Author arrives at Bristol; introduction to Quaker families
there.--Objects of his inquiry.--Ill usage of seamen on board the ship
Brothers.--Obtains a knowledge of several articles of African
produce.--Dr. Caniplin; Dean Tucker; Mr. Henry Sulgar.--Procures an
authenticated account of the treacherous massacre at Calabar.--Ill
usage of the seamen of the ship Alfred.--Painful feelings of the
author on this occasion.
Having made preparations for my journey, I took my leave of the
different individuals of the committee. I called upon Mr. Wilberforce,
also, with the same design. He was then very ill, and in bed; Sir
Richard Hill and others were sitting by his bedside. After conversing as
much as he well could in his weak state, he held out his hand to me and
wished me success. When I left him I felt much dejected; it appeared to
me as if it would be in this case, as it is often in that of other
earthly things, that we scarcely possess what we repute a treasure when
it is taken from us.
I determined to take this journey on horseback, not only on account of
the relaxed state in which I found myself, after such close and constant
application, but because I wished to have all my time to myself upon the
road, in order the better to reflect upon the proper means of promoting
this great cause. The first place I resolved to visit was Bristol;
accordingly I directed my course thither. On turning a corner, within
about a mile of that city, at about eight in the evening, I came within
sight of it. The weather was rather hazy, which occasioned it to look of
unusual dimensions. The bells of some of the churches were then ringing;
the sound of them did not strike me till I had turned the corner before
mentioned, when it came upon me at once; it filled me, almost directly,
with a melancholy for which I could not account. I began now to tremble,
for the first time, at the arduous task I had undertaken, of attempting
to subvert one of the branches of the commerce of the great place which
was then before me. I began to think of the host of people I should have
to encounter in it; I anticipated much persecution in it also; and I
questioned whether I should even get out of it alive. But in journeying
on I became more calm and composed; my spirits began to return. In these
latter moments I considered my first feelings as useful, inasmuch as
they impressed upon me the necessity of extraordinary courage, and
activity, and perseverance, and of watchfulness, also, over my own
conduct, that I might not throw any stain upon the cause I had
undertaken. When, therefore, I entered the city, I entered it with an
undaunted spirit, determining that no labour should make me shrink, nor
danger, nor even persecution, deter me from my pursuit.
My first introduction was by means of a letter to Harry Gandy, who had
then become one of the religious society of the Quakers. This
introduction to him was particularly useful to me; for he had been a
seafaring man. In his early youth he had been of a roving disposition;
and, in order to see the world, had been two voyages in the Slave Trade,
so that he had known the nature and practices of it. This enabled him to
give me much useful information on the subject; and as he had frequently
felt, as he grew up, deep affliction of mind for having been concerned
in it, he was impelled to forward my views as much as possible, under an
idea that he should be thus making some reparation for the indiscreet
and profane occupations of his youth.
I was also introduced to the families of James Harford, John Lury,
Matthew Wright, Philip, Debell Tucket, Thomas Bonville, and John Waring;
all of whom were of the same religious society. I gained an
introduction, also, soon afterwards, to George Fisher. These were my
first and only acquaintance at Bristol for some time; I derived
assistance in the promotion of my object from all of them; and it is a
matter of pleasing reflection, that the friendships then formed have
been kept alive to the present time.
The objects I had marked down as those to be attended to, were--to
ascertain what were the natural productions of Africa, and, if possible,
to obtain specimens of them, with the view of forming a cabinet or
collection--to procure as much information as I could relative to the
manner of obtaining slaves on continent of Africa, of transporting them
to the West Indies, and of treating them there--to prevail upon persons,
having a knowledge of any or all of these circumstances, to come forward
to be examined as evidences before parliament, if such an examination
should take place--to make myself still better acquainted with the loss
of seamen in the Slave Trade--also with the loss of those who were
employed in the other trades from the same port--to know the nature, and
quantity, and value of the imports and exports of goods in the former
case:--there were some other objects which I classed under the head of
miscellaneous.
