--Continuation from July 1791 to July 1792.--Author travels round the
kingdom again; object of his journey.--People begin to leave off the
use of sugar; to form committees; and to send petitions to
Parliament.--Motion made in the House of Commons for the immediate
abolition of the trade; Debates upon it; Abolition resolved upon, but
not to commence till 1796.--Resolution taken to the Lords; latter
determine upon hearing evidence; Evidence at length introduced;
further hearing of it postponed to the next session.
The defeat which we had just sustained, was a matter of great triumph to
our opponents. When they considered the majority in the House of Commons
in their favour, they viewed the resolutions of the committee, which
have been detailed, as the last spiteful effort of a vanquished and
dying animal, and they supposed that they had consigned the question to
eternal sleep. The committee, however, were too deeply attached to the
cause, vanquished as they were, to desert it; and they knew, also, too
well the barometer of public feeling, and the occasion of its
fluctuations, to despair. In the year 1787, the members of the House of
Commons, as well as the people, were enthusiastic in behalf of the
abolition of the trade. In the year 1788, the fair enthusiasm of the
former began to fade. In 1789, it died. In 1790, prejudice started up as
a noxious weed in its place. In 1791, this prejudice arrived at its
growth. But to what were these changes owing? To delay; during which the
mind, having been gradually led to the question as a commercial, had
been gradually taken from it as a moral object. But it was possible to
restore the mind to its proper place. Add to which, that the nation had
never deserted the cause during this whole period.
It is much to the honour of the English people, that they should have
continued to feel for the existence of an evil which was so far removed
from their sight. But at this moment their feelings began to be
insupportable. Many of them resolved, as soon as parliament had rejected
the bill, to abstain from the use of West Indian produce. In this state
of things, a pamphlet, written by William Bell Crafton, of Tewksbury,
and called _A Sketch of the Evidence, with a Recommendation on the
Subject to the serious Attention of People in general_, made its
appearance; and another followed it, written by William Fox, of London,
_On the Propriety of abstaining from West India Sugar and Rum_. These
pamphlets took the same ground. They inculcated abstinence from these
articles as a moral duty; they inculcated it as a peaceable and
constitutional measure; and they laid before the reader a truth which
was sufficiently obvious, that, if each would abstain, the people would
have a complete remedy for this enormous evil in their own power.
While these things were going on, it devolved upon me to arrange all the
evidence on the part of the abolition under proper heads, and to abridge
it into one volume. It was intended that a copy of this should be sent
into different towns of the kingdom, that all might know, if possible,
the horrors (as far as the evidence contained them) of this execrable
trade; and as it was possible that these copies might lie in the places
where they were sent, without a due attention to their contents, I
resolved, with the approbation of the committee, to take a journey, and
for no other purpose than personally to recommend that they might be
read.
The books, having been printed, were despatched before me. Of this tour
I shall give the reader no other account than that of the progress of
the remedy, which the people were then taking into their own hands. And
first I may observe, that there was no town, through which I passed, in
which there was not some one individual who had left off the use of
sugar. In the smaller towns there were from ten to fifty by estimation,
and in the larger from two to five hundred, who made this sacrifice to
virtue. These were of all ranks and parties. Rich and poor, churchmen
and dissenters, had adopted the measure. Even grocers had left off
trading in the article, in some places. In gentlemen's families, where
the master had set the example, the servants had often voluntarily
followed it; and even children, who were capable of understanding the
history of the sufferings of the Africans, excluded, with the most
virtuous resolution, the sweets, to which they had been accustomed, from
their lips. By the best computation I was able to make from notes taken
down in my journey, no fewer than three hundred thousand persons had
abandoned the use of sugar.
Having travelled over Wales, and two-thirds of England, I found it would
be impossible to visit Scotland on the same errand. I had already, by
moving upwards and downwards in parallel lines, and by intersecting
these in the same manner, passed over six thousand miles. By the best
calculation I could make, I had yet two thousand to perform. By means of
almost incessant journeyings night and day, I had suffered much in my
health. My strength was failing daily. I wrote, therefore, to the
committee on this subject; and they communicated immediately with Dr.
Dickson, who, on being applied to, visited Scotland in my stead. He
consulted first with the committee at Edinburgh relative to the
circulation of the Abridgment of the Evidence. He then pursued his
journey, and, in conjunction with the unwearied efforts of Mr. Campbel
Haliburton, rendered essential service to the cause for this part of the
kingdom.
On my return to London, I found that the committee had taken into their
own body T.F. Forster, B.M. Forster, and James West, Esqrs., as members;
and that they had elected Hercules Boss, Esq., an honorary and
corresponding member, in consequence of the handsome manner in which he
had come forward as an evidence, and of the peculiar benefit which had
resulted from his testimony to the cause.
The effects of the two journeys by Dr. Dickson and myself were soon
visible. The people could not bear the facts, which had been disclosed
to them by the Abridgment of the Evidence. They were not satisfied, many
of them, with the mere abstinence from sugar; but began to form
committees to correspond with that of London. The first of these
appeared at Newcastle-upon-Tyne, so early as the month of October. It
consisted of the Rev. William Turner, as chairman, and of Robert
Ormston, William Batson, Henry, Taylor, Ralph Bambridge, George Brown,
Hadwen Bragg, David Sutton, Anthony Clapham, George Richardson, and
Edward Prowit. It received a valuable addition afterwards by the
admission of many others. The second was established at Nottingham. The
Rev. Jeremiah Bigsby became the president, and the Revs. G. Walker and
J. Smith, and Messrs. Dennison, Evans, Watson, Hart, Storer, Bott,
Hawkesley, Pennington, Wright, Frith, Hall, and Wakefield, the
committee. The third was formed at Glasgow, under the patronage of David
Dale, Scott Montcrieff, Robert Graham, Professor Millar, and others.
Other committees started up in their turn. At length public meetings
began to take place, and after this petitions to be sent to parliament;
and these so generally, that there was not a day for three months,
Sundays excepted, in which five or six were not resolved upon in some
places or other in the kingdom.
