gold ground, described

by Dr. Waagen as "an altar-piece by

Gregorio Schiavone, in different

compartments: in the centre the Virgin

and Child; at the sides a sainted monk

and John the Baptist; above, in the

centre, the dead Christ, supported by two

angels; at the sides, St. Anthony of Padua

and St. Peter Martyr; below, on a predella

of unusual height, two male and two female

saints, inscribed 'Opus Sclavoni

discipulus Squarcione S.' This is the best

specimen known to me of this scholar of

Squarcione; some of the heads are of good

expression, the colouring of the flesh is

less cold, the outlines of the forms less

hard and cutting than usual" £46 4s.

Giovanni Sanzi 21 Portrait of Raffaele, when a boy. The

head is small, the neck long, the slight

figure is clothed in a tunic tight to the

throat, from which it hangs straight

and loose, after the Italian fashion of

the fifteenth century, and though ill

adapted for elegance of drapery, its

deep crimson colour and gold embroideries

give a certain richness to

the meagrely designed costume; on a

white ledge under the figure is written

in a hand much resembling that of

Raffaele, "Raffaele Sanzi d'anni sei

nato il di 6 Ap., 1483. Sanzi padre

dipinse"; the back of the panel bears

these words, also in old characters,

"Rittratto del Piccolo Raffaele Sazi

[Transcriber's Note: should be 'Sanzi']

d'anni sei nato in Urbino il di sei di

Aprile 1483, Sanzi dipinse." A pamphlet

addressed by Mr. Dennistoun to the Editor

of the Art Union, proving the correctness

of the day of Raffaele's birth as stated

in the picture, accompanies it £55 13s.

Bronzino 22 Portrait of Luigo Allemanno [Transcriber's

Note: should be 'Luigi Alamanni'], the

Florentine poet, in a black dress £5 5s.

Baroccio 23 Portrait of the last Duke of Urbino, in

a black dress, with a gold chain and

badge of the Golden Fleece, his hand

resting on a book £6 2s. 6d.

Raffaellino del Colle 24 La Madonna del Garofalo--on copper.

A beautiful copy from Raffaele--in

frame carved with figures £13 2s. 6d.

Al. Allori 25 Portrait of Torquato Tasso, in a black

and crimson dress, holding a manuscript.

Animated and delicate in conception,

and carefully treated £26 5s.

Titian 26 Portrait of Ariosto, in a blue dress. The

very rare engraving by Persin accompanies

it £85 1s.

Paris Bordone 27 A Venetian Nobleman £5 5s.

School of Fiesole 28 The Nativity, with landscape background

£9 10s.

Timoteo della Vite 29 The Magdalen, holding the vase and a

book, in a landscape. Purchased from

M. Lauriani, librarian of the Vatican £6

School of Perugino 30 The Epiphany: the Holy Family, seated

before a building, the Magi presenting

their offerings, their attendants in the

background £29 8s.

M. Albertinelli 31 The Virgin and Child, seated, in a

landscape £7 7s.

Gaudenzio Ferrari 32 The Nativity: The Virgin and St. Joseph

kneeling over the Infant, who lies on

the ground, three angels in adoration

beyond, the angel appearing to the

shepherds in the distance £18 7s.

Cima di Conegliano 33 The Virgin, in a blue dress, her hands

clasped, with the Infant seated before

her on a window-ledge; a crimson

drapery behind. Signed "Joannes Bta.

Cone lanensis" £24 3s.

Correggio 34 The Virgin, kneeling in adoration over

the Infant, with architecture in the

background--on copper £3 15s.

Andrea d'Assisi 35 The Virgin and Child, on gold

ground--panel--in architectural frame

of the period £5 15s. 6d.

Garofalo 36 The Nativity: The Virgin, St. Joseph,

and a Shepherd, kneeling in adoration

over the Infant, near a cavern; with

beautiful landscape background £23 2s.

Michele, of Florence 37 The Virgin and Child, with an Angel,

surrounded by a border of bone carved

with figures--circular £5 5s.

P. Tibaldi 38 The Annunciation, with a choir of angels

above £8 18s. 6d.

Baroccio 39 Head of an Angel £9

L. da Vinci 40 The Virgin and Child, holding a pear.

Purchased at Urbino, of the Vecciarelli

Family £3 13s. 6d.

Scarsellino di Ferrara 41 Christ in the garden £3

School of Perugino 42 St. Roch--a small figure £6 10s.

Paduanino 43 Head of a duchess of Medicis--a fragment

£1 15s.

School of Giotto 44 Saints invoking Christ--two illuminated

miniatures £4 10s.

School of Titian 45 The Virgin and Child, on a grassy bank,

gathering flowers £3 15s.

School of Giotto 46 The Pentecost. A beautiful miniature, on

vellum, with rich border £8 15s.

School of Giotto 47 The Crucifixion, with Saints. A beautiful

miniature, on vellum, with rich arabesque

border £4 14s. 6d.

School of Titian 48 Portrait of a Lady of the Medicis Family:

Pellegrina, daughter of Bianca Capello,

in a richly ornamented dress £4 14s. 6d.

A. del Sarto 49 The Resurrection. An interesting small

work in the Master's first manner.

From the de Angelis Gallery, at Siena

£4 14s.

C. Maratti 50 The Holy Family £3 3s.

Bronzino 51 The Virgin and Child, with St. Joseph

and St. John. A very grand and

beautiful design--circular, on panel

[£21 0s. 0d.]

G. da Carpi 52 The Virgin, in a crimson and blue dress,

seated, with the Infant in her lap, before

a sculptured portico; a green drapery

suspended above--circle on panel. The

Orsini Arms on the frame £141 15s.

Luigi Agresti 53 The Last Supper. Very richly coloured,

with the engraving £6

School of Brescia 54 The Virgin and Child, enthroned, with

saints and angels in adoration £4

F. Vanni 55 The repose of the Holy Family--small £2

Schedone 56 The Virgin and Child £1 13s.

School of Parma 57 A female saint, holding a salver of

fruit--very elegant £4 4s.

School of Ferrara 58 The Holy Family, with St. Francis and

St. Jerome £9 9s.

Guardi 59 A view on a canal, at Venice, with

figures £11 0s. 6d.

Guardi 60 A view on the grand canal--the companion

£11 0s. 6d.

Scorza, of Genoa 61 A pastoral landscape £1 6s.

S. Rosa 62 A romantic bay scene, with

figures--evening £4 10s.

Serani 63 St. Cecilia, playing on the viol da gamba

£5 7s. 6d.

Testaferrata 64 A Roman piper £1 1s.

Antonilez di Serabia 65 St. Raymond of Penaforte. From the

Standish Gallery £3 13s. 6d.

Montelinez di Serabia 66 St. Anthony, seated reading, near a

chapel, with mountainous background.

From the Standish Gallery £2 2s.

Zurbaran 67 The Madonna of Mercy--four figures

kneeling round her. From the Standish

Gallery [£2 15s.]

Murillo 68 The vision of St. Augustine of Canterbury:

the saint is washing the feet of

the Saviour, who appears in the likeness

of a pilgrim; from his mouth proceed

the words "Magne Pater Augustine

tibi commendo Ecclesiam meam." This

fine gallery picture was purchased from

Don Julian Williams, by Mr. Standish,

for £600, at Seville, in 1825; it was

originally painted for the nuns of San

Leandro Order of St. Austen, and sold

by them during the troubles caused by

the army of Soult, in 1810, to Dr.

Manuel Real, from whom it passed to

Don J. Williams. The picture is mentioned

in the work of Herrera and d'Aviles

Guia de Seville, 1832 £199 10s.

Velazquez 69 Portrait of a Cardinal, seated, holding

a book, the chair surmounted by shields

of arms. Full of dignified character.

From Cardinal Fesch's gallery £4 4s.

School of Cologne 70 La Madonna Addolorata, in a crimson

dress, a light-coloured robe. A very

dignified figure. A fragment [£1 10s.]

Wilhelm, of Cologne 71 The Marriage of St. Catherine with St.

Agnes. They are in the foreground of a

landscape, with buildings in the distance.

From M. Wyer, of Cologne £14 3s. 6d.

Van der Maire 72 St. Catherine, presenting a devotee. An

interesting fragment £5 15s. 6d.

Van Eyck 73 A fine dyptic, with the Annunciation:

the Virgin kneeling, the Angel in a rich

dress, holding a sceptre:--the portrait

of the donor outside. From the Collection

of M. Wyer, of Cologne £39 18s.

Henri Blaes La Civetta 74 A tryptic, with the Virgin and Child in

the centre, seated, in a landscape; St.

Christopher and St. Anthony on the

wings; an owl, the emblem of the

Master. From the Collection of M.

Wyer, of Cologne £17 6s. 6d.

Dionysius Calcar 75 The Crucifixion: The Virgin and St. John

weeping, with landscape background £8 8s.

School of Hemmelinck 76 St. Natalitia, seated, holding a book,

on which is a hand, cut off; with

architectural background. From the same

collection £12 1s. 6d.

Matth. Guinendenwald 77 Portrait of Philip le Bel, in a crimson

dress and black hat, wearing the collar

of the Golden Fleece £6.

Van der Goes 78 The Virgin and Child, enthroned; a

damask drapery behind; landscape

background seen on each side £22 1s.

Lucas van Leyden 79 A very small female head--a fragment 18s.

Martin Schoen 80 A tryptic: the Crucifixion, with the

figures carved in wood, and painted

background in the centre; the wings

painted with the six stations; carved

canopy work over the centre; the

descent from the Cross painted on the

outside £12 1s. 6d.

Sustermans 81 Portrait of Galileo £4 10s.

Sustermans 82 Portrait of a Florentine lady £2 4s.

Van Dyck 83 The Adoration of the Magi--a sketch in

grisaille £2 8s.

Van Dyck 84 Portrait of the Earl of Strafford, in a

black dress. Purchased from the Earl of

Mar's collection, in 1805 £5 5s.

Teniers 85 A landscape, with peasants and poultry

near a cottage--upright--on copper

£3 7s. 6d.

Camphuyzen 86 A farm, with cattle, and a man milking a

cow near a well. Very richly coloured

£6 10s.

Jan Steen 87 Portrait of a Burgomaster £5 15s.

Poelemberg 88 The Riposo of the Holy Family, under a

ruined building £2 10s.

Wouvermans 89 Travellers, reposing under a sunny bank,

near a pool of water £33 12s.

Van Falens 90 Camp suttlers, with horsemen and

numerous figures. From the Collection

of Sir James Stuart £5 10s.

Swaneveldt 91 A study of ruins--on paper £1 2s.

Watteau 92 A fête champêtre £1 10s.

Rigaud 93 Portrait of a French lady, holding a row

of pearls £3 10s.

Venetian 94 Portrait of the admirable Crichton, in

black dress, seated holding a sword and

a book; with long inscription. Dated

1581, with the engraving £13 2s. 6d.

Roman School 95 Portrait of the Cardinal of York, in his

robes. Purchased at his villa, at Frascati

£1 10s.

Sir P. Lely 96 Portrait of the Countess of Southesk,

(la belle Hamilton) in a white satin

dress, seated, holding a viol da gamba,

in a landscape, from the collection of

C.R. Sharpe, Esq. [£7 17s. 6d.]

Sir Joshua Reynolds 97 A very small head of a lady 15s.

Anthony 98 Henselope Burn 14s.

Andrew Wilson 99 The Cascatelle, at Tivoli, with shepherds

and goats in the foreground, admirably

painted £33 12s.

J.M.W. Turner, R.A. 100 A farm in the Highlands £2 8s.

Rev. J. Thompson 101 The Trosacks. A beautiful finished study,

given by the artist to Mr. Dennistoun

in 1829 £3

J.M.W. Turner, R.A. 102 Fishing boats caught in a squall £8 15s.

Millais, A.R.A. 103 A cottage barn, in Essex: a sketch of

figures on the back £4 10s.

WORKS OF MEDIÆVAL ART, AND CURIOSITIES

104 Eleven silver touch-pieces, for the King's Evil, of the

Stuarts; and three bronze Papal coins £5

105 A pair of red silk stockings, worked with gold. Belonged

to the last Duke of Urbino £6

106 A curious ivory die, representing a man seated; and four

silver dice, in the form of men and women seated £1

107 A pair of brass church candlesticks £1 15s.

108 The Virgin and Child--a relief, in bronze £1 15s.

109 The Flagellation--a relief, in bronze £1 15s.

110 A miniature portrait of Queen Mary, mounted in silver,

with slab of agate on the back £4 6s.

111 Raffaele School--Lo Spasimo di Sicilia--a drawing, in

Indian ink and pen 6s.

112 A chalice, of silver, and copper gilt, with three busts

of Niello work on the base £3 15s.

113 A female saint, in embroidery 5s.

114 Head of St. Peter, in tapestry. From the Cardinal of York's

Villa £3 6s.

115 The Crucifixion, worked in ancient lace for an altar cloth £2 2s.

116 A very rare caterpillar's web, of unusual size [£2]

117 St. Mary, of Egypt, of pietra-dura, on lapis-lazuli ground £12 10s.

118 A Majolica plate, with St. Jerome, in a landscape: signed

by Maestro Giorgio, 1521--imperfect £3 15s.

119 A fragment of a Majolica plate, with Mercury, with the

initials of Maestro Giorgio, 1534 15s.

120 The agony in Gethsemane--a Limosine enamel £1

121 St. Dietburgha--painted on a caterpillar's web £1 6s.

122 A half dyptic, with two saints in relief in ivory, and

Byzantine inscription £1 11s.

123 A crucifix, elaborately carved in boxwood, containing a

rosary of silver thread £1

124 A large bronze Papal seal, with the Holy Family, and 8

smaller bronze seals--one of them, Johann Russell £2 5s.

125 Venus on a dolphin--a Venetian bronze, on oriental alabaster

plinth £3 10s.

126 A bronze inkstand, supported on eagles, and surmounted by

a figure £3 10s.