In my first movements about this city, I found that people talked very
openly on the subject of the Slave Trade. They seemed to be well
acquainted with the various circumstances belonging to it. There were
facts, in short, in every body's mouth concerning it; and every body
seemed to execrate it, though no one thought of its abolition. In this
state of things I perceived that my course was obvious; for I had little
else to do, in pursuing two or three of my objects, than to trace the
foundation of those reports which were in circulation.
On the third of July I heard that the ship Brothers[A], then lying in
King's Road for Africa, could not get her seamen, and that a party which
had been put on board, becoming terrified by the prospect of their
situation, had left her on Sunday morning. On inquiring further, I found
that those who had navigated her on her last voyage, thirty-two of whom
had died, had been so dreadfully used by the captain, that he could not
get hands in the present. It was added, that the treatment of seamen was
a crying evil in this trade, and that consequently few would enter into
it, so that there was at all times a great difficulty in procuring them,
though they were ready enough to enter into other trades.
[Footnote A: I abstain from mentioning the names of the captain of this
or of other vessels, lest the recording of them should give pain to
relatives who can have had no share in their guilt.]
The relation of these circumstances made me acquainted with two things,
of which I had not before heard; namely, the aversion of seamen to
engage, and the bad usage of them when engaged in this cruel trade; into
both which I determined immediately to inquire.
I conceived that it became me to be very cautious about giving ear too
readily to reports; and therefore, as I could easily learn the truth of
one of the assertions which had been made to me, I thought it prudent to
ascertain this, and to judge, by the discovery I should make concerning
it, what degree of credit might be due to the rest. Accordingly, by
means of my late friend, Truman Harford, the eldest son of the
respectable family of that name, to which I have already mentioned
myself to have been introduced, I gained access to the muster-roll of
the ship Brothers. On looking over the names of her last crew, I found
the melancholy truth confirmed, that thirty-two of them had been placed
among the dead.
Having ascertained this circumstance, I became eager to inquire into the
truth of the others, but more particularly of the treatment of one of
the seamen, which, as it was reported to me, exceeded all belief. His
name was John Dean; he was a black man, but free. The report was, that
for a trifling circumstance, for which he was in no-wise to blame, the
captain had fastened him with his belly to the deck, and that, in this
situation, he had poured hot pitch upon his back, and made incisions in
it with hot tongs.
Before however I attempted to learn the truth of this barbarous
proceeding, I thought I would look into the ship's muster-roll, to see
if I could find the name of such a man. On examination I found it to be
the last on the list. John Dean, it appeared, had been one of the
original crew, having gone on board, from Bristol, on the twenty-second
day of July, 1785.
On inquiring where Dean was to be found, my informant told me that he
had lately left Bristol for London. I was shown, however, to the house
where he had lodged. The name of his landlord was Donovan. On talking
with him on the subject, he assured me that the report I had heard was
true; for that while he resided with him he had heard an account of his
usage from some of his ship-mates, and that he had often looked at his
scarred and mutilated back.
On inquiring of Donovan if any other person in Bristol could corroborate
this account, he referred me to a reputable tradesman living, in the
Market-place. Having been introduced to him, he told me that he had long
known John Dean to be a sober and industrious man; that he had seen the
terrible indentures on his back; and that they were said to have been
made by the captain, in the manner related, during his last voyage.
While I was investigating this matter further, I was introduced to Mr.
Sydenham Teast, a respectable ship-builder in Bristol, and the owner of
vessels trading to Africa in the natural productions of that country. I
mentioned to him by accident what I had heard relative to the treatment
of John Dean. He said it was true. An attorney[A] in London had then
taken up his cause, in consequence of which the captain had been
prevented from sailing till he could find persons who would be
answerable for the damages which might be awarded against him in a court
of law. Mr. Teast further said, that, not knowing at that time the
cruelty of the transaction to its full extent, he himself had been one
of the securities for the captain at the request of the purser[B] of the
ship. Finding, however, afterwards, that it was as the public had
stated, he was sorry that he had ever interfered, in such a barbarous
case.
[Footnote A: I afterwards found out this attorney. He described the
transaction to me, as, by report, it had taken place, and informed me
that he had made the captain of the Brothers pay for his barbarity.]
[Footnote B: The purser of a ship, at Bristol, is the person who manages
the outfit, as well as the trade, and who is often in part owner of
her.]
