Author secures the Gloucester paper, and lays the foundation of a
petition from that city; does the same at Worcester, and at
Chester.--Arrives at Liverpool.--Collects specimens of African
produce; also imports and exports, and muster-rolls, and accounts of
dock duties, and iron instruments used in the Slave Trade.--His
introduction to Mr. Norris, and others.--Author and his errand become
known.--People visit him out of curiosity.--Frequent controversies on
the subject of the Slave Trade.
On my arrival at Gloucester, I waited upon my friend Dean Tucker. He was
pleased to hear of the great progress I had made since he left me. On
communicating to him my intention of making interest with the editors of
some provincial papers, to enlighten the public mind, and with the
inhabitants of some respectable places, for petitions to Parliament,
relative to the abolition of the Slave Trade, he approved of it, and
introduced me to Mr. Raikes, the proprietor of the respectable paper
belonging to that city. Mr. Raikes acknowledged, without any hesitation,
the pleasure he should have in serving such a noble cause; and he
promised to grant me, from time to time, a corner in his paper, for such
things as I might point out to him for insertion. This promise he
performed afterwards, without any pecuniary consideration, and solely on
the ground of benevolence. He promised also his assistance as to the
other object, for the promotion of which I left him several of my
_Summary View_ to distribute.
At Worcester I trod over the same ground, and with the same success.
Timothy Bevington, of the religious society of the Quakers, was the only
person to whom I had an introduction there: he accompanied me to the
mayor, to the editor of the Worcester paper, and to several others,
before each of whom I pleaded the cause of the oppressed Africans in the
best manner I was able. I dilated both on the inhumanity and on the
impolicy of the trade, which I supported by the various facts recently
obtained at Bristol. I desired, however, as far as petitions were
concerned, (and this desire I expressed on all other similar occasions,)
that no attempt should be made to obtain these, till such information
had been circulated on the subject, that every one, when called upon,
might judge, from his knowledge of it, how far he would feel it right to
join in it. For this purpose I left also here several of my _Summary
View_ for distribution.
After my arrival at Chester, I went to the bishop's residence, but I
found he was not there. Knowing no other person in the place, I wrote a
note to Mr. Cowdroy, whom I understood to be the editor of the Chester
paper, soliciting an interview with him, I explained my wishes to him on
both subjects. He seemed to be greatly rejoiced, when we met, that such
a measure as that of the abolition of the Slave Trade was in
contemplation. Living at so short a distance from Liverpool, and in a
country from which so many persons were constantly going to Africa, he
was by no means ignorant, as some were, of the nature of this cruel
traffic; but yet he had no notion that I had probed it so deeply, or
that I had brought to light such important circumstances concerning it,
as he found by my conversation. He made me a hearty offer of his
services on this occasion, and this expressly without fee or reward. I
accepted them most joyfully and gratefully. It was, indeed, a most
important thing, to have a station so near the enemy's camp, where we
could watch their motions, and meet any attack which might be made from
it. And this office of a sentinel Mr. Cowdroy performed with great
vigilance; and when he afterwards left Chester for Manchester, to
establish a paper there, he carried with him the same friendly
disposition towards our cause.
My first introduction at Liverpool was to William Rathbone, a member of
the religious society of the Quakers. He was the same person who, before
the formation of our committee, had procured me copies of several of the
muster-rolls of the slave-vessels belonging to that port, so that,
though we were not personally known, yet we were not strangers to each
other. Isaac Hadwen, a respectable member of the same society, was the
person whom I saw next. I had been introduced to him, previously to my
journey, when he was at London, at the yearly meeting of the Quakers, so
that no letter to him was necessary. As Mr. Roscoe had generally given
the profits of _The Wrongs of Africa_ to our committee, I made no
scruple of calling upon him. His reception of me was very friendly, and
he introduced me afterwards to Dr. Currie, who had written the preface
to that poem. There was also a fourth upon whom I called, though I did
not know him. His name was Edward Rushton: he had been an officer in a
slave-ship, but had lost his sight, and had become an enemy to that
trade. On passing through Chester, I had heard, for the first time, that
he had published a poem called _West Indian Eclogues_, with a view of
making the public better acquainted with the evil of the Slave Trade,
and of exciting their indignation against it. Of the three last it may
be observed, that, having come forward thus early, as labourers, they
deserve to be put down, as I have placed them in the map, among the
forerunners and coadjutors in this great cause, for each published his
work before any efforts were made publicly, or without knowing that any
were intended. Rushton, also, had the boldness, though then living in
Liverpool, to affix his name to his work. These were the only persons
whom I knew for some time after my arrival in that place.