Of the enthusiasm of the nation at this time none can form an opinion
but they who witnessed it. There never was perhaps a season when so much
virtuous feeling pervaded all ranks. Great pains were taken by
interested persons in many places to prevent public meetings. But no
efforts could avail. The current ran with such strength and rapidity,
that it was impossible to stem it. In the city of London a remarkable
instance occurred. The livery had been long waiting for the common
council to begin a petition; but the lord mayor and several of the
aldermen stifled it. The former, indignant at this conduct, insisted
upon a common hall. A day was appointed; and, though the notice given of
it was short, the assemblage was greater than had ever been remembered
on any former occasion. Scarcely a liveryman was absent, unless sick, or
previously engaged. The petition, when introduced, was opposed by those
who had prevented it in the common council. But their voices were
drowned amidst groans and hissings. It was shortly after carried; and it
had not been signed more than half an hour, before it was within the
walls of the House of Commons. The reason of this extraordinary despatch
was, that it had been kept back by intrigue so late, that the very hour
in which it was delivered to the House, was that in which Mr.
Wilberforce was to make his new motion.
And as no petitions were ever more respectable than those presented on
this occasion, as far as they breathed the voice of the people, and as
far as they were founded on a knowledge of the object which they
solicited, so none were ever more numerous, as far as we have any record
of such transactions. Not fewer than three hundred and ten were
presented from England; one hundred and eighty-seven from Scotland; and
twenty from Wales. Two other petitions also for the abolition came from
England, but they were too late for delivery. On the other side of the
question, one was presented from the town of Reading for regulation, in
opposition to that for abolition from the same place. There were also
four against abolition. The first of these was from certain persons at
Derby, in opposition to the other from that town. The second was from
Stephen Fuller, Esq., as agent for Jamaica. The third from J. Dawson,
Esq., a slave-merchant at Liverpool. And the fourth from the merchants,
planters, mortgagees, annuitants, and others concerned in the West
Indian colonies. Taking in all these statements, the account stood
thus:--for regulation there was one; against all abolition there were
four; and for the total abolition of the trade five hundred and
nineteen.
On the 2nd of April Mr. Wilberforce moved the order of the day; which
having been agreed to, Sir William Dolben was put into the chair.
He then began by soliciting the candid attention of the West Indians to
what he was going to deliver to the House. However others might have
censured them indiscriminately, he had always himself made a distinction
between them and their system. It was the latter only which he
reprobated. If aristocracy had been thought a worse form of government
than monarchy, because the people had many tyrants instead of one, how
objectionable must be that form of it, which existed in our colonies!
Arbitrary power could be bought there by any one, who could buy a slave.
The fierceness of it was doubtless restrained by an elevation of mind in
many, as arising from a consciousness of superior rank and consequence:
but, alas! it was too often exercised there by the base and vulgar. The
more liberal, too, of the planters were not resident upon their estates.
Hence a promiscuous censure of them would be unjust, though their system
would undoubtedly be odious.
As for the cure of this monstrous evil, he had shown, last year, that
internal regulations would not produce it. These could have no effect,
while the evidence of slaves was inadmissible. What would be the
situation of the bulk of the people of this country, if only gentlemen
of five hundred a-year were admitted as evidences in our courts of law?
Neither was the cure of it in the emancipation of the slaves. He did not
deny that he wished them this latter blessing. But, alas, in their
present degraded state, they were unfit for it! Liberty was the child of
reason and order. It was, indeed, a plant of celestial growth, but the
soil must be prepared for its reception. He, who would see it flourish
and bring forth its proper fruit, must not think it sufficient to let it
shoot in unrestrained licentiousness. But if this inestimable blessing
was ever to be imparted to them, the cause must be removed, which
obstructed its introduction. In short, no effectual remedy could be
found but in the abolition of the Slave Trade.
He then took a copious view of the advantages, which would arise both to
the master and to the slave, if this traffic were done away; and having
recapitulated and answered the different objections to such a measure,
he went to that part of the subject, in which he described himself to be
most interested.
He had shown, he said, last year, that Africa was exposed to all the
horrors of war; and that most of these wars had their origin in the
Slave Trade. It was then said, in reply, that the natural barbarity of
the natives was alone sufficient to render their country a scene of
carnage. This was triumphantly instanced in the King of Dahomey. But his
honourable friend Lord Muncaster, then in the House, had proved in his
interesting publication, which had appeared since, called _Historical
Sketches of the Slave Trade, and of its Effects in Africa_, addressed to
the people of Great Britain, that the very cruelties of this king, on
which so much stress had been laid, were committed by him in a war,
which had been undertaken expressly to punish an adjacent people for
having stolen some of his subjects and sold them for slaves.
He had shown, also, last year, that kings were induced to seize and sell
their subjects, and individuals each other, in consequence of the
existence of the Slave Trade.
He had shown, also, that the administration of justice was perverted, so
as to become a fertile source of supply to this inhuman traffic; that
every crime was punished by slavery; that false accusations were made to
procure convicts; and that even the judges had a profit on the
convictions.
He had shown again, that many acts of violence were perpetrated by the
Europeans themselves. But he would now relate others which had happened
since. The captain of an English vessel, lying in the river Cameroons,
sent his boat with three sailors and a slave to get water. A Black
trader seized the latter, and took him away. He alleged in his defence,
that the captain owed him goods to a greater amount than the value of
the slave; and that he would not pay him. This being told on board, the
captain, and a part of his crew, who were compelled to blacken their
naked bodies that they might appear like the natives, went on shore at
midnight, armed with muskets and cutlasses. They fired on the trader's
dwelling, and killed three of his children on the spot. The trader,
being badly wounded, died while they were dragging him to the boat; and
his wife, being wounded also, died in half an hour after she was on
board the ship. Resistance having been made to these violent
proceedings, some of the sailors were wounded, and one was killed.