This transaction, which I now believed to be true, had the effect of
preparing me for crediting whatever I might hear concerning the
barbarities said to be practised in this trade. It kindled also a fire
of indignation within me, and produced in me both anxiety and spirit, to
proceed. But that which excited these feelings the most, was the
consideration that the purser of this ship, knowing, as he did, of this
act of cruelty, should have sent out this monster again. This, I own,
made me think that there was a system of bad usage to be deliberately
practised upon the seamen in this employment, for some purpose or other
which I could then neither comprehend nor ascertain.
But while I was in pursuit of this one object, I was not unmindful of
the others which I had marked out for myself. I had already procured an
interview, as I have mentioned, with Mr. Sydenham Teast. I had done this
with a view of learning from him what were the different productions of
the continent of Africa, as far as he had been able to ascertain from
the imports by his own vessels. He was very open and communicative. He
had imported ivory, red-wood, cam-wood, and gum-copal. He purposed to
import palm-oil. He observed that bees'-wax might be collected, also,
upon the coast. Of his gum-copal he gave me a specimen. He furnished me,
also, with two different specimens of unknown woods, which had the
appearance of being useful. One of his captains, he informed me, had
been told by the natives, that cotton, pink in the pod, grew in their
country. He was of opinion, that many valuable productions might be
found upon this continent.
Mr. Biggs, to whom I gained an introduction also, was in a similar trade
with Mr. Teast; that is, he had one or two vessels which skimmed, as it
were, the coast and rivers for what they could get of the produce of
Africa, without having any concern in the trade for slaves. Mr. Biggs
gave me a specimen of gum Senegal, of yellow-wood, and of Malaguetta and
Cayenne pepper. He gave me, also, small pieces of cloth made and dyed by
the natives, the colours of which they could only have obtained from
materials in their own country. Mr. Biggs seemed to be assured that, if
proper persons were sent to Africa on discovery, they would fine a rich
mine of wealth in the natural productions of it, and in none more
advantageous to this as a manufacturing nation, than in the many
beautiful dyes which it might furnish.
From Thomas Bonville I collected two specimens of cloth made by the
natives; and from others a beautiful piece of tulipwood, a small piece
of wood similar to mahogany, and a sample of fine rice, all of which had
been brought from the same continent.
Among the persons whom I found out at Bristol, and from whom I derived
assistance, were Dr. Camplin and the celebrated Dean Tucker. The former
was my warm defender; for the West Indian and African merchants, as soon
as they discovered my errand, began to calumniate me. The dean, though
in a very advanced age, felt himself much interested in my pursuit. He
had long moved in the political world himself, and was desirous of
hearing of what was going forward that was new in it, but particularly
about so desirable a measure as that of the abolition of the Slave
Trade[A]. He introduced me to the Custom House at Bristol. He used to
call upon me at the Merchants' Hall, while I was transcribing the
muster-rolls of the seamen there. In short, he seemed to be interested
in all my movements. He became, also, a warm supporter both of me and of
my cause.
[Footnote A: Dean Tucker, in his _Reflections on the Disputes between
Great Britain and Ireland_, published in 1785, had passed a severe
censure on the British planters for the inhuman treatment of their
slaves.]
Among others who were useful to me in my pursuit, was Mr. Henry Sulgar,
an amiable minister of the gospel, belonging to the religious society of
the Moravians in the same city. From him I first procured authentic
documents relative to the treacherous massacre at Calabar. This cruel
transaction had been frequently mentioned to me; but as it had taken
place twenty years before, I could not find one person who had been
engaged in it, nor could I come, in a satisfactory manner, at the
various particulars belonging to it. My friend, however, put me in
possession of copies of the real depositions which had been taken in the
case of the king against Lippincott and others relative to this event;
namely, of Captain Floyd, of the city of Bristol, who had been a witness
to the scene, and of Ephraim Robin John, and of Ancona Robin Robin John,
two African chiefs, who had been sufferers by it. These depositions had
been taken before Jacob Kirby and Thomas Symons, esquires, commissioners
at Bristol for taking affidavits in the Court of King's Bench. The
tragedy, of which they gave a circumstantial account, I shall present to
the reader in as concise a manner as I can.