127 The Entombment--a relief, in bronze £10 10s.

128 A small ivory dyptic, with the Crucifixion, and the Virgin

and Child, with two saints, in high relief, on gothic arches

£10 10s.

129 A very interesting Pax, of Niello work, with Christ bearing

his Cross, and appearing to Mary, inscribed above "Jacobus

Suannes Cole"; the dead Christ, and emblems of the

Crucifixion, in the lunette above £10 10s.

130 Another Pax, of niello, with the dead Christ and angels,

inscribed beneath, "Pax tibi Pilastus," and frieze of

arabesque; the Creation above--mounted in ivory £9

131 A curious bone tryptic, with the Crucifixion, attended

by saints; St. Peter and St. Paul on the wings £8 18s. 6d.

132 A very interesting early Pax, of Niello, with the Virgin

and Child enthroned, the latter holding a rosary; two

saints kneeling on each side; a die on the ground in

the centre [£2 15s.]

The total amount realised at the sale was £1398 15s. 6d.

AUTHOR'S PREFACE

(1851)

During nearly one hundred and ninety years, five Dukes of Urbino well

and ably discharged the duties of their station, comparatively exempt

from the personal immoralities of their age. The rugged frontier of

their highland fief had, in that time, been extended far into the

fertile March of Ancona, until it embraced a compact and influential

state. Saving their subjects, by a gentle and judicious sway, from the

wild ferments that distracted democratic communities, and from the yet

more dire revolutions which from time to time convulsed adjoining

principalities, they so cultivated the arts of war, and so encouraged

the pursuits of peace, that their mountain-land gained a European

reputation as the best nursery of arms, their capital as the favoured

asylum of letters. That glory has now become faint; for the writers by

whom it has been chiefly transmitted belong not to the existing

generation, and command few sympathies in our times. But the echoes of

its fame still linger around the mist-clad peaks of Umbria, and in the

dilapidated palace-halls of the olden race. To gather its evanescent

substance in a form not uninteresting to English readers, is the

object of the present attempt. Should it be so far successful as to

attract some of his countrymen to the history, literature, and arts of

Italy, they will not, perhaps, be ungrateful to the humble pioneer who

has indicated a path to literary treasures hitherto inadequately known

to them. For such an undertaking he possesses no qualification,

beyond a sincere interest in the past ages of that sunny land, and a

warm admiration for her arts during their epoch of brilliancy. But a

residence there of six years has afforded him considerable

opportunities of collecting materials for this work, which he has been

anxious not to neglect.

A great portion of the duchy of Urbino, including its principal towns,

has been thrice visited, and nearly every accessible library of

Central Italy has been examined for unedited matter. To these

researches, time and labour have been freely given; and in the few

instances when his attempts were foiled by jealousy or accident, the

author has generally had the satisfaction of believing that success

would have been comparatively unproductive. To this, two exceptions

should be mentioned. He was prevented by illness from recently

visiting the libraries or archives at Venice; and the Barberini

Library at Rome has been entirely closed for some years, in

consequence of a disgraceful pillage of its treasures. Should the

latter be again made accessible, the MSS. amassed by the Pontiff under

whom Urbino devolved to the Church, and by his nephews, its two first

Legates, can hardly fail to throw much light upon the duchy. The

invaluable treasures of the Vatican archives have been to him, as to

others, a sealed book; but the Urbino MSS. in the Vatican Library,

those of the Oliveriana at Pesaro, and of the Magliabechiana at

Florence, have afforded copious sources of original information, and

have supplied means for rectifying omissions and errors of previous

writers. Some of these materials had been freely drawn upon by Muzio,

Leoni, and Baldi, biographers of the early dukes of Urbino, who have

not, however, by any means exhausted the soil; the amount that

remained for after inquirers may be estimated from the single instance

of Sanzi's almost unnoticed rhyming Chronicle of Duke Federigo, in

about 26,000 lines.

The reigns of Dukes Federigo, Guidobaldo I., and Francesco Maria I.,

from 1443 to 1538, formed the brightest era of Urbino, and included

the most stirring period of Italian history, the golden age of Italian

art; but our regnal series would be incomplete without Dukes

Guidobaldo II. and Francesco Maria II., who prolonged the independence

of the duchy until 1631, when it lapsed to the Holy See. Its history

thus naturally divides itself into five books, representing as many

reigns; yet, as these sovereigns were of two different dynasties, it

will be convenient to consider separately the origin of each, and the

influence which they respectively exercised on literature and the fine

arts, thus giving matter for four additional books. In Book First of

these we shall briefly sketch the early condition of the duchy, with

the establishment of the family of Montefeltro as Counts, and

eventually as Dukes, of Urbino; but, regarding Duke Federigo as the

earliest of them worthy of detailed illustration, we shall, in Book

Second, with his succession, enter upon the immediate scope of our

work.

* * * * *

Among many interesting publications upon Italy which have recently

issued from the English press, is that of Signor Mariotti.[3] With a

command of our language rarely attained by foreigners, he has clothed

a vast mass of information in an exuberant style, savouring of the

sweet South. As an episode to his sketch of Tasso, he dedicates to the

two dynasties who ruled in Urbino a single page, in which there occur

seven misstatements. John or Giovanni della Rovere was never sovereign

of Camerino; his cousin, Girolamo Riario, held no ecclesiastical

dignity; the "unrivalled splendour" of the Montefeltrian reign at

Urbino did not extend over even one century; the wife of Giovanni

della Rovere was neither daughter nor heiress of Guidobaldo I. of

Urbino, nor had she any "just claim to his throne"; Duke Francesco

Maria did not remove either his library or treasures of art to Mantua.

These slips, by a writer generally painstaking and correct, surely

indicate some deficiency in the accessible sources of information

regarding a principality which has for centuries been proverbial, in

the words of Tasso, as "the stay and refuge of gifted men."

[Footnote 3: I speak of the first edition of his _Italy_; the reprint

of 1848 is enlarged but not improved.]

The truth is, that although the Dukes of Urbino figure everywhere as

friends of learning and patrons of art, no work has yet appeared

establishing their especial claim to such distinction, in a land where

courts abounded and dilettanteship was a fashion. That of Riposati has

indeed given us the series of these sovereigns, but his biographical

sketches are meagre, and chiefly illustrative of their coinage. The

lives of Dukes Federigo and Francesco Maria I., by Muzio and Leoni,

are excessively rare; Baldi's crude biographies are either recently

and obscurely published, or remain in manuscript. Out of Italy these

authors are scarcely known. This paucity of illustration is not,

however, the only cause why these princes have continued in unmerited

obscurity. Whilst endeavouring to guard himself against undue

hero-worship, and to subject the policy and character of those

sovereigns to the tests within his reach, the author has been obliged

in some instances to assume the functions of an advocate, and to

defend them from charges unjustly or inadvisedly brought. This will be

especially found in the life of Duke Francesco Maria I., who, as the

victim of Leo X., and the opponent of Florence, has met with scanty

justice from the three standard historians of that age in Italy,

France, and England. The patriotism of Guicciardini, as a Florentine,

was inherently provincial; as a partisan of the Medici, he had no

sympathies with a prince whom they hated with the loathing of

ingratitude; as an annalist he never forgot the day when he had

cowered before the lofty spirit at the council-board. All that he has

written of Francesco Maria is therefore tinged with gall, and his

authority has been too implicitly followed by Sismondi, who, uniformly

biassed against princes by his democratic prejudices, and seeing in

Guicciardini an eminent denizen of a nominal republic, and in the Duke

a petty autocrat, decided their respective merits accordingly. Again,

Roscoe could save the consistency and justice of Leo only by

misrepresenting the character of his early friend and eventual victim,

and has not shrunk from the sacrifice. It has thus happened that,

whilst ordinary readers have scanty access to details regarding Urbino

and its dynasties, these names have been unduly excluded from many a

page in Italian annals which they were well qualified to adorn.[4]

[Footnote 4: Better evidence of the deficient information hitherto

accessible could hardly be desired than the fact that ROSCOE, in his

_Life of Lorenzo de' Medici_, ch. viii., entirely mistakes the family

name of the first dynasty of Urbino.]

To separate from the tangled web of Italian story threads of local and

individual interest would be fatal to unity of texture and subject. It

will, therefore, be necessary to treat Urbino and its Dukes as

integral portions of the Ausonian community, and, while distinguishing

every characteristic detail, to view them as subsidiary to the general

current of events. But, since this course offers at every moment

temptations to launch our tiny bark on a stream perilous to its pilot,

prudence will keep us mostly among those eddies which, unheeded by

more skilful mariners, may afford leisure for minute observation. If

it be thought that the martial renown of Federigo and Francesco Maria

I. merited more ample accounts of their campaigns, we may plead that

arms are but a portion of our object. To mankind battle-fields are

instructive chiefly from their results; while foreign and domestic

policy, the progress of civilisation and manners, of letters and art,

are in every respect themes of profitable inquiry.

In a work undertaken with the hope of attracting general readers to

the history and arts of Italy, controversial disquisitions would be

misplaced. The student may detect occasional attempts to reconcile

contradictory narratives and jarring conclusions; but religious

discussion is excluded from these pages. The author is a Protestant by

birth and by conviction, but it has been his endeavour to judge with

candour, and speak with respect, of a Church which is the "parent of

our religion," and which, during a great portion of his narrative, was

catholic in the strict sense of that often misapplied term. He has

mentioned without flattery, extenuation, or malice, such private

virtues and vices of the various pontiffs as fell within the scope of

his inquiry, leaving it to others to fix the delicate line which is

supposed to divide personal errors from papal infallibility.

* * * * *

A considerable portion of these volumes was written in Italy, before

the close of Pope Gregory's reign, and under impressions formed upon

the existing state of the country. It has been their author's good

fortune to know much of that attractive land during the last twenty

years of the long peace, and to admire her substantial prosperity and

steady progress. Between 1825 and 1846 he has seen in her cities new

streets and squares rising, thoroughfares opened, gas-lights generally

introduced, ruinous houses substantially rebuilt, crumbling churches

and palaces renovated, shops enlarged and beautified, cafés, hotels,

and baths multiplied and decorated, public drives and gardens created,

equipages rivalling those of northern capitals, museums formed,

galleries enriched, the dress and comforts of the population greatly

improved, the street nuisances of Rome removed, the lazzaroni of

Naples clothed.

In the rural districts he has observed cultivation spreading, waste

lands reclaimed, irrigation and drainage carried on, the great

highways rendered excellent, whole provinces opened up by new roads,

railways rapidly extending, rivers and torrents bridged, palatial

villas springing up round the towns and watering-places, banditti

suppressed, the peasantry ameliorated in aspect. He has learnt, from

crowded ports and spreading factories, that capital was increasing and

industry being developed.

He has also noticed that, without organic changes, the political

condition of the people was being modified; that Tuscany enjoyed the

mildest of paternal governments; that in Lombardy, Piedmont, and

Naples, many repressive statutes were in abeyance; that in Turin and

Florence restraints upon the press were tacitly being relaxed; that

scientific congresses were generally permitted, and political economy

freely discussed; whilst, in regard to Rome, he ascertained the

practical truth of a popular sarcasm, that prohibitory laws were

usually binding but for three days.

While conscious of all this progress, the author felt that much

remained to be done. He knew that the advance of the country was only

comparative, and rendered more apparent by her long previous

stagnation. He daily had before him solecisms in policy, errors of

administration, official indolence or corruption; above all, ample

proofs that priests were no longer adapted for ministers of state. He

believed that intellect was needlessly or unwisely shackled, and that,

to ardent or speculative minds, the full blaze of knowledge might be

less deceptive than a compulsory twilight.

But, on the other hand, he was deeply convinced that, in material

welfare, the Italian people were already far above the average; that

any sudden change was more likely to endanger than to augment it;

that, to a nation so listless yet so impressionable, so credulous but

so suspicious, self-government was a questionable boon; at all events,

that the mass of its present generation was infinitely too ignorant

and unpractised, possibly too conceited and self-seeking, to

comprehend the theory of a constitution, or to perform the duties it

would necessarily impose. He knew further, that those who vaguely

longed for change were usually blind to the benefits which their

country already enjoyed, and had no definite or plausible plan for the

removal of its grievances without perilling its advantages. He felt

satisfied that, should an occasion ever present itself for testing

their Utopian theories, native leaders, united in aims and worthy of

their reliance, would be wanting. The movement party in Italy then

scarcely numbered a man who had a considerable property to stake, a

social position to lend him influence, or tried business habits to

gain the confidence of his fellow-citizens. Those who stood prepared

to pilot the vessel through revolutionary storms were, for the most

part, persons whose detected intrigues, or rash outbreaks, had already

driven them, with little credit, into exile, where, cut off from

intercourse with home, and associating chiefly with kindred spirits

expelled from other lands, they forgot much which it was important to

keep in view, and learned little of that candour and moderation which

are the true leaven of politics. Neglecting there those practical

reforms of which Italy stood really in need, they devoted themselves

to one idea. They set up the phantom of political unity as a new

faith; they decreed that its worship should be the condition of their

country's resurrection, and that all who demurred to it should be

hunted down. Had they read Dante, or remembered what they hourly had

seen, heard, and said in their native land, they would have known that

their idol, like the image in Nebuchadnezzar's dream,[5] was of

incongruous and incompatible materials; that their unitarian scheme

was antipathic to every passion and prejudice of those upon whom they

would thrust it.

[Footnote 5: Daniel ii. 32.]

* * * * *

Under such impressions were written the very few allusions to the

actual state of Italy which this work contains. The aspirations of her

regenerators after nationality and constitutional freedom have since

been fostered by her spiritual ruler, and prematurely fired by an

explosion of French democracy. Subsequent events, under altered

circumstances, may accordingly seem to have invalidated opinions

therein expressed; but the end is not yet. The present continues

overshadowed by gloom, and the torch of hope glimmers but dimly in the

distance. A sincere interest in the country and its people dictates

our prayer that the God of nations may grant an issue realising the

fondest anticipations of genuine patriotism, and eventually crown

these struggles with results compensating their recent evils.