It may not, perhaps, be necessary to enter so largely into my
proceedings at Liverpool as at Bristol. The following account,
therefore, may suffice:--
In my attempts to add to my collection of specimens of African produce,
I was favoured with a sample of gum ruber astringents, of cotton from
the Gambia, of indigo and musk, of long pepper, of black pepper from
Whidàh, of mahogany from Calabar, and of cloths of different colours,
made by the natives, which, while they gave other proofs of the quality
of their own cotton, gave proofs, also, of the variety of their dyes.
I made interest at the Custom-house for various exports and imports, and
for copies of the muster-rolls of several slave-vessels, besides those
of vessels employed in other trades.
By looking out constantly for information on this great subject, I was
led to the examination of a printed card or table of the dock duties of
Liverpool, which was published annually. The town of Liverpool had so
risen in opulence and importance from only a fishing-village, that the
corporation seemed to have a pride in giving a public view of this
increase. Hence they published and circulated this card. Now the card
contained one, among other facts, which was almost as precious, in a
political point of view, as any I had yet obtained. It stated that in
the year 1772, when I knew that a hundred vessels sailed out of
Liverpool for the coast of Africa, the dock-duties amounted to 4552_l._,
and that in 1779, when I knew that, in consequence of the war, only
eleven went from thence to the same coast, they amounted to 4957_l_.
From these facts put together, two conclusions were obvious. The first
was, that the opulence of Liverpool, as far as the entry of vessels into
its ports, and the dock-duties arising from thence, were concerned, was
not indebted to the Slave Trade; for these duties were highest when it
had only eleven ships in that employ. The second was, that there had
been almost a practical experiment with respect to the abolition of it;
for the vessels in it had been gradually reduced from one hundred to
eleven, and yet the West Indians had not complained of their ruin, nor
had the merchants or manufacturers suffered, nor had Liverpool been
affected by the change.
There were specimens of articles in Liverpool, which I entirely
overlooked at Bristol, and which I believed I should have overlooked
here also, had it not been for seeing them at a window in a shop; I mean
those of different iron instruments used in this cruel traffic. I bought
a pair of the iron hand-cuffs with which the men-slaves are confined.
The right-hand wrist of one, and the left of another, are almost brought
into contact by these, and fastened together, as the figure A in the
annexed plate represents, by a little bolt with a small padlock at the
end of it.
[Illustration: Handcuffs]
I bought also a pair of shackles for the legs. These are represented by
the figure B.
The right ancle of one man is fastened to the left of another, as the
reader will observe, by similar means. I bought these, not because it
was difficult to conceive how the unhappy victims of this execrable
trade were confined, but to show the fact that they were so. For what
was the inference from it, but that they did not leave their own country
willingly; that, when they were in the holds of the slave-vessels, they
were not in the Elysium which had been represented; and that there was a
fear either that they would make their escape, or punish their
oppressors?
[Illustration: Shackles for the legs]
I bought also a thumb-screw at this shop. The thumbs are put into this
instrument through the two circular holes at the top of it. By turning a
key, a bar rises up by means of a screw from C to D, and the pressure
upon them becomes painful. By turning it further you may make the blood
start from the ends of them. By taking the key away, as at E, you leave
the tortured person in agony, without any means of extricating himself,
or of being extricated by others. This screw, as I was then informed,
was applied by way of punishment, in case of obstinacy in the slaves, or
for any other reputed offence, at the discretion of the captain.