In the year, 1767, the ships Indian Queen, Duke of York, Nancy, and
Concord, of Bristol; the Edgar, of Liverpool; and the Canterbury, of
London; lay in Old Calabar river.
It happened, at this time, that a quarrel subsisted between the
principal inhabitants of Old Town and those of New Town, Old Calabar,
which had originated in a jealousy respecting slaves. The captains of
the vessels now mentioned, joined in sending several letters to the
inhabitants of Old Town, but particularly to Ephraim Robin John, who was
at that time a grandee, or principal inhabitant of the place. The tenor
of these letters was, that they were sorry that any jealousy or quarrel
should subsist between the two parties; that if the inhabitants of Old
Town would come on board, they would afford them security and
protection; adding, at the same time, that their intention in inviting
them was, that they might become mediators, and thus heal their
disputes.
The inhabitants of Old Town, happy to find that their differences were
likely to be accommodated, joyfully accepted the invitation. The three
brothers of the grandee just mentioned, the eldest of whom was Amboe
Robin John, first entered their canoe, attended by twenty-seven others,
and, being followed by nine canoes, directed their course to the Indian
Queen. They were despatched from thence the next morning to the Edgar,
and afterwards to the Duke of York, on board of which they went, leaving
their canoe and attendants by the side of the same vessel. In the mean
time, the people on board the other canoes were either distributed on
board, or lying close to, the other ships.
This being the situation of the three brothers, and of the principal
inhabitants of the place, the treachery now began to appear. The crew of
the Duke of York, aided by the captain and mates, and armed with pistols
and cutlasses, rushed into the cabin, with an intent to seize the
persons of their three innocent and unsuspicious guests. The unhappy
men, alarmed at this violation of the rights of hospitality, and struck
with astonishment at the behaviour of their supposed friends, attempted
to escape through the cabin windows; but, being wounded, were obliged to
desist, and to submit to be put in irons.
In the same moment in which this atrocious attempt had been made, an
order had been given to fire upon the canoe, which was then lying by the
side of the Duke of York. The canoe soon filled and sunk, and the
wretched attendants were either seized, killed, or drowned. Most of the
other ships followed the example. Great numbers were additionally killed
and drowned on the occasion, and others were swimming to the shore.
At this juncture, the inhabitants of New Town, who had concealed
themselves in the bushes by the water-side, and between whom and the
commanders of the vessels the plan had been previously concerted, came
out from their hiding-places, and, embarking in their canoes, made for
such as were swimming from the fire of the ships. The ships' boats,
also, were manned, and joined in the pursuit. They butchered the
greatest part of those whom they caught. Many dead bodies were soon seen
upon the sands, and others were floating upon the water; and including
those who were seized and carried off, and those who were drowned and
killed, either by the firing of the ships or by the people of New Town,
three hundred were lost to the inhabitants of Old Town on that day.
The carnage which I have been now describing was scarcely over, when a
canoe, full of the principal people of New Town, who had been the
promoters of the scheme, dropped along-side of the Duke of York. They
demanded the person of Amboe Robin John, the brother of the grandee of
Old Town, and the eldest of the three on board. The unfortunate man put
the palms of his hands together, and beseeched the commander of the
vessel that he would not violate the rights of hospitality, by giving up
an unoffending stranger to his enemies. But no entreaties could avail.
The commander received from the New Town people a slave of the name of
Econg in his stead, and then forced him into the canoe, where his head
was immediately struck off in the sight of the crew, and of his
afflicted and disconsolate brothers. As for them, they escaped his fate;
but they were carried off with their attendants to the West Indies, and
sold for slaves.
The knowledge of this tragical event now fully confirmed me in the
sentiment, that the hearts of those who were concerned in this traffic
became unusually hardened, and that I might readily believe any
atrocities, however great, which might be related of them. It made also
my blood boil, as it were, within me: it gave anew spring to my
exertions; and I rejoiced, sorrowful as I otherwise was, that I had
visited Bristol, if it had been only to gain an accurate statement of
this one fact.