Yet when we recollect the condition of Italy as we left her shores

four short years ago,--when we contrast the calm then around her

institutions, the stillness of her every-day life, the careless ease

of her nobles, the physical enjoyment of her middle classes, the

simple well-being of the peasantry under their own vines and

fig-trees,--we must sigh to see so much positive happiness perilled

for contingent ameliorations which, if ever attained, may, like most

political experiments, fail to realise the promised benefits.

"Let him who sees mad war like deluge sweep

Surrounding regions, learn his peace to prize;

Let the poor bark with sides unripped, which tries

In vain by helm and sail its course to keep,

Make for the port. He lives perchance to weep,

Who quits the genial air and smiling skies

For depths unknown. O blind desire unwise

Of mortals, spurning thus on earth to creep!

O when, in this his mouldering garment frail,

Did man, whose thread soon breaks and joins no more,

Clear his own path, or by his power prevail?"[6]

[Footnote 6: _Giovanni della Casa_, translated by JAMES GLASSFORD.]

In a work of history, party politics ought to have no place; and when

the nations are moved there is little inducement to assume a prophet's

mantle. We, therefore, gladly leave a topic on which perhaps too much

has been said. Possibly some Italians, to whom we have formerly

represented that it were

"Better to bear the ills we know,

Than rush on others that we wot not of,"

may yet admit the truth of this suggestion. May they never personally

realise the adage, that those who originate revolutions reap all their

evils, without living to share their fruits!

* * * * *

A few words regarding the method adopted in these volumes. Of the

names most conspicuous in Italian literature and art, a considerable

proportion will there find a place; but readers who expect to see

their productions enumerated, and their merits submitted to exhaustive

criticism, will be disappointed. All that our limits permit, after

rapidly sketching the revival of knowledge and the progress of that

sacred painting which emanated from Umbria, is to mention those who

have contributed to shed lustre over the duchy of Urbino, or who

shared the patronage of its princes. The amount of notice allotted to

each is therefore proportioned rather to its local importance than its

absolute excellence; but, satisfied from experience how seldom a

wide-spread interest attaches to individual details, our aim has ever

been to generalise even those points demanding a more specific notice

in connection with our immediate subject.

As the recurrence of foot-notes in a popular narrative unpleasantly

distracts the reader from its continuous course, these have been

avoided, unless when especially called for; and the necessity for them

in citing references has been in a great degree anticipated, by

prefixing a list of the leading authorities consulted, which it is

hoped will generally bear out views that have been honestly formed,

after examining what seemed the best sources of information. Extracts

have been introduced, where it appeared desirable to preserve the

style or words of an author; but they are in most cases rendered

(literally rather than with elegance) into English, except such

specimens of poetry as could not be fairly estimated from a

translation. Documents and episodical details, which would have

encumbered the text, are appended to the respective volumes.[7]

[Footnote 7: The most recent, and among the most interesting

authorities for Urbino, is Passavant's _Life of Raffaele_, an

admirable article upon which by Sir C.L. Eastlake, in vol. LXVI. of

the _Quarterly Review_, suggested the present work. Had that biography

been accessible to me at an earlier period, it might have assisted my

labours, and perhaps modified some of my views; but I had no

opportunity of consulting it until my own pages were nearly ready for

press. It is the fruit of successful German industry, sweetened by

candid and intelligent criticism, and its remaining still untranslated

into any language is among the remarkable anomalies of literary

history. I may be allowed here to mention that the accuracy and

success with which Lord Lindsay and Mrs. Jameson have cultivated the

field of Christian and legendary art, enable me to dispense with much

regarding a subject which would otherwise have been more prominent in

these volumes.]

The majority of proper names being Italian, are written in that

language, excepting such as, like those of places, and titles of popes

and sovereigns, have long been familiar to English ears in a different

orthography. In such matters uniformity of practice is the main object

to be attended to, and having to choose between names as they were

actually used and their English synonyms, we have preferred Giacomo

Piccinino, Giulio Romano, and Lorenzo de' Medici, to James the Little

Fellow, Julius the Roman, and Lawrence of the Medici.[8] There will

often be mentioned districts and divisions of Italy which are defined

by no exact political or geographical limits; it may therefore be well

here to explain in what sense these somewhat convertible terms are

employed. CENTRAL ITALY may be considered to contain the papal

territory and the three Tuscan duchies; UPPER and LOWER ITALY include

all the Peninsula, respectively to the north and the south of these

states. Again, LOMBARDY is used as a generic term for the whole basin

of the PO, the POLESINE being that portion of its delta, north of the

river, which belonged to the Dukes of Ferrara. ROMAGNA stretches from

the Po to the Metauro, from the Apennines to the Adriatic; LA MARCA,

or the March of Ancona, continues the same sea-board to the Tronto:

these two districts were long the cradle of Italian prowess, the

allotment-land of petty princes; both were partially comprehended

within the more ancient landmarks of UMBRIA, a mountain province lying

east of the Tiber. The lower basin of this classic stream contained

SABINA on the east, and the PATRIMONY of St. Peter on the west; the

COMARCA lying south of the Teverone stream, and the whole wide plain

around Rome being called the CAMPAGNA. TUSCANY, including the Sienese,

ran northwards from the Patrimony, beginning below Orbetello; and

Naples is familiarly called by Italians THE KINGDOM, having, until a

recent date, been the only royal state in their fatherland.

[Footnote 8: The case is stated by ROSCOE in his Preface to _Leo X._,

and we approve of his decision, notwithstanding the objections taken

to it in vol. VII., p. 356, of the _Edinburgh Review_.]

Our chronology also requires the use of certain conventional terms,

which ought to be defined. Assuming the close of the fifteenth century

as the zenith of Italy's glory in letters and arts, in politics and

arms, the only word specifically indicating that period is

_cinque-cento_; but seeing that its lustre was attained under military

and civil institutions, and was rendered permanent by studies and

artistic creations, derived from the middle ages and breathing their

spirit, the phrase _mediæval_ is extended to include that period.

* * * * *

Few things are more baffling to students of history than the true

worth of money in different states and ages, and its relative value in

reference to our own standards. It is impossible to over-estimate the

convenience which tables, showing the fluctuations of currency and

prices among different nations, would afford; but the difficulties of

completing them may perhaps be insuperable. In order to supply this

desideratum, however imperfectly, a few observations are here

submitted.

In considering the value of money at different periods, a variety of

circumstances must be kept in view. There are, however, four elements

to be embraced by all calculations for such a purpose: (1) the

comparative weight of the coinage; (2) the respective amounts of alloy

introduced into the standard of precious metals; (3) the effect

produced on gold and silver value by the discovery of America; (4) the

fluctuations in prices of commodities. The last of these elements

includes and depends upon the others, so that a tariff of prices at

various times might be practically sufficient for the object

contemplated. The impediments, however, to obtaining such a tariff are

apparently insurmountable. Statistical facts, incidentally mentioned

by historians, or gleaned from original documents, must be received

with large allowance. Articles of costly luxury in one age became

abundant in another, and are at all times affected by local or

temporary causes. Quality was also variable; horses, oxen, sheep, and

poultry, reared or fed in rude times or uncultivated districts, cannot

fairly be compared with those perfected by care and expense; the same

may be said of wines, fruits, clothing; even land is saleable

according to its condition, fertility, or situation. The test usually

resorted to in such inquiries is corn; but weights and measures,

seldom uniform, are with difficulty ascertained at remote periods,

while exceptional prices are more frequently noted than average ones,

by observers prone to record striking events rather than every-day

facts. There are, however, some apparently admitted data not

altogether unavailable for our immediate purpose.

During the period embraced by our memoirs of Urbino, the standard of

value prevalent in most parts of Italy was the golden florin or ducat.

Of these probably equivalent terms, the former was generally employed

in Central Italy, the latter in Lombardy. According to Villani, the

florin of Florence, in 1340, weighed 72 grains of pure gold, 24 carats

fine. Sismondi, in referring to a period about a century later,

estimates its weight at 1/8 of an ounce, or 60 grains. Orsini reckons

it, in 1533, at 70 grains, 22 carats fine. On the whole, it appears,

from Cibrario and other authorities, that this coin, and its successor

the zecchino, have maintained an almost uniform weight down to the

present time. Assuming that gold in Italy had then the same

_coinage-value_ as in England, it appears from calculations, founded

upon Fleetwood's data, that the florin was, at these various periods,

equivalent in contemporary English coin to 3_s._ 6_d._, 4_s._ 8_d._,

and 5_s._ 10_d._ Again, the ducat of Venice is estimated by Daru at 4

franks in 1465, at 4-1/3 in 1490, and by Sanuto at 4_s._ English in

1500. Riposati, in a careful analysis of the coinage of Gubbio, proves

that the conventional Urbino florin of 1450 should have contained

634-34/59 grains of silver, besides alloy, which would at that time

have yielded 3_s._ 9_d._ English, or at our present pure silver value

(5_s._ 6_d._ to the ounce) 7_s._ 3-1/4_d._

It would follow, from these several opinions, that the florin or ducat

of Italy, in the fifteenth century, was equal to from 3_s._ 6_d._ to

4_s._ 6_d._ in _contemporary_ English circulation, which disposes of

two elements for our calculation. The remaining two must have been

inadequately kept in view by Cibrario, Ricotta, and Audin, who

respectively value the florin of 1400 as _now_ worth 16-2/3 francs,

that of 1490 at 14 francs, and that of 1500 at 12 francs; while in the

_Library of Entertaining Knowledge_ it is set down at 10_s._ English

in 1480. But if we assume the analogy of English prices as collected

by Fleetwood, the result will be very different. From these it appears

that an average cost of wheat and oats per quarter, in the fifteenth

century, was about 5_s._ 2_d._ and 2_s._ 6_d._, while the wages of

labourers and artisans were respectively 3-1/2_d._ and 4-1/2_d._ a

day. Accordingly, if corn be taken as the test, money was then _ten

times_ beyond its modern value; while, if we include labour and

luxuries, the actual depreciation must appear much greater. We are

greatly encouraged to find such an inference not very different from

that adopted by three recent and important authorities. Prescott

values the Spanish ducat of 1490 at 39_s._ 4_d._, and Macaulay states

that of Florence in 1340 at 40_s._ sterling, while Sismondi calculates

it at about 48 francs. On the whole, then, we venture to assume that

the Italian ducat or florin of the fifteenth century was nearly equal

to the present Spanish dollar, and that it would have purchased about

twelve times the amount of necessaries and luxuries which that coin

now represents in England--a discrepancy of course lessened in the

next and each succeeding age, especially as the precious metals

continued to flow in from the new hemisphere. This estimate is,

however, offered with great deference, and only as a general

approximation to the truth, by no means applicable to numerous

exceptional cases.[9]

[Footnote 9: By an elaborate process, founded upon very complex facts,

Cibrario concludes that, with reference to the value of wheat in

Piedmont, the florin is now worth only about double what it was in the

fourteenth century; but this does not seem a fair test to the relative

power of money even in Italy; and in a work intended for English

readers, it appears necessary to bring out an estimate applicable to

present prices in this country, not in Southern Europe, where money

still goes much further than with us.]

* * * * *

In closing these preliminary observations, it is a pleasing duty to

acknowledge the facilities obligingly placed at the author's disposal

by kind friends in Italy and at home. The urbanity with which

Monsignore Laureani afforded every assistance compatible with the

stringent regulations of the Vatican Library, demands a tribute

tempered by regret that death should have prematurely removed him from

a trust which he usefully and gracefully discharged. To Don Pietro

Raffaele, of the Oliveriana Library at Pesaro, and to the Abbé

Francesco Raffaele Valenti, of the Albani Library at Urbino; to Signor

Luigi Bonfatti, of Gubbio; to the archivists of many towns, and to the

directors of not a few galleries in Italy, a large debt of gratitude

has been incurred. The intimate acquaintance with the treasures of

Italian art possessed by the Commendatore Kestner, minister from the

Court of Hanover at the Holy See, was, with his wonted kindness and

courtesy, freely rendered available. Mr. Rawdon Brown, whose profound

knowledge of Venetian history and antiquities will, it is hoped, be

ere long appreciated in England, as it already is in the Lagoons, has

communicated most important documents, which the author was unable

personally to inspect. Mr. F.C. Brooke, of Ufford Place, Suffolk, has

likewise supplied some valuable notices. The embellishments of these

volumes owe much to the friendly assistance of Mr. Lewis Gruner, an

artist whose generous character and happy exemption from professional

jealousies are not less remarkable than the success of his burin and

the excellence of his taste. With a liberality unusual among English

collectors, Dr. Wellesley, Principal of New College Hall, Oxford,

threw open his stores of Italian historic art, and allowed the use of

several rare medallions. To these, and to many whose good wishes have

cheered him on, the author's thanks are thus heartily, though

inadequately, offered.