At the same place I bought another instrument which I saw. It was called
a speculum oris. The dotted lines in the figure on the right hand of the
screw represent it when shut, the black lines when open. It is opened,
as at G H, by a screw below with a nob at the end of it. This instrument
is known among surgeons, having been invented to assist them in
wrenching open the mouth as in the case of a locked jaw; but it had got
into use in this trade.
[Illustration: Thumb screw]
[Illustration: Speculum oris]
On asking the seller of the instruments on what occasion it was used
there, he replied that the slaves were frequently so sulky as to shut
their mouths against all sustenance, and this with a determination to
die; and that it was necessary their mouths should be forced open to
throw in nutriment, that they who had purchased them might incur no loss
by their death.
The town-talk of Liverpool was much of the same nature as that at
Bristol on the subject of this trade. Horrible facts concerning it were
in everybody's mouth; but they were more numerous, as was likely to be
the case where eighty vessels were employed from one port, and only
eighteen from the other. The people, too, at Liverpool seemed to be more
hardened, or they related them with more coldness or less feeling. This
may be accounted for from the greater number of those facts, as just
related, the mention of which, as it was of course more frequent,
occasioned them to lose their power of exciting surprise. All this I
thought in my favour, as I should more easily, or with less
obnoxiousness, come to the knowledge of what I wanted to obtain.
My friend William Rathbone, who had been looking out to supply me with
intelligence, but who was desirous that I should not be imposed upon,
and that I should get it from the fountainhead, introduced me to Mr.
Norris for this purpose. Norris had been formerly a slave-captain, but
had quitted the trade, and settled as a merchant in a different line of
business. He was a man of quick penetration, and of good talents, which
he had cultivated to advantage, and he had a pleasing address both as to
speech and manners. He received me with great politeness, and offered me
all the information I desired. I was with him five or six times at his
own house for this purpose. The substance of his communications on these
occasions I shall now put down, and I beg the reader's particular
attention to it, as he will be referred to it in other parts of this
work.
With respect to the produce of Africa, Mr. Norris enumerated many
articles in which a new and valuable trade might be opened, of which he
gave me one, namely, the black pepper from Whidàh before mentioned. This
he gave me, to use his own expressions, as one argument among many
others of the impolicy of the Slave Trade, which, by turning the
attention of the inhabitants to the persons of one another for sale,
hindered foreigners from discovering, and themselves from cultivating,
many of the valuable productions of their own soil.
On the subject of procuring slaves, he gave it as his decided opinion
that many of the inhabitants of Africa were kidnapped by each other, as
they were travelling on the roads, or fishing in the creeks, or
cultivating their little spots. Having learned their language, he had
collected the fact from various quarters, but more particularly from the
accounts of slaves whom he had transported in his own vessels. With
respect, however, to Whidàh, many came from thence who were reduced to
slavery in a different manner. The king of Dahomey, whose life (with the
wars and customs of the Dahomans) he said he was then writing, and who
was a very despotic prince, made no scruple of seizing his own subjects,
and of selling them, if he was in want of any of the articles which the
slave-vessels would afford him. The history of this prince's life he
lent me afterwards to read, while it was yet in manuscript, in which I
observed that he had recorded all the facts now mentioned. Indeed he
made no hesitation to state them, either when we were by ourselves, or
when others were in company with us. He repeated them at one time in the
presence both of Mr. Cruden and Mr. Coupland. The latter was then a
slave-merchant at Liverpool. He seemed to be fired at the relation of
these circumstances. Unable to restrain himself longer, he entered into
a defence of the trade, both as to the humanity and the policy of it;
but Mr. Norris took up his arguments in both these cases, and answered
them in a solid manner.
With respect to the Slave Trade as it affected the health of our seamen,
Mr. Norris admitted it to be destructive; but I did not stand in need of
this information, as I knew this part of the subject, in consequence of
my familiarity with the muster-rolls, better than himself.