In pursuing my objects, I found that reports were current, that the crew
of the Alfred slave-vessel, which had just returned, had been
barbarously used, but particularly a young man of the name of Thomas,
who had served as the surgeon's mate on board her. The report was, that
he had been repeatedly knocked down by the captain; that he had become
in consequence of his ill usage so weary of his life, that he had three
times jumped over board to destroy it; that on being taken up the last
time he had been chained to the deck of the ship, in which situation he
had remained night and day for some time; that in consequence of this
his health had been greatly impaired; and that it was supposed he could
not long survive this treatment.
It was with great difficulty, notwithstanding all my inquiries, that I
could trace this person. I discovered him, however, at last. He was
confined to his bed when I saw him, and appeared to me to be delirious.
I could collect nothing from himself relative to the particulars of his
treatment. In his intervals of sense, he exclaimed against the cruelty
both of the captain and of the chief mate, and pointing to his legs,
thighs, and body, which were all wrapped up in flannel, he endeavoured
to convince me how much he had suffered there. At one time he said he
forgave them. At another, he asked if I came to befriend him. At
another, he looked wildly, and asked if I meant to take the captain's
part, and to kill him.
I was greatly affected by the situation of this poor man, whose image
haunted me both night and day, and I was meditating how most effectually
to assist him, when I heard that he was dead.
I was very desirous of tracing something further on this subject, when
Walter Chandler, of the society of the Quakers, who had been daily
looking out for intelligence for me, brought a young man to me of the
name of Dixon. He had been one of the crew of the same ship. He told me
the particulars of the treatment of Thomas, with very little variation
from those contained in the public report. After cross-examining him in
the best manner I was able, I could find no inconsistency in his
account.
I asked Dixon how the captain came to treat the surgeon's mate in
particular so ill. He said he had treated them all much alike. A person
of the name of Bulpin, he believed, was the only one who had escaped bad
usage in the ship. With respect to himself, he had been cruelly used so
early as in the outward bound passage, which had occasioned him to jump
overboard. When taken up, he was put into irons, and kept in these for a
considerable time. He was afterwards ill used at different times, and
even so late as within three or four days of his return to port. For
just before the Alfred made the island of Lundy, he was struck by the
captain, who cut his under lip into two. He said that it had bled so
much, that the captain expressed himself as if much alarmed; and having
the expectation of arriving soon at Bristol, he had promised to make him
amends, if he would hold his peace. This he said he had hitherto done,
but he had received no recompense. In confirmation of his own usage, he
desired me to examine his lip, which I had no occasion to do, having
already perceived it, for the wound was apparently almost fresh.
I asked Dixon if there was any person in Bristol beside himself, who
could confirm to me this his own treatment, as well as that of the other
unfortunate man who was now dead. He referred me to a seaman of the name
of Matthew Pyke. This person, when brought to me, not only related
readily the particulars of the usage in both cases, as I have now stated
them, but that which he received himself. He said that his own arm had
been broken by the chief mate in Black River, Jamaica, and that he had
also by the captain's orders, though contrary to the practice in
merchant-vessels, been severely flogged. His arm appeared to be then in
pain; and I had a proof of the punishment by an inspection of his back.
I asked Matthew Pyke if the crew in general had been treated in a cruel
manner. He replied they had, except James Bulpin. I then asked where
James Bulpin was to be found. He told me where he had lodged; but feared
he had gone home to his friends in Somersetshire, I think, somewhere in
the neighbourhood of Bridgewater.
I thought it prudent to institute an inquiry into the characters of
Thomas, Dixon, and Matthew Pyke, before I went further. The two former I
found were strangers in Bristol, and I could collect nothing about them.
The latter was a native of the place, had served his time as a seaman
from the port, and was reputed of fair character.