CONTENTS

PAGE

INTRODUCTION vii

MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR xiii

CATALOGUE OF THE PICTURE SALE OF THE AUTHOR xix

AUTHOR'S PREFACE xxix

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS OF VOLUME I. xlix

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS OF VOLUME I. li

BOOK FIRST

OF URBINO AND ITS EARLY COUNTS

CHAPTER I

Topography of the Duchy of Urbino--Origin of the Italian

communities--Their civil institutions and military

system--Their principle of liberty--Political divisions of

Romagna; opposed to modern speculations regarding centralization 3

CHAPTER II

Origin of the Counts of Montefeltro, and of their sovereignty

in Urbino and the surrounding country--Their early

genealogy--Guido Count of Urbino--Antonio Count of Urbino 22

CHAPTER III

Guidantonio Count of Urbino--The Ubaldini--Oddantonio Count of

Urbino--Is made Duke--His dissolute habits and speedy

assassination 42

BOOK SECOND

OF FEDERIGO DI MONTEFELTRO, COUNT AND SECOND DUKE OF URBINO

CHAPTER IV

The birth of Count Federigo--Condition of Italy--His marriage

and early military service--The Malatesta his inveterate

foes--He takes S. Leo--Is invested with Mercatello 61

CHAPTER V

Count Federigo succeeds to Urbino and acquires

Fossombrone--His connection with the Sforza family, whereby he

incurs excommunication--His campaign in the Maremma--Loses his

eye in a tournament 85

CHAPTER VI

Count Federigo enters the Neapolitan service--His two campaigns

in Tuscany--Fall of Constantinople--Peace of Lodi--Nicholas

V.--The Count's fruitless attempt at reconciliation with

Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta, followed by new feuds with

him--Death of his Countess Gentile 102

CHAPTER VII

Count Federigo's domestic life--His second marriage--New war

for the Angevine succession to Naples--Battle of San

Fabbiano--Conclusion of the war--Humiliation of the Malatesta 120

CHAPTER VIII

Count Federigo's home administration and court--Description

of his palace and library at Urbino--His other palaces--The

resources of his state 147

CHAPTER IX

Count Federigo's varied engagements--Battle of La

Molinella--Death and character of his enemy Malatesta--Affairs

of Rimini 177

CHAPTER X

Birth of Prince Guidobaldo--Count Federigo captures

Volterra--Is again widowed--Receives the Garter and the

Ermine--Is made Duke of Urbino--His patronage of learned men 207

CHAPTER XI

The Duke of Milan assassinated--Count Girolamo Riario--The

Pazzi conspiracy--Duke Federigo's campaigns in

Tuscany--Progress of the Turks 233

CHAPTER XII

The war of Ferrara, and the death of Duke Federigo--His

character and portraits 258

BOOK THIRD

OF GUIDOBALDO DI MONTEFELTRO, THIRD DUKE OF URBINO

CHAPTER XIII

The early promise of Duke Guidobaldo I.--Count Girolamo Riario

assassinated--The Duke's marriage--Comparative quiet of Italy 295

CHAPTER XIV

State of the papacy at the election of Alexander VI.--His

election, character, and children--The aspect of Italy at the

close of her golden age--The disputed succession of Naples

reopened--Character and views of Charles VIII.--Proposed league

to oppose him frustrated--State of the Roman Campagna--The old

and new military systems in Italy 315

CHAPTER XV

Italy ill prepared for the French invasion--Duke Guidobaldo

sent against the Orsini--Lucrezia Borgia's second

marriage--Descent of Charles VIII.--He reaches Naples and

retreats--Battle of the Taro--The Duke engaged in the Pisan

war--Is taken prisoner by the Orsini and ransomed 341

CHAPTER XVI

The crimes and ambition of the Borgia--Murder of the Duke

of Gandia--Duke Guidobaldo's expeditions against Perugia and

Tuscany--He adopts Francesco Maria della Rovere as his

heir--Louis XII. succeeds to Charles VIII., and to his views

upon Italy--Cesare Borgia created Duke Valentino--Duke

Guidobaldo at Venice 363

CHAPTER XVII

The condition of Romagna--Cesare Borgia overruns and seizes

upon it--The spirit of his government--Naples invaded by Louis,

and handed over to Spain--Lucrezia Borgia's fourth marriage 379

CHAPTER XVIII

Duke Guidobaldo's retired life--Cesare Borgia surprises and

seizes Urbino--The Duke's flight--The diet of La

Magione--Rising in the Duchy, and his return--He again retires 399

APPENDICES

I. Poetry of the family of Montefeltro 427

II. Inventory of articles taken by Brigida Sueva di

Montefeltro, _alias_ Sister Serafina, into the Convent

of Corpus Domini 433

III. Poetry of Ottaviano degli Ubaldini 436

IV. Instrument containing the concessions demanded by the

citizens and acceded to by Count Federigo, on being

chosen as their Seigneur 438

V. Devices and mottoes of the Dukes of Urbino 443

VI. The illuminated MSS. in the Urbino Library 446

VII. Duke Federigo of Urbino a Knight of the Garter 450

VIII. The army of Charles VIII., in 1493 460

IX. The battle of the Taro, in 1495 463

X. The arrival of Duke Valentino at the French Court 468

XI. Ludovico Sforza's entry into Lyons, in 1500 470

XII. Sonnet to Italy by Marcello Filosseno 472

XIII. Marriage festivities of Lucrezia Borgia at Ferrara,

in 1502 473

GENEALOGICAL TABLES _At end of book_

ILLUSTRATIONS

James Dennistoun of Dennistoun. From a medallion

in the possession of his nephew James W. Dennistoun

of Dennistoun _Frontispiece_

TO FACE PAGE

View of Urbino. (Photo Alinari) 22

The Battle of S. Egidio. After the picture by Paolo Uccello in

the National Gallery. Portraits of Carlo Malatesta and his

nephew Galeotto "il Beato" 44

Leonello d'Este. After the picture by Pisanello in the Morelli

Gallery, Bergamo. (Photo Alinari) 54

Nicolò Piccinino. From a bronze medal by Pisanello. By the

courtesy of G.F. Hill, Esq. 70

Vittorino da Feltre. From a medal by Pisanello in the British

Museum. By the courtesy of G.F. Hill, Esq. 70

San Leo and Maiuolo. From a drawing by Agostino Nini 78

Federigo of Urbino. From the XV. Century relief in the Bargello,

Florence. (Photo Alinari) 86

Francesco Sforza. From the XV. Century relief in the Bargello,

Florence. (Photo Alinari) 98

Federigo, Duke of Urbino, and Battista, his wife. From the

picture by Piero della Francesca in the Uffizi Gallery,

Florence. (Photo Alinari) 120

Allegory. After the picture by Piero della Francesca in the

Uffizi Gallery, Florence. (Photo Alinari) 122

Allegory. After the picture by Piero della Francesca in the

Uffizi Gallery, Florence. (Photo Alinari) 124

Sigismondo Malatesta. Detail from the fresco by Piero della

Francesca in the Tempio Malatestiano in Rimini. (Photo Alinari) 132

Urbino. From an original drawing by Agostino Nini of Bologna 148

The Flagellation. After the picture by Piero della Francesca

in the Sacristy of the Duomo, Urbino. Supposed portraits of

Duke Federigo and Caterino Zeno. (Photo Alinari) 152

Fifteenth-century Court of the Palazzo Ducale, Urbino.

(Photo Alinari) 162

Pio II. at Ancona. After the fresco by Pinturicchio in the

Cathedral Library, Siena. (Photo Brogi) 178

Portrait of Leon Battista Alberti. From the relief by Pisanello

in the Dreyfus Collection 194

Pope Sixtus IV. From a miniature prefixed to the dedication

copy of Platina's Lives of the Popes in the Vatican Library 202

Battista Sforza, Duchess of Urbino, second wife of Duke

Federigo. From the bust by Francesco Laurana in the Bargello,

Florence. (Photo Alinari) 214

Federigo of Urbino and his Family. Detail from the picture by

Justus of Ghent, in the Palazzo Ducale, Urbino. (From the

Ducal Collection.) (Photo Alinari) 216

Lorenzo de' Medici. From the fresco by Ghirlandaio in S.

Trinità, Florence. (Photo Alinari) 238

Giuliano de' Medici. (Photo Alinari) 240

The Birth of Venus. Supposed portrait of Simonetta

Cattaneo--mistress of Giuliano de' Medici. Detail from the

picture by Sandro Botticelli in the Uffizi Gallery, Florence.

(Photo Alinari) 242

Astorgio III. de' Manfredi. From the picture by Scaletti in

the Pinacoteca of Faenza 258

Federigo di Montefeltro. After the picture by Justus of Ghent,

once in the Ducal Collection at Urbino, now in the Palazzo

Barberini in Rome. (Photo Anderson) 266

The Contessa Palma of Urbino. After the portrait by Piero

della Francesca in the National Gallery 280

Guidobaldo I. From a picture in the Colonna Gallery in Rome 296

Caterina Sforza. After the picture by Marco Palmezzani in the

Pinacoteca of Forlì. (Photo Alinari) 306

Isabella of Aragon. After the drawing by Beltraffio in the

Biblioteca Ambrogiana, Milan. (Photo Anderson) 310

Pope Alexander VI. Detail from a fresco by Pinturicchio in the

Borgia apartments of the Vatican, Rome 320

"Diva Julia." From a bronze medal _ca._ 1482 by L'Antico in

the British Museum. By the courtesy of G.F. Hill, Esq. 330

Cesare Borgia. From a medal _ca._ 1500 in the British Museum.

By the courtesy of G.F. Hill, Esq. 330

Julius II as Cardinal. From a medal in the British Museum. By

the courtesy of G.F. Hill, Esq. 330

St. Catherine of Alexandria. Supposed portrait of Lucrezia

Borgia by Pinturicchio. Detail from a fresco in the Borgia

apartments of the Vatican, Rome. (Photo Anderson) 344

Bianca, daughter of Ludovico Sforza. After the picture by

Ambrogio de' Predis in the Biblioteca Ambrogiana, Milan.

(Photo Anderson) 352

Cesare Borgia as the Emperor. Detail from the fresco of the

Disputa of S. Catherine in the Borgia apartments of the

Vatican. (Photo Anderson) 364

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE

CHAPTER I

A.D. PAGE

The duchy of Urbino, how composed 3

Its characteristic features, and traditional topography 4

Origin of Italian communities 4

Rise of the Guelph and Ghibelline factions 5

Counts of the empire 6

Republics established in Italy 7

Opinions regarding their spirit 8

The seigneurs attain to sovereignty 10

Practical distinction of Guelph and Ghibelline 11

Early military system 12

Origin and influence of free companies 14

The term Republic misapplied 15

Their principle of liberty examined 16

Political divisions of Romagna and La Marca in the

fifteenth century 18

Opposed to modern speculations and the aims of Young

Italy 19

Mariotti's admissions regarding freedom 20

CHAPTER II

Examples of these ideas in the dynasties of Urbino 22

1160. The early Counts of Montefeltro are invested with

Urbino 22

1371. Invited to Cagli 22

1384. Received at Gubbio 22

1433. Acquired Casteldurante 23

1445. Purchased Fossombrone 23

1474. Sinigaglia given to the della Rovere 23

1513. They obtained Pesaro and Gradara 23

Statistics of the state so composed 23

1160-1631. Its dynastic changes 24

Early genealogy of the Montefeltri 24

1160-1815. The Counts of Carpegna 25

1154. Antonio, first Count of Montefeltro 25

1216. Buonconte, first Count of Urbino 25

1268. Count Guido the Elder, his prowess 26

1282. Takes Forlì by stratagem 27

1289. Excommunicated as a Ghibelline 27

1296. Abdicates and becomes a friar 28

1294. Abdication of Celestine V. 28

" Succeeded by Boniface VIII. 28

1296. His feuds with the Colonna 29

" He recalls Count Guido to the world 30

" Dante's confession of the Count 30

" How far consistent with fact 32

" The Count's piety attested by Boniface 33

1298.

Sept. 27. His death at Assisi 34

1300. The struggles of his successors 35

1377. Antonio Count of Urbino 36

1384. Extends his sway over Gubbio, Cagli, and Cantiano 37

1390. His mild government and literary tastes 37

1404. His death announced to the authorities of Siena by

May 9. his son 38

" His children 39

" His daughter Battista, wife of Galeazzo Malatesta,

Lord of Pesaro 39

" Her literary acquirements 40

" Battista takes the veil 40

" Misfortunes of her daughter Elisabetta 41

CHAPTER III

1404. Guidantonio Count of Urbino 42

1408. Made Lord of Assisi 42

1413. And Vice-general of Romagna 43

" Braccio di Montone 43

1417.

Nov. 11. Election of Pope Martin V. 44

1418.

Dec. Count Guidantonio made Duke of Spoleto 44

1420. Braccio reconciled to the Pope 45

1424.

March 4. The Count marries Caterina Colonna 45

" His disputes with the Brancaleoni 45

1430.

Sept. 3. Made Captain-general of Florence 46

1431.

March 3. Election of Pope Eugenius IV. 46

1438.

Oct. 9. Death of Countess Caterina 47

1442.

Feb. 20. Death of Count Guidantonio 47

" His children 47

" His daughter Brigida Sueva's singular history 48

" His natural children 49

" Origin of the Ubaldini della Carda 49

" Notice of Ottaviano Ubaldino 50

1424. Birth of Count Oddantonio of Urbino 51

1443.

April 26. Made Duke of Urbino 51

" His vicious career 52

1444.

July 22. His assassination 53

" His intended marriage 55

1439-1443. Two original letters from him to the magistrates of

Siena 56

The dukedom lapsed on his death 58

CHAPTER IV

Federigo Count of Urbino 61

1422.

June 7. The mystery and misstatements regarding his birth 61

1424.

Dec. 22. Set at rest by his legitimation 62

" The Brancaleoni of Mercatello 63

1430. Their heiress Gentile betrothed to Count Federigo 64

" The state of Italy at this time 64

" Rome and the Papacy 65

" Florence and Central Italy 66

" Lombardy and Venice 67

1433. Federigo sent to Venice as a hostage 68

1434. Made a companion of the Hose 68

" Becomes a pupil of Vittorino da Feltre at Mantua 69

" Character and system of Vittorino 70

1433. Federigo knighted by the Emperor 71

1437.

Dec. 2. His marriage 72

" Nicolò Piccinino successor of Braccio di Montone 72

1438. Federigo serves under him in Lombardy 74

1439. Next, under his brother-in-law Guidaccio Manfredi,

Lord of Faenza 74

" A midnight alarm 74

" The Malatesta hereditary rivals of the Montefeltri 75

" Sigismondo Pandolfo Lord of Rimini opposed by Federigo 75

1440.