Some weeks after this affray, a chieftain of the name of Quarmo went on
board the same vessel to borrow some cutlasses and muskets. He was
going, he said, into the country to make war; and the captain should
have half of his booty. So well understood were the practices of the
trade, that his request was granted. Quarmo, however, and his
associates, finding things favourable to their design, suddenly seized
the captain, threw him overboard, hauled him into their canoe, and
dragged him to the shore; where another party of the natives, lying in
ambush, seized such of the crew as were absent from the ship. But how
did these savages behave, when they had these different persons in their
power? Did they not instantly retaliate by murdering them all? No--they
only obliged the captain to give an order on the vessel to pay his
debts. This fact came out only two: months ago in a trial in the Court
of Common Pleas--not in trial for piracy and murder, but in the trial of
a civil suit, instituted by some of the poor sailors, to whom the owners
refused their wages, because the natives, on account of the villainous
conduct of their captain, had kept them from their vessel by detaining
them as prisoners on shore. This instance, he said, proved the dreadful
nature of the Slave Trade, its cruelty, its perfidy, and its effect on
the Africans as well as on the Europeans, who carried it on. The cool
manner in which the transaction was conducted on both sides, showed that
these practices were not novel. It showed also the manner of doing
business in the trade. It must be remembered, too, that these
transactions were carrying on at the very time when the inquiry
concerning this trade was going forward in Parliament, and whilst the
witnesses of his opponents were strenuously denying not only the actual,
but the possible, existence of any such depredations.
But another instance happened only in August last. Six British ships,
the Thomas, Captain Philips; the Wasp, Captain Hutchinson; the Recovery,
Captain Kimber, of Bristol; the Martha, Captain Houston; the Betsey,
Captain Doyle; and the Amachree, (he believed,) Captain Lee, of
Liverpool; were anchored off the town of Calabar. This place was the
scene of a dreadful massacre about twenty years before. The captains of
these vessels, thinking that the natives asked too much for their
slaves, held a consultation, how they should proceed; and agreed to fire
upon the town unless their own terms were complied with. On a certain
evening they notified their determination to the traders; and told them,
that, if they continued obstinate, they would put it into execution the
next morning. In this they kept their word. They brought sixty-six guns
to bear upon the town; and fired on it for three hours. Not a shot was
returned. A canoe then went to offer terms of accommodation. The parties
however not agreeing, the firing recommenced; more damage was done; and
the natives were forced into submission. There were no certain accounts
of their loss. Report said that fifty were killed; but some were seen
lying badly wounded, and others in the agonies of death by those who
went afterwards on shore.
He would now say a few words relative to the Middle Passage, principally
to show, that regulation could not effect a cure of the evil there. Mr.
Isaac Wilson had stated in his evidence, that the ship, in which he
sailed, only three years ago, was of three hundred and seventy tons; and
that she carried six hundred and two slaves. Of these she lost one
hundred and fifty-five. There were three or four other vessels in
company with her, and which belonged to the same owners. One of these
carried four hundred and fifty, and buried two hundred; another carried
four hundred and sixty-six, and buried seventy-three; another five
hundred and forty-six, and burled one hundred and fifty-eight; and from
the four together, after the landing of their cargoes, two hundred and
twenty died. He fell in with another vessel, which had lost three
hundred and sixty-two; but the number, which had been bought, was not
specified. Now if to these actual deaths, during and immediately after
the voyage, we were to add the subsequent loss in the seasoning, and to
consider that this would be greater than ordinary in cargoes which were
landed in such a sickly state, we should find a mortality, which, if it
were only general for a few months, would entirely depopulate the globe.
But he would advert to what Mr. Wilson said, when examined, as a
surgeon, as to the causes of these losses, and particularly on board his
own ship, where he had the means of ascertaining them. The substance of
his reply was this--That most of the slaves laboured under a fixed
melancholy, which now and then broke out into lamentations and plaintive
songs, expressive of the loss of their relations, friends, and country.
So powerfully did this sorrow operate, that many of them attempted in
various ways to destroy themselves, and three actually effected it.
Others obstinately refused to take sustenance; and when the whip and
other violent means were used to compel them to eat, they looked up in
the face of the officer, who unwillingly executed this painful task, and
said, with a smile, in their own language, "Presently we shall be no
more." This, their unhappy state of mind, produced a general languor and
debility, which were increased in many instances by an unconquerable
aversion to food, arising partly from sickness, and partly, to use the
language of the slave-captains, from sulkiness. These causes naturally
produced the flux. The contagion spread; several were carried off daily;
and the disorder, aided by so many powerful auxiliaries, resisted the
power of medicine. And it is worth while to remark, that these grievous
sufferings were not owing either to want of care on the part of the
owners, or to any negligence or harshness of the captain; for Mr. Wilson
declared, that his ship was as well fitted out, and the crew and slaves
as well treated, as anybody could reasonably expect.
He would now go to another ship. That, in which Mr. Claxton sailed as a
surgeon, afforded a repetition of all the horrid circumstances which had
been described. Suicide was attempted, and effected; and the same
barbarous expedients were adopted to compel the slaves to continue an
existence, which they considered as too painful to be endured. The
mortality, also, was as great. And yet here, again, the captain was in
no wise to blame. But this vessel had sailed since the regulating act.
Nay, even in the last year, the deaths on shipboard would be found to
have been between ten and eleven per cent, on the whole number exported.
In truth, the House could not reach the cause of this mortality by all
their regulations. Until they could cure a broken heart--until they
could legislate for the affections, and bind by their statutes the
passions and feelings of the mind, their labour would be in vain.
Such were the evils of the Passage. But evils were conspicuous
everywhere in this trade. Never was there, indeed, a system so replete
with wickedness and cruelty. To whatever part of it we turned our eyes,
whether to Africa, the Middle Passage, or the West Indies, we could find
no comfort, no satisfaction, no relief. It was the gracious ordinance of
Providence, both in the natural and moral world, that good should often
arise out of evil. Hurricanes cleared the air; and the propagation of
truth was promoted by persecution, Pride, vanity, and profusion
contributed often; in their remoter consequences, to the happiness of
mankind. In common, what was in itself evil and vicious, was permitted
to carry along with it some circumstances of palliation. The Arab was
hospitable; the robber brave. We did not necessarily find cruelty
associated with fraud, or meanness with injustice. But here the case was
far otherwise. It was the prerogative of this detested traffic to
separate from evil its concomitant good, and to reconcile discordant
mischiefs. It robbed war of its generosity; it deprived peace of its
security: we saw in it the vices of polished society, without its
knowledge or its comforts; and the evils of barbarism without its
simplicity. No age, no sex, no rank, no condition, was exempt from the
fatal influence of this wide-wasting calamity. Thus it attained to the
fullest measure of pure, unmixed, unsophisticated wickedness; and,
scorning all competition and comparison, it stood without a rival in the
secure, undisputed, possession of its detestable preeminence.