My next business was to see James Bulpin. I found him just setting off
for the country. He stopped, however, to converse with me. He was a
young man of very respectable appearance, and of mild manners. His
appearance, indeed, gave me reason to hope that I might depend upon his
statements; but I was most of all influenced by the consideration that,
never having been ill-used himself, he could have no inducement to go
beyond the bounds of truth on this occasion. He gave me a melancholy
confirmation of all the three cases. He told me, also, that one Joseph
Cunningham had been a severe sufferer, and that there was reason to fear
that Charles Horseler, another of the crew, had been so severely beaten
over the breast with a knotted end of a rope, (which end was of the size
of a large ball, and had been made on purpose,) that he died of it. To
this he added, that it was now a notorious fact, that the captain of the
Alfred, when mate of a slave-ship, had been tried at Barbados for the
murder of one of the crew with whom he had sailed, but that he escaped
by bribing the principal witness to disappear[A].
[Footnote A: Mr. Sampson, who was surgeon's mate of the ship in which
the captain had thus served as a mate, confirmed to me afterwards this
assertion, having often heard him boast in the cabin, "how he had
tricked the law on that occasion."]
The reader will see, the further I went into the history of this voyage,
the more dismal it became. One miserable account, when examined, only
brought up another. I saw no end to inquiry. The great question was,
what was I to do? I thought the best thing would be to get the captain
apprehended, and make him stand his trial either for the murder of
Thomas or of Charles Horseler. I communicated with the late Mr. Burges,
an eminent attorney, and the deputy town-clerk, on this occasion. He had
shown an attachment to me on account of the cause I had undertaken, and
had given me privately assistance in it. I say privately; because,
knowing the sentiments of many of the corporate body at Bristol, under
whom he acted, he was fearful of coming forward in an open manner. His
advice to me was, to take notes of the case for my own private
conviction, but to take no public cognizance of it. He said that seamen,
as soon as their wages were expended, must be off to sea again. They
could not generally, as landsmen do, maintain themselves on shore. Hence
I should be obliged to keep the whole crew at my own expense till the
day of trial, which might not be for months to come. He doubted not
that, in the interim, the merchants and others would inveigle many of
them away by making them boatswains and other inferior officers in some
of their ships; so that, when the day of trial should come, I should
find my witnesses dispersed and gone. He observed, moreover, that if any
of the officers of the ship had any notion of going out again under the
same owners[A], I should have all these against me. To which he added,
that if I were to make a point of taking up the cause of those whom I
found complaining of hard usage in this trade, I must take up that of
nearly all who sailed in it; for that he only knew of one captain from
the port in the Slave Trade, who did not deserve long ago to be hanged.
Hence I should get into a labyrinth of expense, and difficulty, and
uneasiness of mind, from whence I should not easily find a clew to guide
me.
[Footnote A: The seamen of the Alfred informed the purser of their ill
usage, Matthew Pyke not only showed him his arm and his back, but
acquainted him with the murder of Charles Horseler, stating that he had
the instrument of his death in his possession. The purser seemed more
alive to this than to any other circumstance, and wished to get it from
him. Pyke, however, had given it to me. Now what will the reader think,
when he is informed that the purser, after all this knowledge of the
captain's cruelty, sent him out again, and that he was the same person
who was purser of the Brothers, and who had also sent out the captain of
that ship a second time, as has been related, notwithstanding his
barbarities in former voyages!]
This advice, though it was judicious, and founded on a knowledge of law
proceedings, I found it very difficult to adopt. My own disposition was
naturally such, that whatever I engaged in I followed with more than
ordinary warmth. I could not be supposed, therefore, affected and
interested as I then was, to be cool and tranquil on this occasion. And
yet what would my worthy friend have said, if in this first instance I
had opposed him? I had a very severe struggle in my own feelings on this
account. At length, though reluctantly, I obeyed; but as the passions
which agitate the human mind, when it is greatly inflamed, must have a
vent somewhere, or must work off, as it were, or in working together
must produce some new passion or effect, so I found the rage which had
been kindling within me subsiding into the most determined resolutions
of future increased activity and perseverance. I began now to think that
the day was not long enough for me to labour in. I regretted often the
approach of night, which suspended my work, and I often welcomed that of
the morning, which restored me to it. When I felt myself weary, I became
refreshed by the thought of what I was doing; when disconsolate, I was
comforted by it. I lived in hope that every day's labour would furnish
me with that knowledge which would bring this evil nearer to its end;
and I worked on under these feelings, regarding neither trouble nor
danger in the pursuit.