June 29. The battle of Anghiari 77

1442. Federigo recovers Montelocco 77

1441. Description of S. Leo 78

" Federigo takes it 80

" Position of Francesco Sforza 80

" Pedigree of the Sforza family 80

1443. Federigo after his father's death rejoins Piccinino 81

" Visits Naples with him 81

"

Nov. 8. Sforza defeats Piccinino at Monteluro 82

" Sanzi's description of that battle 82

" Federigo invested with Mercatello 83

1444. He protects Galeazzo Malatesta's seigneury of Pesaro 83

1445.

Feb. 21. Is challenged by Sigismondo Malatesta of Rimini 83

CHAPTER V

1444. Federigo accepted as successor of Duke Oddantonio

July 22. in Urbino 85

" Conditions imposed by the people 86

" The state of Central Italy 87

" Contemporary sketch of Federigo 88

" Spite of Sigismondo Pandolfo 89

" Sale of Pesaro and Fossombrone 90

1445. Marriage of Alessandro Sforza, who becomes Lord

March 16. of Pesaro 91

" Mistakes of Sismondi 91

" Francesco Sforza's breach with Filippo Maria Visconti

and Sigismondo Malatesta 91

"

June 22. He is supported by Federigo, and visits Urbino 92

1446. His position at La Marca, which he loses 92

" Federigo excommunicated by Eugenius for adhering

April. to Sforza 93

" The fortune of war changes 93

1447. Sforza is reconciled with the Duke of Milan 94

"

Sept. 3. Sigismondo attacks Fossombrone 95

"

Feb. 23. Death and character of Eugenius IV. 95

" Death of the Duke of Milan 96

1450. Succeeded by Francesco Sforza 97

1447. Designs of Alfonso of Naples upon Tuscany 97

1448.

March. Opposed by Federigo for the Florentines 98

" Sigismondo tricks Alfonso, and attacks Fossombrone 98

"

Sept. Alfonso and Federigo return home 99

1449. Sigismondo attempts to dupe Federigo, but is foiled 99

1450. Federigo made Captain-general by the Duke of Milan 100

"

June 29. Peace between Naples and Florence 100

" Loses his eye in a tournament 101

CHAPTER VI

1450. The peace of Italy threatened by new combinations 102

" Federigo quits the service of Milan for that of

Naples 103

" The King employs him without exacting sureties 103

1451. The Emperor Frederick III. comes to Italy, and is

crowned at Rome 103

1452. The Neapolitan campaign in Tuscany under Federigo

and the Duke of Calabria 103

1452-1453. Federigo goes to Naples, and returns in the spring 104

1453. Attacked by malaria fever 104

"

July 26. His letter to the Priors of Siena 104

" Uninteresting conclusion of the war 105

" Fall of the Greek empire, and taking of

May 29. Constantinople 106

1454. Efforts of Nicholas V. for a general league against

the Turks 107

"

April 9. The peace of Lodi 107

1455.

Mar. 24. The death and character of Nicholas V. 107

1454. Federigo's friendly visit to the King of Naples 108

1455. The King ratifies the league with an unfortunate

Jan. 26. reservation 109

1457. Federigo takes measures for humbling Sigismondo 109

"

April. Visits Florence, Bologna, Milan, and Mantua 109

" His fruitless interview with Sigismondo at Modena 110

" He goes to Naples for assistance; many intrigues

June. there 110

" Death of his Countess Gentile 111

"

Nov. 7. Asks a mortar-founder from Siena 111

" He attacks Sigismondo 112

1458.

May 2. His despatch to the Priors of Siena 112

"

July 1. Death of Alfonso of Naples 113

"

Aug. 6. Death of Calixtus III. 113

" Ambitious intrigues of Giacomo Piccinino, who

seizes on part of the ecclesiastical territory 114

" Federigo continued as Captain-general by Ferdinand

of Naples 115

" New disputes for the crown of Naples 115

1459.

May 27. Pius II. summons a European congress at Mantua 116

" His mediation between Malatesta and the Count of

Urbino 116

"

June 21. His letter to Federigo 117

" His award in favour of Federigo 119

CHAPTER VII

Federigo's domestic life 120

1454. His sons Buonconte and Antonio legitimated 120

1458.

Oct. Buonconte dies at Naples of plague 120

" Death of another son, Bernardino 120

1459. Count Federigo's marriage to Battista Sforza proposed 121

" Errors of Sismondi regarding her (note) 121

" Her education and accomplishments 121

"

Nov. Her betrothal at Pesaro 122

1460.

Feb. 10. Her marriage celebrated at Urbino 122

" Giovanni Sanzi's description of her 122

1459. New wars in Italy interrupt the long-proposed Turkish

crusade 123

" Unpopularity of Ferdinand of Naples 123

" State of the Angevine claimants to that crown 123

1458.

May 11. Jean Duke of Calabria made Seigneur of Genoa 123

1459. Supported in his designs upon Naples by France,

Genoa, and Florence 124

" Opposed by Pius II. and the Duke of Milan, who

adhere to the Italian league 124

" The Duke of Calabria sails from Genoa to invade

Oct. 4. Naples 124

1460. Venice and Florence become neutral 124

" Giacopo Piccinino deserts to the Angevines 125

"

Mar. 30. Evades Federigo and reaches the Abruzzi 125

"

April. The confederates follow him thither 125

"

July 7. Ferdinand is beaten at Sarno 125

" Armies of the League and of Piccinino meet at San

Fabbiano 126

" Tournament before the battle 126

" Accident to the Count of Urbino 126

"

July 22. Battle of San Fabbiano 127

"

" " Mistakes as to the date of it (note) 127

"

Aug. 2. The confederates retreat 128

" Anecdote of Count Federigo 129

" Ferdinand saved by his Queen's intercession 130

" Count Federigo re-engaged by Pius II. 130

"

Oct. Rome threatened by Piccinino 130

"

Dec. Count Federigo goes to Rome for Christmas 131

1461. Sigismondo Malatesta put on trial 131

1462.

Apr. 14. Burned and excommunicated 132

1461.

June. Count Federigo crosses the Apennines 132

"

July. His conversation with Pius II. on ancient history 133

"

Oct. He reduces Aquila and Sora 133

"

" Is complimented by Pius II. 134

1461-1462. Visits Rome and Naples 134

1461. Angevine prepossessions of the Genoese changed by

Mar. a revolution 135

"

July 17. Total defeat of King René there 135

" George Scanderbeg supports Ferdinand 135

1462. Sigismondo Malatesta's force augmented 135

"

Aug. Count Federigo hurries into La Marca to meet him 136

"

" 12. Overthrows him at the Cesano, near Sinigaglia 137

"

" " Rejects his offers of friendship 137

"

Oct. 6. His conduct approved by Pius II. 138

"

Nov. 3. Made lieutenant-general of the ecclesiastical forces 139

"

Sept. 20. Mondavio capitulates to him; the miseries of war 139

" Giovanni Malatesta taken prisoner at Montefiori, and

Oct. 22. liberated by him 140

" He obtains Verucchio by a dishonourable trick, and

" 31. winters there 140

"

Aug. 18. Piccinino defeated at Troia 141

"

Sept. 13. The Prince of Tarento deserts the Angevines 141

1463.

Aug. Piccinino follows his example 141

1464. The Duke of Calabria finally quits Italy 141

1463.

July. Fano besieged by Count Federigo 142

"

Sept. 28. It is surrendered by Roberto Malatesta 143

"

" " His generosity to Sigismondo's family 143

"

" " The satisfaction of Pius 143

"

Oct. 5-25. Sinigaglia and Gradara surrender to Federigo 144

"

" Venice mediates in behalf of Sigismondo 144

"

" He humbles himself to the Pope, and is absolved 145

" Peace with the Malatesta, giving the Count an

Nov. 1. accession of territory 146

CHAPTER VIII

1463-1464. The home administration of Federigo 147

" " Scantily illustrated by his biographers 147

" " His court and establishment 150

" " Its hospitalities 152

1454. A new palace begun at Urbino 154

1463-1464. Its appearance 154

" " Designed by Luziano Lauranna 155

" " Federigo's patent in his favour 156

" " And continued by Baccio Pontelli 157

" " Who makes a plan of it for Lorenzo de' Medici 157

" " Fallacy regarding Francesco di Giorgio 158

" " His frieze of trophies and pompous inscription 158

" " Description of the palace, and view from it 159

" " Its decorations in stone and _intarsia_ 160

" " Fallacy as to its museum of art 161

" " The saloons for books and manuscripts 162

" " State of bibliography at this period 163

" " Federigo a collector of manuscripts 164

" " Attested by Sanzi and Vespasiano 164

" " Regulations of his library 167

" " Notice of its librarians 168

" " Its extent and cost 168

" " The stable-range built by Francesco di Giorgio 169

" " Cost of the palace 170

" " Anecdote of its foundation 170

" " Churches founded by Federigo 171

" " Description of his palace at Gubbio 171

" " His other residences 174

" " The extent and resources of his state 175

CHAPTER IX

1464.

Aug. The projected crusade abandoned 177

"

" 14. Death of Pius II.; succeeded by Paul II. 177

"

" Sanzi's lines on his death 178

"

Sept. 28. Count Federigo made Gonfaloniere of the Church 179

"

" Explanation of that title (note) 179

"

Oct. 24. Returns to Urbino after visiting Naples 179

1465.

July. His expedition against Anguillera 179

"

Nov. 20. Death of Malatesta Novello of Cesena 180

1466.

Jan. His state annexed to the Church by Count Federigo 180

"

Mar. 8. Death of Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan 180

"

" Count Federigo goes to Milan 181

" Is reappointed captain-general by Duke Galeazzo

June 6. Maria Sforza 181

"

" Returns home 181

" The protracted tranquillity and glory of Italy 182

1465.

July 12. Murder of Giacomo Piccinino at Naples 183

1464.

Aug. 1. Death of Cosimo de' Medici, _Pater patriæ_ 184

1464-1466. State of parties in Florence 184

1466-1467. The exiles engage Colleoni to invade Tuscany 185

1467.

May 15. Federigo's honourable condotta by the League 185

" Battle of La Molinella in the Bolognese, where field

July 25. artillery was first used 187

"

" Giovanni della Rovere distinguishes himself 187

1468. Federigo visits the Duke of Milan 190

"

June. Sent by him to meet his bride at Genoa 190

"

July. Returns home 190

"

Sept. Recalled to Milan 190

"

Oct. Presented by him with a palace in that city 190

"

Nov. Reduces Brisella 190

1469.

Jan. Commissioned by him to wait upon the Emperor 190

"

March 1. Returns home 190

1468.

Oct. 9. Death of Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta 191

" His character and tastes 191

" His service in the Morea 194

" Pretensions of his son Roberto on Rimini 195

" The Pontiff outwitted by him 195

1469. Rimini besieged by Alessandro Sforza 196

"

Aug. 30. Great victory of Federigo near Rimini 199

"

" His generosity 200

"

Nov. Roberto regains his father's state 201

1470. Federigo in high favour with Galeazzo Maria 200

" Rupture of the League from foolish jealousies 200

1469.

Dec. 3. Death of Pietro de' Medici 201

1470.

Dec. 22. The League renewed 201

"

July 7. Federigo's letters to the Signory of Siena 201

1471.

" 28. Death of Paul II. 202

" Roberto Malatesta invested with Rimini 203

1472.

Mar. 28. Marries Princess Elisabetta of Urbino 203

"

April. Note as to his title of Magnificent 203

1471. Federigo attends the coronation of Sixtus IV. 203

" Entertains the Persian envoys at Urbino 204

1472. Entertains Cardinal Pietro Riario at Gubbio 205

CHAPTER X

1472.

Jan. 24. His son Guidobaldo born at Gubbio 207

"

June 18. Captures Volterra; its sack 211

"

" Misstatements regarding his great MS. Hebrew Bible 212

"

" His triumphant welcome at Florence 212

"

" His fortunate position 213

"

July 6. The death of his Countess Battista 214

"

" His letters on that event 214

"

" Notice of her life and character 216

"

" Her portrait 218

"

Aug. 17. Her obsequies 219

1472-1474. Federigo at home 219

1474.

Aug. 20. He goes to Rome 220

"

" 21. Is invested with the ducal dignity 220

"

" " And is made Gonfaloniere of the Church 221

"

" Obtains the Golden Rose 221

"

" The marriage of his daughters Giovanna and Agnesina 222

"

Sept. 11. Is invested with the order of the Ermine at Naples 223

"

" And with that of the Garter at Grottoferrata 224

" Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere sent against Città

di Castello 225

"

Nov. 2. A new league 225

" Federigo's patronage of learned men 225

1475. Books dedicated to him 227

" Curious letter to him from the Priors of Arezzo 228

" Testimony of Vespasiano 231

" And of Giovanni Sanzi 231

CHAPTER XI

1476.

Dec. 26. Assassination of Duke Galeazzo Maria Sforza 234

" His character by Sanzi 235

1477. Federigo prepares to march upon Milan, but attacks

Jan. Montone 236

1473. Count Girolamo Riario invested with Forlì and Imola 236

" He is betrothed to Caterina Sforza 236

" Her education and character 237

1477. Their marriage 237

" The friendship of Sixtus for Lorenzo de' Medici soon

interrupted 237

" Revolutions in Florence usually sprang from family

feuds 239

" Origin of the Pazzi conspiracy 239

1478.

April 26. It explodes; Giuliano assassinated 240

" Italian conspiracies and politics 241

" The Pope is compromised 242

" Lorenzo appeals to his fellow citizens 243

" The parties to a new war in Tuscany 243

" The Duke's letter to an astrologer 244

" The campaign narrated by Federigo 245

" He breaks his leg 247

"

Dec. 23. He goes to the baths of Petriolo 247

1479.