But, after all this, wonderful to relate, this execrable traffic had
been defended on the ground of benevolence! It had been said, that the
slaves were captives and convicts, who, if we were not to carry them
away, would be sacrificed, and many of them at the funerals of people of
rank, according to the savage custom of Africa. He had shown, however,
that our supplies of slaves were obtained from other quarters than
these. But he would wave this consideration for the present. Had it not
been acknowledged by his opponents that the custom of ransoming slaves
prevailed in Africa? With respect to human sacrifices, he did not deny
that there might have been some instances of these; but they had not
been proved to be more frequent than amongst other barbarous nations;
and, where they existed, being acts of religion, they would not be
dispensed with for the sake of commercial gain. In fact, they had
nothing to do with the Slave Trade; only perhaps, if it were abolished,
they might, by means of the civilization which would follow, be done
away.
But, exclusively of these sacrifices, it had been asserted, that it was
kindness to the inhabitants to take them away from their own country.
But what said the historians of Africa, long before the question of the
abolition was started? "Axim," says Bosman, "is cultivated, and abounds
with numerous large and beautiful villages: its inhabitants are
industriously employed in trade, fishing, or agriculture."--"The
inhabitants of Adom always expose large quantities of corn to sale,
besides what they want for their own use."--"The people of Acron husband
their grounds and time so well, that every year produces a plentiful
harvest." Speaking of the Fetu country, he says,--"Frequently, when
walking through it, I have seen it abound with fine well-built and
populous towns, agreeably enriched with vast quantities of corn and
cattle, palm-wine, and oil. The inhabitants all apply themselves,
without distinction, to agriculture; some sow corn; others press oil,
and draw wine from the palm-trees."
Smith, who was sent out by the royal African company in 1726, assures
us, "that the discerning natives account it their greatest unhappiness,
that they were ever visited by the Europeans. They say that we
Christians introduced the traffic of slaves; and that before our coming
they lived in peace. But, say they, it is observable, wherever
Christianity comes, there come swords and guns, and powder and ball,
with it."
"The Europeans," says Bruce, "are far from desiring to act as
peace-makers among them. It would be too contrary to their interests;
for the only object of their wars is to carry off slaves; and, as these
form the principal part of their traffic, they would be apprehensive of
drying up the source of it, were they to encourage the people to live
well together."
"The neighbourhood of the Damel and Tin keep them perpetually at war,
the benefit of which accrues to the Company, who buy all the prisoners
made on either side; and the more there are to sell, the greater is
their profit; for the only end of their armaments is to make captives,
to sell them to the white traders."
Artus, of Dantzic, says, that in his time "those liable to pay fines
were banished till the fine was paid; when they returned to their houses
and possessions."
Bosman affirms, "that formerly all crimes in Africa were compensated by
fine or restitution, and, where restitution was impracticable, by
corporal punishment."
Moore says, "Since this trade has been used, all punishments have been
changed into slavery. There being an advantage in such condemnation,
they strain the crimes very hard, in order to get the benefit of selling
the criminal. Not only murder, theft, and adultery, are punished by
selling the criminal for a slave, but every trifling crime is punished
in the same manner."
Loyer affirms that "the King of Sain, on the least pretence, sells his
subjects for European goods. He is so tyrannically severe, that he makes
a whole village responsible for the fault of one inhabitant; and on the
least offence sells them all for slaves."
Such, he said, were the testimonies, not of persons whom he had
summoned; not of friends of the abolition; but of men who were
themselves, many of them, engaged in the Slave Trade. Other testimonies
might be added; but these were sufficient to refute the assertions of
his opponents, and to show the kind services we had done to Africa by
the introduction of this trade.
He would just touch upon the argument, so often repeated, that other
nations would carry on the Slave Trade, if we abandoned it. But how did
we know this? Had not Denmark given a noble example to the contrary? She
had consented to abolish the trade in ten years; and had she not done
this, even though we, after an investigation for nearly five years, had
ourselves hung back? But what might not be expected, if we were to take
up the cause in earnest; if we were to proclaim to all nations the
injustice of the trade, and to solicit their concurrence in the
abolition of it! He hoped the representatives of the nation would not be
less just than the people. The latter had stepped forward, and expressed
their sense more generally by petitions, than in any instance in which
they had ever before interfered. To see this great cause thus triumphing
over distinctions and prejudices was a noble spectacle. Whatever might
be said of our political divisions, such a sight had taught us that
there were subjects still beyond the reach of party; that there was a
point of elevation, where we ascended above the jarring of the
discordant elements, which ruffled and agitated the vale below. In our
ordinary atmosphere clouds and vapours obscured the air, and we were the
sport of a thousand conflicting winds and adverse currents; but here we
moved in a higher region, where all was pure and clear, and free from
perturbation and discomposure:
As some tall cliff, that lifts its awful form,
Swells from the vale, and midway leaves the storm;
Though round its breast the rolling clouds are spread,
Eternal sunshine settles on its head.
Here then, on this august eminence, he hoped we should build the Temple
of Benevolence; that we should lay its foundation deep in Truth and
Justice; and that we should inscribe upon its gates, "Peace and Good
Will to Men." Here we should offer the first-fruits of our benevolence,
and endeavour to compensate, if possible, for the injuries we had
brought upon our fellow-men.
He would only now observe, that his conviction of the indispensable
necessity of immediately abolishing this trade remained as strong as
ever. Let those who talked of allowing three or four years to the
continuance of it, reflect on the disgraceful scenes which had passed
last year. As for himself, he would wash his hands of the blood which
would be spilled in this horrid interval. He could not, however, but
believe, that the hour was come, when we should put a final period to
the existence of this cruel traffic. Should he unhappily be mistaken, he
would never desert the cause; but to the last moment of his life he
would exert his utmost powers in its support. He would now move, "That
it is the opinion of this committee, that the trade carried on by
British subjects for the purpose of obtaining slaves on the coast of
Africa, ought to be abolished."
Mr. Baillie was in hopes that the friends of the abolition would have
been contented with the innocent blood which had been already shed. The
great island of St. Domingo had been torn to pieces by insurrections.