He admitted it also to be true, that they were too frequently
ill-treated in this trade. A day or two after our conversation on this
latter subject he brought me the manuscript journal of a voyage to
Africa, which had been kept by a mate, with whom he was then acquainted.
He brought it to me to read, as it might throw some light upon the
subject on which we had talked last. In this manuscript various
instances of cruel usage towards seamen were put down, from which it
appeared that the mate, who wrote it, had not escaped himself.
At the last interview we had, he seemed to be so satisfied of the
inhumanity, injustice, and impolicy of the trade, that he made me a
voluntary offer of certain clauses, which he had been thinking of, and
which, he believed, if put into an Act of Parliament, would judiciously
effect its abolition. The offer of these clauses I embraced eagerly. He
dictated them, and I wrote. I wrote them in a small book which I had
then in my pocket. They were these:--
No vessel, under a heavy penalty, to supply foreigners with slaves.
Every vessel to pay to government a tax for a register on clearing out
to supply our own islands with slaves.
Every such vessel to be prohibited from purchasing or bringing home any
of the productions of Africa.
Every such vessel to be prohibited from bringing home a passenger, or
any article of produce, from the West Indies.
A bounty to be given to every vessel trading in the natural productions
of Africa. This bounty to be paid in part out of the tax arising from
the registers of the slave-vessels.
Certain establishments to be made by government in Africa, in the
Bananas, in the Isles de Los, on the banks of the Camaranca, and in
other places, for the encouragement and support of the new trade to be
substituted there.
Such then were the services, which Mr. Norris, at the request of William
Rathbone, rendered me at Liverpool, during my stay there; and I have
been very particular in detailing them, because I shall be obliged to
allude to them, as I have before observed, on some important occasions
in a future part of the work.
On going my rounds one day, I met accidentally with Captain Chaffers.
This gentleman either was or had been in the West India employ. His
heart had beaten in sympathy with mine, and he had greatly favoured our
cause. He had seen me at Mr. Norris's, and learned my errand there. He
told me he could introduce me in a few minutes, as we were then near at
hand, to Captain Lace, if I chose it. Captain Lace, he said, had been
long in the Slave Trade, and could give me very accurate information
about it. I accepted his offer. On talking to Captain Lace, relative to
the productions of Africa, he told me that mahogany grew at Calabar. He
began to describe a tree of that kind, which he had seen there. This
tree was from about eighteen inches to two feet in diameter, and about
sixty feet high, or, as he expressed it, of the height of a tall
chimney. As soon as he mentioned Calabar, a kind of horror came over me.
His name became directly associated in my mind with the place. It almost
instantly occurred to me, that he commanded the Edgar out of Liverpool,
when the dreadful massacre there, as has been related, took place.
Indeed I seemed to be so confident of it, that, attending more to my
feelings than to my reason at this moment, I accused him with being
concerned in it. This produced great confusion among us. For he looked
incensed at Captain Chaffers, as if he had introduced me to him for this
purpose. Captain Chaffers again seemed to be all astonishment that I
should have known of this circumstance, and to be vexed that I should
have mentioned it in such a manner. I was also in a state of trembling
myself. Captain Lace could only say it was a bad business. But he never
defended himself, nor those concerned in it. And we soon parted, to the
great joy of us all.
Soon after this interview, I began to perceive that I was known in
Liverpool, as well as the object for which I came. Mr. Coupland, the
slave-merchant, with whom I had disputed at Mr. Norris's house, had
given the alarm to those who were concerned in the trade, and Captain
Lace, as may be now easily imagined, had spread it. This knowledge of me
and of my errand was almost immediately productive of two effects, the
first of which I shall now mention.
I had a private room at the King's Arms tavern, besides my bed-room,
where I used to meditate and to write; but I generally dined in public.
The company at dinner had hitherto varied but little as to number, and
consisted of those, both from the town and country, who had been
accustomed to keep up a connexion with the house. But now things were
altered, and many people came to dine there daily with a view of seeing
me, as if I had been some curious creature imported from foreign parts.