May 23. He leaves Petriolo 247

" Defection of Roberto Malatesta 247

" The Florentines successful at Thrasimene, but

worsted in the Val d'Elsa 247

"

Nov. 12. Colle surrenders 248

"

" Its siege painted on a _bicherna_ (note) 248

" State of the Italian artillery 248

" Notices of it by Duke Federigo 249

"

Nov. 20. He goes to Siena and receives a donative 251

"

" 27. A truce for three months 251

" The unfortunate position of Florence, and

disorganisation of its army 251

" Lorenzo de' Medici goes to Naples to negotiate a

Dec. 6. treaty 252

1480.

Mar. 25. Peace proclaimed 252

"

Dec. Humiliation of the Florentines before Sixtus 253

1479-1480. Intrigues of the Duke of Calabria at Siena 253

" " Federigo winters at the baths of Viterbo 253

" " He receives the Sword and Hat 253

1480.

May 19. His letter to the magistrates at Siena 254

" He returns home 254

" Count Girolamo takes possession of Forlì 254

" Description of his Countess 255

1474-1479. Progress of the Turks in Europe 256

1480.

Aug. 11. They take Otranto by concert with the Venetians 257

" Consequent panic in Italy, and new combinations of

its powers 257

" Federigo summoned by Ferdinand, but detained by

Sixtus 257

1481.

May 3. Death of Sultan Mahomet 257

"

Aug. 10. Otranto recovered from the Turks 257

CHAPTER XII

1481. Sixtus combines with the Venetians against Ferrara 258

" Federigo declines their offers, and vainly inculcates

peace 259

1482. He is engaged to command the League in defence of

April 17. Ferrara 259

"

" 23. His departure for the campaign 260

" Description of the seat of war 261

"

May 3. War declared by Venice 262

"

" 11. The Venetians besiege Ficheruolo 262

"

" 4. Federigo's letter to Lorenzo de' Medici 262

"

" He goes to Milan and Mantua for reinforcements 264

"

" 20. Returns to La Stellata 264

"

June. Fatal effects of malaria 264

"

" 29. Ficheruolo taken 265

" Ferrara hard pressed, but obstinately defended by

July. Federigo 265

" His appeal to the Pontiff, who perseveres in his

" schemes of nepotism 265

"

" Lawless condition of Rome 266

"

" Federigo attacked by fever, and relapses 266

"

" He resigns his command, and retires to Ferrara 267

"

Sept. 10. Prepares for death and expires 267

"

" Simultaneous death of Roberto Malatesta 269

"

" Character of Duke Federigo, by Poggio Bracciolino 270

"

" By Francesco di Giorgio 270

"

" By Pirro Pirotti and Cyrneo 271

"

" By Vespasiano 272

"

" Anecdotes preserved by him 273

"

" His military commands 282

"

" His funeral 283

"

" His body subsequently exposed 283

1482. Notice of his portrait, by Piero della Francesca,

with his Countess 284

" By Mantegna, with his son 285

" By an unknown artist 286

" By Fra Carnevale 287

" By Justus of Ghent 288

" By an unknown artist 288

" His children and their marriages 289

CHAPTER XIII

1482. Retrospect for Duke Federigo's reign 295

1472. Birth of his son Guidobaldo, who is confirmed by

Jan. 24. Cardinal Bessarion 296

"

July 6. Death of Guidobaldo's mother 296

" His precocious genius and sweet temper 296

" Attested by his tutor Odasio 297

1482.

Sept. 17. His father's death 299

" Position of the duchy 299

"

Sept. 17. Investiture of Duke Guidobaldo I. 300

" He is continued in his father's command 301

1483.

Jan. 6. Sixtus deserts the Venetians, and joins the League 301

" Guidobaldo in the service of Naples 303

"

July 19. Death of Costanzo Sforza of Pesaro 303

1484.

Aug. 13. Death of Sixtus IV. 304

"

" 29. And election of Innocent VIII. 304

"

" 11. Treaty of Bagnuolo 305

1485. The Pontiff attacks Naples. 305

" Guidobaldo retained by him 305

"

Aug. 11. Peace restored 305

1486. Guidobaldo serves under Trivulzio 306

" The regency of Ottaviano Ubaldini terminates 306

1488. The assassination of Count Girolamo Riario, and

April 14. revolution at Forlì 307

" Energetic measures of his widow 307

" The regulations and manners of the court of Urbino 309

" Duke Guidobaldo betrothed to Elisabetta Gonzaga

of Mantua 311

1489.

Oct. Their marriage and disappointment of children 312

1490. Comparative repose of Italy 313

1492.

April 7. Death of Lorenzo de' Medici 314

"

July 25,

29. And of the Pope 314

"

Aug. 11. Succeeded by Alexander VI. 314

CHAPTER XIV

1492. Condition of the papacy on the accession of

Alexander VI. 315

" His family descent and debauched life 316

" Circumstances of his election 317

" His children and their scandalous conduct 318

" Pedigree of the Borgia 320

" The aspect of Italy at the close of her golden age 321

" Described by Guicciardini 322

" Sketch of the disputed succession of Naples, and its

results 322

" The condition of Milan and Venice 325

" And of Florence 326

" Character of Charles VIII. of France, and his views

upon Italy 327

" Negotiations for an Italian League frustrated by

Pietro de' Medici 328

" State of the Roman Campagna and its rival barons 329

" Their feuds fire the train 331

" Ludovico il Moro invites Charles into Italy 331

1493. Military circumstances of Italy 332

" The condottiere system gradually abandoned 333

" Condemned by Machiavelli 334

" A new system introduced 335

" Lances, stradiotes, and infantry 335

" The Swiss infantry 337

" The lansquenets and Spaniards 338

" Introduction of fire-arms and artillery 338

CHAPTER XV

1494.

Jan. Alfonso II. succeeds to the crown of Naples 341

" Position of the Italian powers at the invasion of

Charles VIII. 341

" Alfonso's efforts to conciliate the Pontiff and his

children 342

" His son Cesare made Cardinal Valentino 343

" The Pope employs Guidobaldo against the Orsini 344

" His first attack of gout 344

" The marriage of Lucrezia Borgia to Giovanni Sforza

of Pesaro 344

" Its scandalous orgies 345

"

June. Her visit to Urbino 345

" Double-dealing of Alexander with Alfonso 345

" The calamities of the French invasion 346

" Description of Charles VIII. by Guicciardini 346

" And by Mantegna 347

" And by Ludovico il Moro 347

" The campaign opened by Sir Bernard Stuart of

Aubigny 348

"

Aug. 20. Charles leaves Vienne and reaches Milan 348

" Alfonso alone prepares to oppose him 348

" Sends the Duke of Calabria into Romagna 348

" He is supported by the Duke of Urbino, but without

avail 348

"

Nov. 9. Tuscany welcomes Charles, and expels the Medici 349

" This revolution graphically described 350

" Financial expedient proposed at Florence 351

"

Dec. 31. Charles enters Rome 351

1495.

Jan. 28. Leaves it for Naples 351

"

" 23. Alfonso abdicates the crown, and dies soon after 351

" Succeeded by his son Ferdinand II., who retires to

" Ischia 352

"

" 22. Charles takes possession of Naples 352

"

Mar. 31. A new League formed against the French 352

1494.

Oct. Ludovico il Moro becomes Duke of Milan 353

1495. The demoralisation of the French army 353

"

May 20. It leaves Naples 353

"

July 6. Battle of the Taro, at Fornovo 354

"

Oct. It re-enters France 354

"

July. Ferdinand II. restored at Naples 354

1496. Whose French garrison surrenders 355

" Results to Italy of this invasion 355

1495. The Pisan war, in which Guidobaldo was engaged

by the Florentines 356

" Their conduct leads to fresh discord 356

" And to an invasion by Maximilian 357

" Guidobaldo recalled by the Pope to aid in restoring

Ferdinand II. 357

1496.

Oct. Who dies soon after 358

" Peace again troubled by Alexander, who attacks the

" Orsini 358

"

" Aided by Guidobaldo 358

" His petty campaign against Bracciano 359

1497.

Jan. 23. Is beaten, and taken prisoner 360

" The Venetian Signory interfere in his behalf 361

" A heavy ransom extorted from him with the Pope's

connivance 361

CHAPTER XVI

1497. Ambitious nepotism of Alexander VI. 363

" Divorce of Lucrezia 363

"

June 15. Murder of the Duke of Gandia 364

"

" " Its mystery and scandals 364

"

" " Its effect upon the public 366

"

" " And on the Pope 366

"

" 19. His oration, repentance, and relapse 366

" Followed by new favours to Cesare Borgia 369

" Who returns from his Neapolitan embassy a rejected

Sept. 5. suitor 369

1498.

Aug. Marriage of Lucrezia to the Duke of Bisceglia 369

" Guidobaldo's expedition against the Baglioni of

Perugia 369

" He is engaged by the Medici to arm for their

restoration to Florence 370

" Failure of the expedition 370

" His illness at Bibbiena 370

1499. He adopts his nephew Francesco Maria della Rovere,

as heir of the dukedom 371

1498.

April 7. Death of Charles VIII. 372

"

" Succeeded by Louis XII. 372

" His views upon Italy 372

" State of parties there 372

" Ambition of Alexander to secure to Cesare a

sovereignty 373

" His ecclesiastical orders annulled, and his embassy

Sept. 17. to Paris with the King's divorce 373

"

" 28. Letter of the Pope to Louis 374

" By whom Cesare is created Duke Valentino 375

" He aspires to the crown of Naples 375

" His magnificence 375

1499. Again rejected by a Neapolitan princess 375

" His intrigues as to Louis' divorce 375

" A new league against the French proposed 376

" The marriage of Duke Valentino 376

"

Oct. 6. The French conquer Lombardy and enter Milan 377

" Guidobaldo's visit to Venice, and condotta by the

June. Signory 377

CHAPTER XVII

1499. Valentino's schemes upon Romagna 379

" Its condition, as detailed by Sismondi 379

" Strictures upon his views 383

" Valentino marches upon Imola 384

" Our last notice of Caterina Riario Sforza 384

"

Dec. 31. He takes that town, and goes to Rome 385

1500. Ludovico il Moro carried captive to France 385

" The prodigality of the Borgia 386

" Supplied by sacrilege and simony 387

"

Oct. 27. Cesare, supported by the French, seizes Pesaro 388

1501.

April 22. And Faenza; murder of its princes 389

" He is made Duke of Romagna 389

" Sismondi's eulogy on his administration 389

" Imitating Machiavelli and Filosseno 390

" But contradicted by Sanuto 391

" The true spirit of his government 392

" Arrested in his designs upon Bologna and Florence 392

"

Sept. 3. Seizes upon Piombino 393

" Louis invades Naples 393

" Its partition betwixt France and Spain 394

" Abdication of Federigo of Naples; he retires to

France, where he died in 1504 394

1503. His kingdom passes to Spain 394

1501. New crimes and intrigues of the Borgia 395

" Lucrezia's fourth marriage to the Prince of Ferraro 396

1502.

Jan. 18. She visits Urbino on her way home 397

" Her reformed life 397

1519.

June. Letter of condolence on her death 397

CHAPTER XVIII

1502. Guidobaldo's retired life 399

1500. Visits Rome for the Jubilee 399

1501.

Nov. 6. Death of his brother-in-law the Prefect 399

1502.

April 24. Succeeded by his son Francesco Maria 399

" The Duchess of Urbino at Venice 400

" New schemes of Valentino 400

"

June 20. He surprises Urbino 401

"

" 28. The Duke narrates his flight to Mantua 401

"

" Further details 407

" He finds refuge in Venice 409

" Improbable rumour regarding him 409

"

June 21. Cesare enters Urbino 410

" And seizes Camerino 411

1502. His brutal character 411

" He goes to Milan, and justifies himself with

Louis XII 412

" His lust of further sway 412

"

Sept. Diet at La Magione of the menaced princes 412

1502. Character of Liverotto da Fermo 412

"

Oct. 5. S. Leo lost to Valentino and retaken 413

"

" 8. Letter from him (note) 414

"

" A general rising throughout Urbino 414

"

" Cruelly checked by Don Michelotto 415

"

" But supported by the confederates of Magione 415

"

" Valentino retrieves himself, and recruits his forces 415

"

" 18. Guidobaldo returns and is welcomed 416

"

" 28. Valentino wins back the confederates 418

" Finding resistance vain, the Duke retires in broken

Dec. 8. health 419

1503.

Jan. 27. His despatch to the Doge of Venice 422

"

" 31. And narrative of his escape to that city 423

APPENDICES

Authors in the family of Montefeltro 427

Specimens of their compositions 428

Wardrobe inventory of Sister Serafina 433

Poetry of Ottaviano Ubaldini 436

Concessions of Duke Federigo to the citizens on his

election in 1444 438

Devices and mottoes of the Dukes of Urbino 443

Illuminated MSS. in the Urbino Library 446

The MS. Hebrew Bible 446

The MS. Latin Bible 447

The MS. Dante 448

The MS. Lives of the Dukes of Urbino 449

Duke Federigo made a Knight of the Garter 450

His letters to Edward IV. and the English courtiers 450

Anstis' account of it 456

Sanzi's account of it 457

Porcellio's account of it 459

Army of Charles VIII. in 1493 460

Battle of the Taro in 1495 463

Duke Valentino's arrival at the French court in 1498 468

Ludovico il Moro's entry into Lyons in 1500 470

Marcello Filosseno's sonnet on Italy 472

Lucrezia d'Este's marriage festivities at Ferrara, 1502 473

NOTE.--The Editor's notes are marked with an asterisk.

BOOK FIRST

OF URBINO AND ITS EARLY COUNTS

MEMOIRS OF THE

DUKES OF URBINO

CHAPTER I

Topography of the Duchy of Urbino--Origin of the Italian

communities--Their civil institutions and military

system--Their principle of liberty--Political divisions of

Romagna; opposed to modern speculations regarding

centralization.