The most dreadful barbarities had been perpetrated there. In the year
1789, the imports into it exceeded five millions sterling. The exports
from it in the same year amounted to six millions; and the trade
employed three hundred thousand tons of shipping, and thirty thousand
seamen. This fine island, thus advantageously situated, had been lost in
consequence of the agitation of the question of the Slave Trade. Surely
so much mischief ought to have satisfied those who supported it; but
they required the total destruction of all the West Indian colonies,
belonging to Great Britain, to complete the ruin.
The honourable gentleman, who had just spoken, had dwelt upon the
enormities of the Slave Trade. He was far from denying that many acts of
inhumanity might accompany it; but as human nature was much the same
everywhere, it would be unreasonable to expect among African traders, or
the inhabitants of our islands, a degree of perfection in morals, which
was not to be found in Great Britain itself. Would any man estimate the
character of the English nation by what was to be read in the records of
the Old Bailey? He himself, however, had lived sixteen years in the West
Indies, and he could bear testimony to the general good usage of the
slaves.
Before the agitation of this impolitic question the slaves were
contented with their situation. There was a mutual confidence between
them and their masters: and this continued to be the case till the new
doctrines were broached. But now depots of arms were necessary on every
estate; and the scene was totally reversed. Nor was their religious then
inferior to their civil state. When the English took possession of
Grenada, where his property lay, they found them baptized and instructed
in the principles of the Roman Catholic faith. The priests of that
persuasion had indeed been indefatigable in their vocation; so that
imported Africans generally obtained within twelve months a tolerable
idea of their religious duties. He had seen the slaves there go through
the public mass in a manner, and with a fervency, which would have done
credit to more civilized societies. But the case was now altered; for,
except where the Moravians had been, there was no trace in our islands
of an attention to their religious interests.
It had been said that their punishments were severe. There might be
instances of cruelty; but these were not general. Many of them were
undoubtedly ill disposed; though not more, according to their number, on
a plantation, than in a regiment, or in a ship's crew. Had we never
heard of seamen being flogged from ship to ship, or of soldiers dying in
the very act of punishment? Had we not also heard, even in this country
of boasted liberty, of seamen being seized, and carried away, when
returning from distant voyages, after an absence of many years; and this
without even being allowed to see their wives and families? As to
distressed objects, he maintained, that there was more wretchedness and
poverty in St. Giles's, than in all the West Indian islands belonging to
Great Britain.
He would now speak of the African and West Indian trades. The imports
and exports of these amounted to upwards of ten millions annually; and
they gave employment to three hundred thousand tons of shipping, and to
about twenty-five thousand seamen. These trades had been sanctioned by
our ancestors in parliament. The acts for this purpose might be classed
under three heads. First, they were such as declared the colonies, and
the trade thereof, advantageous to Great Britain, and therefore entitled
to her protection. Secondly, such as authorized, protected, and
encouraged the trade to Africa, as advantageous in itself, and necessary
to the welfare and existence of the sugar colonies: and, Thirdly, such
as promoted and secured loans of money to the proprietors of the said
colonies, either from British subjects, or from foreigners. These
acts[A], he apprehended, ought to satisfy every person of the legality
and usefulness of these trades. They were enacted in reigns
distinguished for the production of great and enlightened characters. We
heard then of no wild and destructive doctrines like the present. These
were reserved for this age of novelty and innovation. But he must remind
the House, that the inhabitants of our islands had as good a right to
the protection of their property, as the inhabitants of Great Britain.
Nor could it be diminished in any shape without full compensation. The
proprietors of lands in the ceded islands, which were purchased of
government under specific conditions of settlement, ought to be
indemnified. They also (of whom he was one), who had purchased the
territory granted by the crown to General Monkton, in the island, of St.
Vincent, ought to be indemnified also. The sale of this had gone on
briskly, till it was known that a plan was in agitation for the
abolition of the Slave Trade. Since that period, the original purchasers
had done little or nothing, and they had many hundred acres on hand,
which would be of no value, if the present question was carried. In
fact, they had a right to compensation. The planters generally spent
their estates in this country. They generally educated their children in
it. They had never been found seditious, or rebellious; and they
demanded of the Parliament of Great Britain that protection, which, upon
the principles of good faith, it was in duty bound to afford them in
common with the rest of his majesty's loyal subjects.
[Footnote A: Here he quoted them specifically.]
Mr. Vaughan stated that, being a West Indian by birth, and connected
with the islands, he could speak from his own knowledge. In the early
part of his life he was strongly in favour of the abolition of the Slave
Trade. He had been educated by Dr. Priestley, and the father of Mrs.
Barbauld; who were both of them friends to that question. Their
sentiments he had imbibed; but, although bred at the feet of Gamaliel,
he resolved to judge for himself, and he left England for Jamaica.
He found the situation of the slaves much better than he had imagined.
Setting aside liberty, they were as well off as the poor in Europe. They
had little want of clothes or fuel; they had a house and garden found
them, were never imprisoned for debts, nor deterred from marrying
through fear of being unable to support a family; their orphans and
widows were taken care of, as they themselves were when old and
disabled; they had medical attendance without expense; they had private
property, which no master ever took from them; and they were resigned to
their situation, and looked for nothing beyond it. Perhaps persons might
have been prejudiced by living in the towns, to which slaves were often
sent for punishment; and where there were many small proprietors; or by
seeing no negro otherwise than as belonging to the labouring poor; but
they appeared to him to want nothing but liberty; and it was only
occasionally that they were abused.
There were two prejudices with respect to the colonies, which he would
notice. The first was, that cruel usage occasioned the inequality of
births and deaths among the slaves. But did cruelty cause the excess of
deaths above births in the city of London? No--this excess had other
causes. So it had among the slaves. Of these more males were imported
than females: they were dissolute too in their morals; they had also
diseases peculiar to themselves. But in those islands where they nearly
kept up their numbers, there was this difficulty, that the equality was
preserved by the increase on one estate compensating for the decrease on
another. These estates, however, would not interchange their numbers;
whereas, where freedom prevailed, the free labourers circulated from one
employer to another, and appeared wherever they were wanted.
The second was, that all chastisement of the slaves was cruelty. But
this was not true. Their owners generally withdrew them from public
justice; so that they, who would have been publicly executed elsewhere,
were often kept alive by their masters, and were found punished again
and again for repeating their faults. Distributive justice occasioned
many punishments; as one slave was to be protected against every other
slave: and, when one pilfered from another, then the master interfered.