They thought, also, they could thus have an opportunity of conversing
with me. Slave-merchants and slave-captains came in among others for
this purpose. I had observed this difference in the number of our
company for two or three days. Dale, the master of the tavern, had
observed it also, and told me in a good-natured manner, that many of
these were my visitors, and that I was likely to bring him a great deal
of custom. In a little time, however, things became serious; for they,
who came to see me, always started the abolition of the Slave Trade as
the subject for conversation. Many entered into the justification of
this trade with great warmth, as if to ruffle my temper, or at any rate
to provoke me to talk. Others threw out, with the same view, that men
were going about to abolish it, who would have done much better if they
had stayed at home. Others said they had heard of a person turned mad,
who had conceived the thought of destroying Liverpool, and all its
glory. Some gave as a toast, Success to the trade, and then laughed
immoderately, and watched me when I took my glass to see if I would
drink it. I saw the way in which things were now going, and I believed
it would be proper that I should come to some fixed resolutions; such
as, whether I should change my lodgings, and whether I should dine in
private; and if not, what line of conduct it would become me to pursue
on such occasions. With respect to changing my lodgings and dining in
private, I conceived, if I were to do either of these things, that I
should be showing an unmanly fear of my visiters, which they would turn
to their own advantage. I conceived too, that, if I chose to go on as
before, and to enter into conversation with them on the subject of the
abolition of the Slave Trade, I might be able, by having such an
assemblage of persons daily, to gather all the arguments which they
could collect on the other side of our question, an advantage which I
should one day feel in the future management of the cause. With respect
to the line, which I should pursue in the case of remaining in the place
of my abode and in my former habits, I determined never to start the
subject of the abolition myself--never to abandon it when started--never
to defend it but in a serious and dignified manner--and never to
discover any signs of irritation, whatever provocation might be given
me. By this determination I abided rigidly. The King's Arms became now
daily the place for discussion on this subject. Many tried to insult me,
but to no purpose. In all these discussions I found the great advantage
of having brought Mr. Falconbridge with me from Bristol; for he was
always at the table; and when my opponents, with a disdainful look,
tried to ridicule my knowledge, among those present, by asking me if I
had ever been on the coast of Africa myself, he used generally to reply,
"But I have. I know all your proceedings there, and that his statements
are true." These and other words put in by him, who was an athletic and
resolute-looking man, were of great service to me. All disinterested
persons, of whom there were four or five daily in the room, were
uniformly convinced by our arguments, and took our part, and some of
them very warmly. Day after day we beat our opponents out of the field,
as many of the company acknowledged, to their no small notification, in
their presence. Thus, while we served the cause by discovering all that
could be said against it, we served it by giving numerous individuals
proper ideas concerning it, and of interesting them in our favour.
The second effect which I experienced was, that from this time I could
never get any one to come forward as an evidence to serve the cause.
There were, I believe, hundreds of persons in Liverpool, and in the
neighbourhood of it, who had been concerned in this traffic, and who had
left it, all of whom could have given such testimony concerning it as
would have insured its abolition. But none of them would now speak out.
Of these, indeed, there were some, who were alive to the horrors of it,
and who lamented that it should still continue. But yet even these were
backward in supporting me. All that they did was just privately to see
me, to tell me that I was right, and to exhort me to persevere: but as
to coming forward to be examined publicly, my object was so unpopular,
and would become so much more so when brought into parliament, that they
would have their houses pulled down, if they should then appear as
public instruments in the annihilation of the trade. With this account I
was obliged to rest satisfied; nor could I deny, when I considered the
spirit, which had manifested itself, and the extraordinary number of
interested persons in the place, that they had some reason for their
fears; and that these fears were not groundless, appeared afterwards;
for Dr. Binns, a respectable physician belonging to the religious
society of the Quakers, and to whom Isaac Hadwen had introduced me, was
near falling into a mischievous plot, which had been laid against him,
because he was one of the subscribers to the institution for the
abolition of the Slave Trade, and because he was suspected of having
aided me in promoting that object.