The country which composed the DUCHY OF URBINO, and which nearly

corresponds with the modern Legation of Urbino and Pesaro, is situated

upon the eastern fall of Central Italy, between the 43rd and 44th

parallels of north latitude. It stretches along the Adriatic, and

extends about forty miles in length, and as many in breadth. From the

Apennine ridge to the coast, it includes modifications of surface,

climate, and soil, suited to a variety of natural productions, and

admirably calculated for the development of the human frame. On the

summit grew those magnificent pines which gave to the district of

Massa the epithet of _Trabaria_, from the beams which were carried

thence for the palaces of Rome, and which are noticed by Dante as

"The living rafters on the back

Of Italy."

Below these stretched forests of chestnut and oak, succeeded by hardy

orchard trees, and in the lower grounds by the olive and vine, to

which its ever broken and undulating surface is peculiarly favourable.

Through numberless ravines are conveyed copious streams, supplying

abundant water-power for grinding rich harvests, grown in the alluvial

valleys, and in the plains which open upon the sea. From its shores

are drawn ample supplies of fish. Its mountains and manors abounded in

game, so long as that was protected by resident princes. In its rugged

Apennines, which around Cagli tower to the height of 5000 feet, no

valuable minerals have been discovered; nor do its mountain torrents

admit of navigation, but with two coast-harbours this was scarcely

felt as a privation.

For the topography of the duchy our chief authority is Cimarelli, who

wrote about two centuries ago, and who begins it about forty years

after the flood! It was an absurd whim of Italian mediæval authors,

which has prevailed almost till the present day, to wander among the

traditional or imaginary cycles of remote ages, extolling the

antiquity of their theme at a sacrifice of truth and credibility. Into

such extravagances we shall not be tempted. It is enough to say that

this district formed part of ancient Umbria, and is in some degree

identical with that known to Roman history as Gallia Senonia. When the

Western Empire crumbled to pieces, it was broken up into many petty

communities, some of which adopted for themselves republican

institutions, while others fell into the hands of military

adventurers, who transmitted their sway to their descendants in

hereditary right, founded upon personal enterprise or the consent of

their subjects. After the nominal regimen of the occidental empire had

been transferred across the Alps, these new communities and counts

often sought from its titular emperor a confirmation of their

self-constituted rights. This demand, recognising in name a

sovereignty already substantially theirs, was willingly accorded as

the basis of a transaction flattering to one party, momentous to the

other. But the gradually opening ambition of the Church, and the

extension of her temporal rule into Romagna and La Marca by the

donations of Pepin, Charlemagne, and the Countess Matilda, introduced

another competitor for dominion in these provinces. Her claim was made

good, in some cases by a voluntary surrender on the part of men whose

piety prevailed over their love of power, in others by force of arms;

but by most of the mountain chiefs, and by a few of the free towns,

loyalty to the emperor's shadowy authority was used as a pretext for

resisting a new element which threatened their own sway. The two rival

parties which sprang out of these circumstances came to be

distinguished as Guelph and Ghibelline, although their watchwords were

often adopted by local or temporary factions.

Many circumstances tended to an extensive establishment of political

independence among the small states thus formed in Italy during the

Middle Ages. Distance and the unsettled state of the Peninsula having

reduced to little more than a name the direct imperial sovereignty of

"That imperious bird,

Whose double beak a double prey devours,"[10]

the emperors endeavoured to render it still available to their

political importance, through the intervention of military

vicegerents. To each of these a certain territory was conveyed,

generally with the title of count, which they were understood to

govern for behoof of the empire. Practically, however, they were

nearly secure against any strict accounting for their stewardship,

and, provided they attended the imperial banner in the field with a

befitting following, paid with tolerable regularity the annual

_cense_, or contribution exigible under their tenure, and did homage

as vassals at the imperial coronations, they were allowed to enjoy or

abuse unquestioned what rights of sovereignty they thought fit to

assume. Nor was there any effective check upon the marauding spirit of

conquest, which in that age formed the natural outlet of personal

ambition; and these feudatories were left to fight with their

neighbours whenever their swords were not called into requisition by

their common over-lord: still more were they allowed to deal

undisturbed with the people submitted to their jurisdiction, who were

of course presumed to endure and obey.

[Footnote 10:

"L'aquila grifagna

Che per più divorar due becchi porta."

LUIGI ALAMANNI.]

At a period nearly coeval with the formation of these independent

fiefs, and much antecedent to the aggregation of civic communities in

other parts of Europe, we find the peninsular towns advancing into

importance. Their establishment was favoured by the absence of a

perfect feudal organisation,[*11] for men exempt from such fetters

associated together more readily than those in transalpine lands. The

fertility of the soil, and consequent density of population, admitted

of cultivators congregating in homes of their own choice; and the

malaria generated in that luxurious climate often rendered isolated

dwellings insalubrious.[*12] The peasant-hamlets thus formed were

quickly augmented by the influx of all who sought protection from

external foes or tyrannical masters. The increase of population

brought strength; strength gave security; security attracted wealth

and numbers; and these united elements created intelligence and public

spirit, the only sure basis of liberty. Their first necessity being

self-defence, their dwellings were placed in sites of natural

strength, and soon girt by walls. The enemies they most dreaded were

the adjoining lords, to whose jurisdiction they nominally belonged,

but whose claims they were not unfrequently able to meet, either by

formidable resistance, or by a charter of privileges, which the

emperors, ever willing to curb their barons, were seldom loath to

accord. The independence thus wrung from the counts was cemented by

the spirit of civic liberty, while the development of municipal

strength and privileges gave to citizens a social and political

pre-eminence over the rural population, beyond what they attained in

countries where feudalism served to link the agricultural class with

the central authority. Among men united for a common object, and

thrown upon their own resources, the popular element early developed

itself. Such communities finding themselves without a master, a

position which, when real freedom was unknown, only exposed them to

attacks from stronger neighbours, their instinct of self-preservation,

ere long, induced attempts at self-government. Townships consequently

multiplied, developed themselves into cities, and became republics.

[Footnote *11: This may be, and indeed is so; but see LANZANI, _St. d.

Comuni Italiani dal. Orig. al_ 1313 (Milano, 1882), lib. I., _passim_.

Nevertheless, the relation of all the Dukes and Signori to the Empire

or to the Church was absolutely feudal as I understand the term, as in

essence was, in turn, the relation of a city to its contado. Cf. D.

WINSPEARE, _St. d. Abusi Feudali_ (ed. 1883), to which is added as

appendix an article by F. de Coulanges on the feudal régime. See also

C. CANTÙ, _St. d. Italiani_ (Torino, 1854), tom. III., cap. LXXIV.,

pp. 224-39. C. CALISSE, _St. d. Diretto Italiano_ (Firenze, 1891),

vol. II., parte II. e III.]

[Footnote *12: For the malaria in Italy in the Middle Age, see

AQUARONE, _Dante in Siena_ (Siena, 1889), p. 47-9.]

Thus rose the Italian republics, not as is often superficially

supposed, in the mercantile cities alone, but in almost every township

of Upper Italy. Their constitutional forms not only varied from each

other, but were constantly fluctuating, under a desire for novelty,

the contests of rival factions, and the influence of external events.

Republics they were, in so far as they owned no hereditary head. They

believed themselves self-governed, because their ever-recurring

revolutions were their own act, or at least were effected by their own

instrumentality. But the democratic element seldom long existed in

purity.[*13] After the _émeute_ was over, a self-constituted

oligarchy, a rich and designing citizen, or an ambitious prelate,

often stepped in, to enjoy that power for which the people had fought,

until these, roused by some too undisguised tyranny, or by some new

caprice, rushed to the piazza, and threw off their masters, leaving it

to chance or intrigue to give them new ones.

[Footnote *13: I doubt a true democratic element anywhere; perhaps for

a few decades in Perugia.]

Lamartine, the eloquent advocate and partially successful hero of

popular rights, has admitted that there can be no progress unless

"many interests are injured," and that "such transformations are not

operated without great resistance, without an infinity of anguish and

private misfortune." This, however, is no place to raise the question,

how far the benefit of so much political liberty was balanced by the

inadequate guarantee of person and property, inherent in such a state

of things, or whether the security of domestic peace would have been

too dearly purchased by a partial sacrifice of popular power. Yet few

who argue these points will deny that whatever influence the

republican constitutions of Italy may have had upon the individual

happiness of their own citizens, they sowed the seeds of that

intelligence, that freedom of thought, that ardent aspiration for the

amelioration of mankind, which have ever since so beneficially acted

upon European civilisation.

The liberty of Italian republics has been frequently misapprehended,

and will disappoint those who seek in it such safeguards of life and

property as freedom in its modern sense is understood to afford. Under

no form of civilised government were those guarantees more feeble or

ineffective than where tyranny of the wayward and irresponsible many

was substituted for domination by one. The philosophic Guizot has even

condemned these republics as "utterly irreconcilable with security for

life (that first ingredient in social existence) and with progress;"

as "incapable of developing freedom or extending the scope of

institutions;" as tending to "limit their range and concentrate

authority in a few individuals." To these conclusions we must demur,

and they appear inconsistent with the just tribute he gracefully pays

to the intelligence, wealth, and brilliancy of Italian democracies; to

the courage, activity, genius, and general prosperity of their

denizens. But the argument and inferences of this French historian are

easily reconcilable with a political creed largely prevailing among

his countrymen, who find in centralisation the triumph of our age, the

panacea for social anomalies. To that end has doubtless tended the

progress of Europe during the last four centuries, and more especially

the present rapid career of events, whether for ultimate weal or woe

must be hereafter seen. Yet whilst we hesitate to paint the Ausonian

republics in the utopian colours of Sismondi, we cannot adopt the

narrow proportions ascribed to them by his less enthusiastic

countryman. They filled the Peninsula with separate aims and paltry

interests at a time when union was its sole security, yet they trained

men to self-government, the first step towards that constitutional

freedom without which nationality itself is a questionable boon.

The growth of communities opposed by every interest to the domination

of the imperial counts was viewed by these with natural jealousy. But

in many instances their alarm proved groundless, as eventually some of

them came to swell the very power which they were originally

established to limit. Those towns which, from the fault of their site

or other incidental circumstances, did not increase in population and

wealth, found themselves defenceless in a land where might made right.

They therefore often passed, after a more or less feeble resistance,

under the sway of some powerful feudatory, or, by voluntary surrender

of their unsubstantial independence, sought from his strong arm

protection against the grasp of more dreaded neighbours, or redress

from the ravages of rival factions which lacerated their internal

repose. The title usually assumed with the authority thus acquired

was that of _Signore_, which in the following pages is generally

rendered by Lord or Seigneur, there being no term in our idiom adapted

to express exactly a jurisdiction at no time known to our

constitution, but resembling the "tyranny" of the old Greek

commonwealths. The same word is used to designate those citizens or

military adventurers who, by force or popular consent, acquired a

temporary or enduring mastery in the free towns of the Peninsula.

Widely different in its exercise as in its origin from feudal

jurisdiction, the power which had thus been more or less derived from

the people was for the most part temperately wielded. The territorial

baron dwelt among his citizen subjects, conforming to their usages and

encouraging their progressive civilisation. His authority was

originally personal, but in many instances it was skilfully used as a

foundation for family claims, which talent or influence enabled a

series of persons of the same race to make good. But, as in Celtic

chieftainship, rules of hereditary succession were less attended to

than individual fitness for the change. Younger branches often

excluded the elder ones, and in some cases, such as the Malatesta,

"The bastard slips of old Romagna's line,"

illegitimacy seems to have been practically a recommendation.[*14] To

those at all conversant with Italian history, it may be superfluous to

add that, while some of these petty sovereigns

"Did fret and strut their hour upon the stage,

And then were heard no more,"

others, more able or more fortunate, founded dynasties to which, as

promoters of commerce, literature, and the fine arts, modern

civilisation is largely indebted, and from whom are descended several

reigning families of Europe.

[Footnote *14: So far as the Malatesti are concerned this is

absolutely untrue. Carlo Malatesta went to infinite trouble to

legitimise Galeotto and Sigismondo, his brother's illegitimate

children. See EDWARD HUTTON, _Sigismondo Malatesta_ (Dent, 1906), p.

19.]

No circumstance more generally affected all governments in Italy, or

is of more importance to a comprehension of their history, than the

contests of the Guelphs and Ghibellines. Upon this wide and

complicated topic it is unnecessary now to enter, further than to

state, as a general rule, that the feudatories adhered to the emperor,

whilst the self-governed communities were more partial to the Guelphic

or papal faction. This was natural, as the Ghibelline or imperial

party was essentially opposed to democratic tendencies, while the

Church had, from various causes, become almost identified with popular

principles. But the distinction was often inapplicable; for these

words underwent the usual fate of party epithets, changing and

counterchanging their signification with time and place, until the

original meaning was lost, though their fatal influence on human

passions remained unmodified. For alas! in all ages,

"Some watchword for the fight

Must vindicate the wrong, and warp the right;

Religion, freedom, vengeance, what you will,

A word's enough to rouse mankind to kill."

Thus, free cities which, like Florence, were regarded as strongholds

of the Guelphs, were occasionally by a sudden revolution thrown into

the hands of the opposite faction; even the Ghibelline nobles were

sometimes induced, by ambition or pique, to make their peace with the

Church; whilst more unprincipled holders of power sought to extend it

by alternately selling their services to either party, and in turn

betraying both. It also happened that counts of the empire, on

obtaining the seigneury of towns, found these so much the most

valuable portion of their dignities, that they were glad to strengthen

their title to them by accepting papal investitures, instead of

holding them by the sword, or by popular will. The pontiffs readily

promoted a device, which converted into ostensible supremacy the vague

and undefined claims they asserted to temporal domination, whether

arising out of Countess Matilda's donation, or from other disputed

titles; and they hesitated not to include even imperial countships in

their charters. They thus transferred to the Holy See feudal

presentations of money and military service which were legitimately

due to the emperors, whose waning influence in Italy rendered such

usurpations little hazardous; whilst the vassals, suiting themselves

to the change of times, were content to hold their sovereignty as

vicars of the Church, instead of as counts of the empire. Little did

they deem that the rising sun, which they were thus prompt to worship,

would eventually consume them, root and branch!