These punishments were to be distinguished from such as arose from
enforcing labour, or from the cruelty of their owners. Indeed he had
gone over the islands, and he had seen but little ill usage. He had seen
none on the estate where he resided. The whip, the stocks, and
confinement, were all the modes of punishment he had observed in other
places. Some slaves belonging to his father were peculiarly well off.
They saved money, and spent it in their own way.
But notwithstanding all he had said, he allowed that there was room for
improvement; and particularly for instilling into the slaves the
principles of religion. Where this should be realized, there would be
less punishment, more work, more marriages, more issue, and more
attachment to masters. Other improvements would be the establishment of
medical societies; the introduction of task-work; and grants of premiums
and honorary distinctions both to fathers and mothers, according to the
number of children which they should rear. Besides this, Negro evidence
should be allowed in the courts of law, it being left to the discretion
of the court or jury to take or reject it, according to the nature of
the case. Cruel masters also should be kept in order in various ways.
They should he liable to have their slaves taken from them, and put in
trust. Every instrument of punishment should be banished, except the
whip. The number of lashes should be limited; and the punishment should
not be repeated till after intervals. These and other improvements
should be immediately adopted by the planters. The character of the
exemplary among them was hurt by being confounded with that of lower and
baser men. He concluded by stating, that the owners of slaves were
entitled to compensation, if, by means of the abolition, they should not
be able to find labourers for the cultivation of their lands[A].
[Footnote A: Mr. Vaughan declared in a future stage of the debate, that
he wished to see a prudent termination both of the Slave Trade and of
slavery; and that, though he was the eldest son of his father, he never
would, on any consideration, become the owner of a slave.]
Mr. Henry Thornton conceived, that the two last speakers had not spoken
to the point. The first had described the happy state of the slaves in
the West Indies. The latter had made similar representations; but yet
had allowed, that much improvement might be made in their condition. But
this had nothing to do with the question then before them. The manner of
procuring slaves in Africa was the great evil to be remedied. Africa was
to be stripped of its inhabitants to supply a population for the West
Indies. There was a Dutch proverb, which said, "My son; get money,
honestly if you can--but get money:" or, in other words, "Get slaves,
honestly if you can--but get slaves." This was the real grievance; and
the two honourable gentlemen, by confining their observations to the
West Indies, had entirely overlooked it.
Though this evil had been fully proved, he could not avoid stating to
the House some new facts, which had come to his knowledge as a director
of the Sierra Leone Company, and which would still further establish it.
The consideration, that they had taken place since the discussion of the
last year on this subject, obliged him to relate them.
Mr. Falconbridge, agent to the Company, sitting one evening in Sierra
Leone, heard a shout, and immediately afterwards the report of a gun.
Fearing an attack, he armed forty of the settlers, and rushed with them
to the place from whence the noise came. He found a poor wretch, who had
been crossing from a neighbouring village, in the possession of a party
of kidnappers, who were tying his hands. Mr. Falconbridge, however,
dared not rescue him, lest, in the defenceless state of his own town,
retaliation might be made upon him.
At another time a young woman, living half a mile off, was sold, without
any criminal charge, to one of the slave-ships. She was well acquainted
with the agent's wife, and had been with her only the day before. Her
cries were heard; but it was impossible to relieve her.
At another time a young lad, one of the free settlers who went from
England, was caught by a neighbouring chief, as he was straggling alone
from home, and sold for a slave. The pretext was, that some one in the
town of Sierra Leone had committed an offence. Hence the first person
belonging to it, who could be seized, was to be punished. Happily the
free settlers saw him in his chains; and they recovered him, before he
was conveyed to the ship.
To mark still more forcibly the scenes of misery, to which the Slave
Trade gave birth, he would mention a case stated to him in a letter by
King Naimbanna. It had happened to respectable person, in no less than
three instances, to have some branches of his family kidnapped, and
carried off to the West Indies. At one time three young men, Corpro,
Banna, and Marbrour, were decoyed on board a Danish slave-ship, under
pretence of buying something, and were taken away. At another time
another relation piloted a vessel down the river. He begged to be put on
shore, when he came opposite to his own town; but he was pressed to
pilot her to the river's mouth. The captain then pleaded the
impracticability of putting him on shore; carried him to Jamaica; and
sold him for a slave. Fortunately, however, by means of a letter, which
was conveyed there, the man, by the assistance of the governor, was sent
back to Sierra Leone. At another time another relation was also
kidnapped. But he had not the good fortune, like the former, to return.
He would mention one other instance. A son had sold his own father, for
whom he obtained a considerable price: for, as the father was rich in
domestic slaves, it was not doubted that he would offer largely for his
ransom. The old man accordingly gave twenty-two of these in exchange for
himself. The rest, however, being from that time filled with
apprehensions of being on some ground or other sold to the slave-ships,
fled to the mountains of Sierra Leone, where they now dragged on a
miserable existence. The son himself was sold, in his turn, soon after.
In short, the whole of that unhappy peninsula, as he learnt from
eye-witnesses, had been desolated by the trade in slaves. Towns were
seen standing without inhabitants all over the coast; in several of
which the agent of the Company had been. There was nothing but distrust
among the inhabitants. Every one, if he stirred from home, felt himself
obliged to be armed.
Such was the nature of the Slave Trade. It had unfortunately obtained
the name of a trade; and many had been deceived by the appellation; but
it was war, and not trade. It was a mass of crimes, and not commerce. It
was that which prevented the introduction of a trade in Africa; for it
was only by clearing and cultivating the lands, that the climate could
be made healthy for settlements; but this wicked traffic, by dispersing
the inhabitants, and causing the lands to remain uncultivated, made the
coast unhealthy to Europeans. He had found, in attempting to establish a
colony there, that it was an obstacle which opposed itself to him in
innumerable ways; it created more embarrassments than all the natural
impediments of the country; and it was more hard to contend with than
any difficulties of climate, soil, or natural disposition of the people.