Yet the tenures and investitures of these seigneuries constituted but

a pseudo-feudalism, resting upon a basis entirely different from that

of the barons of northern nations. Among the latter, land, as the only

known element of political power, was monopolised by the sovereign,

who doled it out, under such conditions as he deemed fit, to those

whose good swords were best able to defend it and the donor. The

principle thus diffused from the centre radiated through the mass. The

nobles parcelled out their great estates in various portions among

friends and dependents, military service being the consideration

chiefly exacted, in times when a circulating medium was scanty, and

the pecuniary wants much restricted. This system established two main

results. The hardy and patriotic soldiery who peopled the rural

territory were the nerve of the nation, whilst the landless

population, being destitute of individual importance, gradually drew

together for mutual support, and settled in communities under the

protection of some powerful lord or influential monastery. But in the

Ausonian peninsula natural causes induced gregarious habits and

social influences, whereby the peaceful pursuits of trade and

money-making were promoted. An efficient soldiery was, however,

rendered requisite for the small states by the very circumstances

which most contributed to their general prosperity,--their numbers and

near neighbourhood, the competition of commercial communities, the

struggles of political or family factions. Yet in proportion to the

development of that prosperity, and the increase of wealth and

refinement, the reluctance of substantial and sedentary citizens

became more decided to the inconveniences and hardships of the field.

For them the art of war was scarcely less a calamity than its

miseries; the more they had to lose, the less willing or able were

they to defend it. There are few evils in life which money may not

remedy or alleviate, and when it was found that substitutes could be

hired to relieve them from military service, the problem was

satisfactorily solved. Fighting became a separate profession, and its

duties no longer distracted those who had other occupations. Thus

arose the _condottiere_ system, by which any bold baron or experienced

captain, having formed round his banner a corps of tried and daring

spirits, leased their services and his own for a stipulated term and

price. Their whole arrangements being avowedly mercenary, they had no

patriotism, no preference for standards or watchwords. The highest

offer secured them, and when their engagement expired, or their pay

fell into arrear, they were free to pass over to the enemy, or seek

any other master. But besides their fixed stipend, they had

perquisites from the hazards of war: the ransom of rich prisoners

accrued to the leaders, while the soldiery were glutted by the

occasional booty of a sacked city.

The changes occasioned by this system influenced Italy in its

military, political, and social relations. Formerly, a truce disarmed

the combatants, and sent them to forget their discipline in their

domestic duties. Now, one campaign followed another, teaching the same

free companies new evolutions and more perfect lessons in martial

science; or if a piping time of general peace ever arrived, their

leaders scrupled not to keep them in practice by a private adventure

of pillage against some feeble victim, until they should be required

for the fresh contests which a few months were sure to develop. Their

armour, accoutrement, and drill thus became more complicated;

men-at-arms and lances were considered the only effective troops. But

their efficiency was counteracted by another result of stipendiary

warfare. Exempt from enthusiasm in any cause, their tactics became a

money question. To close a campaign by a series of brilliant successes

was to kill the goose that gave them the golden eggs: to carry havoc

into the adverse ranks was damaging to those who might be their next

paymasters or comrades. Sanguinary conflicts brought them danger

without advantage, whilst the capture of an opponent or a camp ensured

for them a rich prize. War was, in fact, a game which they were paid

to play, with no interest in the stakes beyond their individual

opportunities of plunder. Equally indifferent to past victories or

future fame, they cared little for beating the enemy, could they but

reach his baggage-waggons, or temporise until he could buy them off.

Battles, thus deprived of their dangers and stirring incidents, became

great prize-fights, in which the victors deserved no sympathy, and the

conquered required no commiseration. Gain was substituted for glory,

languor for gallantry, calculation for courage. Patriotism slumbered;

honesty of purpose and energy of action fell into disuse; the parties

in the match, careless of victory, manoeuvred only for stalemate.

Hence the political results of Italian campaigns were inconsiderable,

compared with the forces in the field, the time consumed, and the

resources expended. Impoverished states were generally left without

defenders and even wealthy belligerents were liable to a sudden and

immediate desertion by their hireling bands. Still more fatal were the

moral effects upon the people. The feudal system rendered every

occupier of the soil a soldier, ready to stand by his king and

country; and it transmitted to more peaceful times "a bold peasantry,

their country's pride" and best defenders. But it was otherwise with

the brave spirits of the Ausonian commonwealths; they were bound to

the banner of some privileged bandit, who served the best bidder,

whilst the mass of the community became indifferent to a native land

for which they were never called upon to hazard life or limb. The

stipendiaries fought for or against freedom, faith, country, and

comrades; the citizens endured their outrage or purchased their mercy.

In the end, the military were brutalised, whilst the civilians became

enervated. The former were made venal, the latter cowardly. The

master-mind of Machiavelli, after the French invasions of 1492-9, saw

these mischiefs, and would have remedied them by his plan for a civic

militia; but it was too late, and the degeneracy engrafted upon the

national character of Italy by the condottiere system still cankers it

to the core.

* * * * *

Although the states which grew up under these varying circumstances

are universally known as the Italian Republics, this phrase is

scarcely correct in our idiom. The leading peculiarity of mediæval

Italy was the separate sovereignty of its petty principalities, and

towns of minor rank, in which democratic constitutions were but

incidental and transient distinctions, progressively disappearing as

the dark ages were succeeded by a cycle of golden radiance. The

Italian Republics might, therefore, be more aptly named the Italian

Communes or Commonwealths. This misnomer has also given rise to

somewhat confused views regarding the amount of liberty enjoyed in

these states, especially since their history has become known to us

from the pen of one whose democratic prepossessions, though clothed in

eloquence, are so tempered by benevolent philosophy as those of

Sismondi.

Liberty is a word of vague signification, both as to quality and

degree. In a political sense, it has at least three meanings: personal

freedom, self-government, national independence. Let us test the

application of each of these qualities to the Italian commonwealths.

Neither in them nor in any contemporary state, was freedom of person

known in name or in fact. Individuals had no guarantee against

oppression by their rulers, nor security from their powerful

neighbours; no great charter constituted for them a claim of right to

personal protection. In this respect there was little difference

between the subjects of a petty autocrat and those of a democratic

faction,--between the tyranny of one or of many: but in Venice, that

most prosperous and permanent of all the commonwealths, which Roscoe,

by a happy antithesis, has described as a "republic of nobles with a

populace of slaves," and which especially arrogated _the_ republic as

its title, individual safety was at the lowest grade.

In most of the communities, self-government, or the sovereignty of the

people, had scarcely a reality as regarded the masses. Under the

seigneurs, when the hereditary principle was weak, it was oftener

supplemented or infringed by the sword than by the popular will. In

the few commonwealths which, during the fifteenth century, preserved

their democratic institutions, such as Florence and Siena, the guilds

and companies constituted indeed a quasi-representative system; but

these had generally fallen into the hands of privileged classes, and

even the shadow of power which clung to them was constantly torn away

by some ambitious burgher, or misused for the extermination of a rival

faction. Indeed, the most liberal of their constitutions corresponded

in the main to our own municipal machinery, limiting the privileges of

self-government to certain classes in the cities, and entirely

excluding from them the rural population. The value at which these

privileges were held may be estimated by the indifference of

immediately adjacent despotic states, whether languishing under the

savage tyranny of a Malatesta,[*15] or enjoying the beneficent sway of

a Montefeltro. Even when, outraged beyond endurance, they rose against

their oppressors, it was much more frequently to set up a new

autocrat, than to seize for themselves power which the example of

their democratic neighbours appears to have invested with no charm. We

may therefore fairly conclude that the self-governed citizens of

Ancona, Assisi, and San Marino, enjoyed no envied advantages over

those of the surrounding principalities, which unquestionably outshone

them in historical and literary illustration.

[Footnote *15: The Malatesti were, without doubt, just as great and

beloved as the Montefeltri. Sigismondo was as great and enthusiastic a

patron of the arts, and in contemporary opinion a greater soldier than

Federigo di Montefeltro. See EDWARD HUTTON, _op. cit._, p. 86 note 1.]

Since, then, the peculiar quality which infused extraordinary mental

vigour into the Italian commonwealths, and imparted to them a social

influence beyond their real importance, consisted neither in personal

security nor in self-sovereignty, it must have chiefly depended upon

the only remaining description of freedom, their nationality. By this

phrase we mean not that mere independence of foreign and barbarian

sway, which it was long the papal policy to vindicate by oceans of

blood and treasure, but the maintenance in each community of a

separate and supreme political status, frequently co-existent with

municipal franchises and local administration, but always

irresponsible to neighbours or to nominal over-lords, whether emperor

or pope. The elevation of sentiment which such a position infused,

both into communities and individuals, forms the noblest feature in

Italian mediæval history. The honours, the privileges, and the

responsibilities of citizenship were thus maintained in more immediate

contact with those of the commonwealth, whereof the humblest might

boast himself a participator. Besides this, there ensued many

advantages of a more material description. By giving each small state

its own capital, the wealth and patronage belonging to a seat of

government, and in most instances to a court, were secured for it. The

residence of its sovereign and officials retained in home circulation

not only the revenues of the principality, but the income drawn by him

from foreign fiefs and from military adventures. It kept up a

permanent aristocracy of talent and genius as well as of rank and

wealth, such as it was the pride of most of these courts to encourage

and protect. The practical operation of these causes may be

illustrated from the condition of Romagna and La Marca during the

fifteenth century. About one half of the present papal territory there

was then divided among the following independent states:--

Ferrara, held as a Marquisate by the d'Este.

Bologna " Seigneury " Bentivoglii.

Ravenna " " " Polenta.

Imola " " " Alidosii and Sforza.

Faenza " " " Manfredi.

Forlì " " " Ordelaffi and Riarii.

Cesena " " " Malatesta.

Rimini " " " Malatesta.

Pesaro " " " Malatesta and Sforza.

Fano " " " Malatesta.

Urbino " Dukedom " Montefeltro.

S. Angelo, &c. " Seigneury " Brancaleoni.

Città di Castello " " " Vitelli.

Perugia " " " Baglioni.

Assisi " Republic.

Foligno " Republic.

Spoleto " Dukedom, not hereditary.

Camerino " Seigneury by the Varana.

Fermo " " " Fogliani.

Ancona " Republic.

Sinigaglia " Seigneury by the della Rovere.

Mercatello " Countship " Brancaleoni.

It may seem strange that a territorial arrangement which, unless

cemented by a confederacy, is condemned by the publicist as fatal to

national strength, should have formerly ensured to Italy, as it had

done to ancient Greece, no ordinary measure of those benefits which

national independence is supposed to secure. But it is still more

remarkable that the nationality prescribed by political empiricists

nowadays as a remedy for all her woes should be directly opposed to

the system under which she became the harbinger of European

improvement and civilisation. This subject, if followed out, would

lead to disquisitions, for which these pages are no place. Enough to

observe, that the centralisation which united these twenty-two

commonwealths under the papal sway, is still, after two centuries,

their standing grievance. A spirit of discontent now broods over that

district, although government is mildly administered, and taxation is

moderate for a land so productive. But twenty-two capitals have been

absorbed, and consequently humbled and empoverished. _Hinc illæ

lacrymæ!_ Yet theorists, sweeping away ancient landmarks, and

overstepping natural boundaries, would begin their speculative

ameliorations of the Ausonian peninsula by provincialising nine of her

ten remaining capitals; they would diffuse desolation, propagate

discontent, and call them nationality. The projects of union and

strength that tinge such day-dreams are met by a perhaps

insurmountable barrier, in the abundant local jealousies which have

survived the independence of multitudinous petty states, and which, as

in Spain, often amusingly startle strangers in that country.[16] When

an Italian talks with ardour of his _patria_, or devotes his energies

to illustrate its history or its heroes, he means not Dante's land,

"Circled by sea and Alps, parted by Apennine,"

but the village which gave him birth, or, at most, the province in

which he dwells. Such is the boasted and burning patriotism of Young

Italy, however her advocates may gloss over the fact.

[Footnote 16: This was written under Gregory XVI. Time will show how

far the more enlarged and generous policy essayed by his successor can

abate long and deeply rooted prejudices on the one hand, without

fostering undue expectations on the other. As yet (1850) the

experiment has signally failed.[*A]]

[Footnote *A: As we know, it succeeded ten years later.]

These are, however, matters belonging rather to speculation than to

history, and from which it is time to return. That we have not

unreasonably questioned the tendency of the old Italian democracies to

promote individual felicity, and the safety of personal rights, may be

presumed from the dictum of one whose prepossessions are all in their

favour. The views stated in the following passage in the main bear out

those observations we have hazarded, and illustrate the tendency of

republicanism, in its sternest forms, to pass under oligarchy or

despotism.

"Our ancient republicans loved their institutions, not so much in

proportion to the amount of happiness and security which they afforded

to the mass, as to the share that each individual was allowed to take

in the sovereignty of the state. Liberty was for them rather an

essential element of life than a source of enjoyment. Public spirit

was the mainspring which determined all private exertion. Freedom they

understood to be the identification of every citizen with the state.

Hence patriotism gradually prevailed over liberty. Every one was

vitally interested in the advancement of his country's greatness and

power, endangered his life and property, sacrificed his domestic

comforts, and even submitted to vexatious and arbitrary laws, whenever

the safety of the republic seemed to require it. In their eagerness to

assert the supremacy of their native state, they acceded to the

concentration of power into one or a few hands, and gave rise to the

establishment of oligarchy and despotism. But those patricians and

tyrants still constituted the state, and although the sovereignty with

which they had been provisionally invested became, in their hands,

oppressive and permanent, yet those national governments were looked

upon with devotion and pride, as the emanation of popular will and the

depositaries of popular power."[17]

[Footnote 17: MARIOTTI'S _Italy_, II., p. 298, first edition.]