He would say a few words relative to the numerous petitions which were
then on the table of the House. They had shown, in an extraordinary
manner, the opinion of the people. He did not wish to turn this into a
constitutional question; but he would observe, that it was of the utmost
consequence to the maintenance of the constitution of this country, that
the reputation of parliament should be maintained. But nothing could
prejudice its character so much, as a vote, which should lead the people
to believe that the legislative body was the more corrupt part of it,
and that it was slow to adopt moral principles.
It had been often insinuated that parliament, by interfering in this
trade, departed from its proper functions; No idea could be more absurd;
for, was it not its duty to correct abuses? and what abuses were greater
than robbery and murder? He was, indeed, anxious for the abolition. He
desired it, as a commercial man, on account of the commercial character
of the country. He desired it for the reputation of parliament, on which
so materially depended the preservation of our happy constitution; but
most of all he prayed for it for the sake of those eternal principle's
of justice, which it was the duty of nations, as well as of individuals,
to support.
Colonel Tarleton repeated his arguments of the last year. In addition to
these he inveighed bitterly against the abolitionists, as a junto of
secretaries, sophists, enthusiasts, and fanatics. He condemned the
abolition as useless, unless other nations would take it up. He brought
to the recollection of the House the barbarous scenes which had taken
place it in St. Domingo, all of which, he said, had originated in the
discussion of this question. He described the alarms, in which the
inhabitants of our own islands were kept, lest similar scenes should
occur from the same cause. He ridiculed the petitions on the table.
Itinerant clergymen, mendicant physicians, and others, had extorted
signatures from the sick, the indigent, and the traveller. School-boys
were invited to sign them, under the promise of a holiday. He had
letters to produce, which would prove all these things though he was not
authorized to give up the names of those who had written them.
Mr. Montagu said, that, in the last session, he had simply entered his
protest against the trade; but now He could be no longer silent; and as
there were many, who had conceived regulation to be more desirable than
abolition, he would himself to that subject.
Regulation, as it related to the manner of procuring slaves, was utterly
impossible; for how could we know the case of each individual, whom we
forced away into bondage? Could we establish tribunals all along the
coast, and in every ship, to find it out? What judges could we get for
such an office? But, if this could not be done upon the coast, how could
we ascertain the justness of the captivity of by far the greatest
number, who were brought from immense distances inland?
He would not dwell upon the proof of the inefficiency of regulations, as
to the Middle Passage. His honourable friend, Mr. Wilberforce, had
shown, that, however the mortality might have been lessened in some
ships by the regulations of Sir William Dolben, yet, wherever a
contagious disorder broke out, the greatest part of the cargo was swept
away. But what regulations by the British parliament could prevent these
contagions, or remove them suddenly, when they appeared?
Neither would regulations be effectual, as they related to the
protection of the slaves in the West Indies. It might, perhaps, be
enacted, as Mr. Vaughan had suggested, that their punishments should be
moderate; and that the number of lashes should be limited. But the
colonial legislatures had already done as much, as the magic of words
alone could do, upon this subject; yet the evidence upon the table
clearly proved, that the only protection of slaves was in the clemency
of their masters. Any barbarity might be exercised with impunity,
provided no White person were to see it, though it happened in the sight
of a thousand slaves. Besides, by splitting the offence, and inflicting
the punishment at intervals, the law could be evaded, although the fact
was within the reach of the evidence of a White man. Of this evasion
Captain Cook, of the 89th regiment, had given a shocking instance; and
Chief Justice Ottley had candidly confessed, that "he could devise no
method of bringing a master, so offending, to justice, while the
evidence of the slave continued inadmissible." But perhaps councils of
protection, and guardians of the slaves, might be appointed. This,
again, was an expedient which sounded well, but which would be nugatory
and absurd. What person would risk the comfort of his life by the
exercise of so invidious an interference? But supposing that one or two
individuals could be found, who would sacrifice all their time, and the
friendship of their associates, for the good of the slaves; what could
they effect? Could they be in all places at once? But even if acts of
barbarity should be related to them, how were they to come at the proof
of them?
It appeared, then, that no regulations could be effectual until the
slaves were admitted to give their evidence; but to admit them to this
privilege in their present state, would be to endanger the safety and
property of their masters. Mr. Vaughan had, however, recommended this
measure with limitations, but it would produce nothing but discontent;
for how were the slaves to be persuaded that it was fit they should be
admitted to speak the truth, and then be disbelieved and disregarded?
What a fermentation would such conduct naturally excite in men dismissed
with injuries unredressed, though abundantly proved, in their
apprehension, by their testimony? In fact, no regulations would do.
There was no cure for these evils, but in the abolition of the Slave
Trade. He called upon the planters to concur with his honourable friend,
Mr. Wilberforce, in this great measure. He wished them to consider the
progress which the opinion of the injustice of this trade was making in
the nation at large, as manifested by the petitions; which had almost
obstructed the proceedings of the House by their perpetual introduction.
It was impossible for them to stifle this great question. As for
himself, he would renew his profession of last year, that he would never
cease, but with life, to promote so glorious an end.
Mr. Whitbread said, that even if he could conceive, that the trade was,
as some had asserted it to be, founded on principles of humanity; that
the Africans were rescued from death in their own country; that, upon
being carried to the West Indies, they were put under kind masters; that
their labour there was easy; that at evening they returned cheerful to
their homes; that in sickness they were attended with care; and that
their old age was rendered comfortable; even then he would vote for the
abolition of the Slave Trade, inasmuch as he was convinced that that
which was fundamentally wrong, no practice could justify.
No eloquence could persuade him, that the Africans were torn from their
country and their dearest connexions, merely that they might lead a
happier life; or that they could be placed under the uncontrolled
dominion of others without suffering. Arbitrary power would spoil the
hearts of the best; hence would arise tyranny on the one side, and a
sense of injury on the other. Hence the passions would be let loose, and
a state of perpetual enmity would follow.
He needed only to go to the accounts of those who defended the system of
slavery, to show that it was cruel. He was forcibly struck last year by
an expression of an honourable member, an advocate for the trade, who,
when he came to speak of the slaves, on selling off the stock of a
plantation, said that they fetched less than the common price, because
they were damaged. Damaged! What! Were they goods and chattels? What an
idea was this to hold out of our fellow-creatures! We might imagine how
slaves were treated, if they could be spoken of in such a manner.
Perhaps these unhappy people had lingered out the best part of their
lives in the service of their master. Able then to do but little, they
were sold for little! and the remaining substance of their sinews was to
be pressed out by another, yet more hardened than the former, and who
had made a calculation of their vitals accordingly.
As another proof, he would mention a passage in a pamphlet, in which the
author, describing the happy situation of the slaves, observed, that a
good negro never wanted a character; a bad one could always be detected
by his weals and scars. What was this but to say, that there were
instruments in use which left indelible marks, behind them; and who
would say that these were used justly?
An honourable gentleman, Mr. Vaughan, had said, that setting aside
slavery, the slaves were better off than the poor in this country. But
what was it that we wished to abolish! Was it not the Slave Trade, which
would destroy in time the cruel distinction he had mentioned? The same
honourable gentleman had also expressed his admiration of their
resignation; but might it not be that resignation which was the
consequence of despair?
Colonel Tarleton had insinuated that the petitions on the table had been
obtained in an objectionable manner. He had the honour to present one
from his constituents, which he would venture to say had originated with
themselves, and that there did not exist more respectable names in the
kingdom than those of the persons who had signed it. He had also
asserted, that there was a strong similitude in their tenour and
substance, as if they had been manufactured by the same persons. This
was by no means to be wondered at. There was surely but one plain tale
to tell, and it was not surprising that it had been clothed in nearly
the same expressions. There was but one boon to ask, and that was--the
abolition of this wicked trade.
It had been said by another, (Mr. Baillie,) that the horrible
insurrections in St. Domingo arose from the discussion of the question
of the Slave Trade. He denied the assertion; and maintained that they
were the effect of the trade itself. There was a point of endurance,
beyond which human nature could not go, at which the mind of man rose by
its native elasticity with a spring and violence proportioned to the
degree to which it had been depressed. The calamities in St. Domingo
proceeded from the Slave Trade alone; and, if it were continued, similar
evils were to be apprehended in our own islands. The cruelties which the
slaves had perpetrated in that unfortunate colony they had learnt from
their masters. Had not an African eyes? Had he not ears? Had he not
organs, senses, and passions? If you pricked him, would he not feel the
puncture, and bleed? If you poisoned him, would he not die? and, if you
wronged him, would he not revenge? But he had said sufficient, for he
feared he could not better the instruction.
Mr. Milbank would only just observe, that the policy of the measure of
the abolition was as great as its justice was undeniable. Where slavery
existed, everything was out of its natural place. All improvement was at
an end; there must also, from the nature of the human heart, be
oppression. He warned the planters against the danger of fresh
importations, and invited their concurrence in the measure.
Mr. Dundas (afterwards Viscount Melville) declared that he had always
been a warm friend to the abolition of the Slave Trade, though he
differed from Mr. Wilberforce as to the mode of effecting it.
The abolitionists, and those on the opposite side of the question, had,
both of them, gone into extremes. The former were for the immediate and
abrupt annihilation of the trade; the latter considered it as
essentially necessary to the existence of the West Indian islands, and
therefore laid it down that it was to be continued for ever. Such was
the vast distance between the parties. He would now address himself to
each.
He would say first, that he agreed with his honourable friend, Mr.
Wilberforce, in very material points. He believed the trade was not
founded in policy; that the continuation of it was not essential to the
preservation of our trade with the West Indian islands; and that the
slaves were not only to be maintained, but increased there, by natural
population. He agreed, too, as to the propriety of the abolition. But
when his honourable friend talked of direct and abrupt abolition, he
would submit it to him, whether he did not run counter to the prejudices
of those who were most deeply interested in the question; and whether,
if he could obtain his object without wounding these, it would not be
better to do it? Did he not also forget the sacred attention which
parliament had ever shown to the private interests and patrimonial
rights of individuals?
Whatever idea men might then have of the African trade, certain it was
that they, who had connected themselves with it, had done it under the
sanction of parliament. It might also be well worth while to consider,
(though the conduct of other nations ought not to deter us from doing
our duty,) whether British subjects in the West Indies might not be
supplied with slaves under neutral flags. Now he believed it was
possible to avoid these objections, and at the same time to act in
harmony with the prejudices which had been mentioned. This might be done
by regulations, by which we should effect the end much more speedily
than by the way proposed. By regulations, he meant such as would
increase the breed of the slaves in the West Indies; such as would
ensure a moral education to their children; and such as would even in
time extinguish hereditary slavery. The extinction, however, of this was
not to be effected by allowing the son of an African slave to obtain his
freedom on the death of his parent. Such a son should be considered as
born free; he should then be educated at the expense of the person
importing his parents; and, when arrived at such a degree of strength as
might qualify him to labour, he should work for a term of years for the
payment of the expense of his education and maintenance. It was
impossible to emancipate the existing slaves at once; nor would such an
emancipation be of any immediate benefit to themselves; but this
observation would not apply to their descendants, if trained and
educated in the manner he had proposed.
He would now address himself to those who adopted the opposite extreme;
and he thought he should not assume too much when he said, that if both
slavery and the Slave Trade could be abolished with safety to their
property, it deeply concerned their interests to do it. Such a measure,
also, would only be consistent with the principles of the British
constitution. It was surely strange that we, who were ourselves free,
should carry on a Slave Trade with Africa, and that we should never
think of introducing cultivation into the West Indies by free labourers.
That such a measure would tend to their interest he had no doubt. Did
not all of them agree with Mr. Long, that the great danger in the West
Indies arose from the importation of the African slaves there? Mr. Long
had asserted, that all the insurrections there arose from these. If this
statement was true, how directly it bore upon the present question! But
we were told, also, by the same author, that the Slave Trade gave rise
to robbery, murder, and all kinds of depredations on the coast of
Africa. Had this been answered? No: except indeed it had been said that
the slaves were such as had been condemned for crimes. Well, then, the
imported Africans consisted of all the convicts, rogues, thieves, and
vagabonds in Africa. But would the West Indians choose to depend on
fresh supplies of these for the cultivation of their lands, and the
security of their islands, when it was also found that every
insurrection had arisen from them? It was plain the safety of the
islands was concerned in this question. There would be danger so long as
the trade lasted. The planters were, by these importations, creating the
engines of their own destruction. Surely they would act more to their
own interest if they would concur in extinguishing the trade, than by
standing up for its continuance.