Author devotes this chapter to considerations relative to himself;
fears that by the frequent introduction of himself to the notice of
the reader he may incur the charge of ostentation.--Observations on
such a charge.
Having brought my history of the abolition of the Slave Trade up to the
month of May 1787, I purpose taking the liberty, before I proceed with
it, to devote this chapter to considerations relative to myself. This,
indeed, seems to be now necessary; for I have been fearful for some
pages past, and, indeed, from the time when I began to introduce myself
to the notice of the reader, as one of the forerunners and coadjutors in
this great cause, that I might appear to have put myself into a
situation too prominent, so as even to have incurred the charge of
ostentation. But if there should be some who, in consequence of what
they have already read of this history, should think thus unfavourably
of me, what must their opinion ultimately be, when, unfortunately, I
must become still more prominent in it! Nor do I know in what manner I
shall escape their censure: for if, to avoid egotism, I should write, as
many have done, in the third person, what would this profit me? The
delicate situation, therefore, in which I feel myself to be placed,
makes me desirous of saying a few words to the reader on this subject.
And first, I may observe, that several of my friends urged me from time
to time, and this long before the abolition of the Slave Trade had been
effected, to give a history of the rise and progress of the attempt, as
far as it had been then made; but I uniformly resisted their
application.
When the question was decided last year, they renewed their request.
They represented to me, that no person knew the beginning and progress
of this great work so well as myself; that it was a pity that such
knowledge should die with me; that such a history would be useful; that
it would promote good feelings among men; that it would urge them to
benevolent exertions; that it would supply them with hope in the midst
of these; that it would teach them many valuable lessons;--these and
other things were said to me. But, encouraging as they were, I never
lost sight of the objection; which is the subject of this chapter; nor
did I ever fail to declare, that though, considering the part I had
taken in this great cause, I might be qualified better than some others,
yet it was a task too delicate for me to perform. I always foresaw that
I could not avoid making myself too prominent an object in such a
history, and that I should be liable, on that account, to the suspicion
of writing it for the purpose of sounding my own praise.
With this objection my friends were not satisfied. They answered, that I
might treat the History of the Abolition of the Slave Trade as a species
of biography, or as the history of a part of my own life: that people,
who had much less weighty matters to communicate, wrote their own
histories; and that no one charged them with vanity for so doing.
I own I was not convinced by this answer. I determined, however, in
compliance with their wishes, to examine the objection more minutely,
and to see if I could overcome it more satisfactorily to my own mind.
With this view, I endeavoured to anticipate the course which such a
history would take. I saw clearly, in the first place, that there were
times, for months together, when the committee for the abolition of the
Slave Trade was labouring without me, and when I myself for an equal
space of time was labouring in distant parts of the kingdom without
them. Hence I perceived that, if my own exertions were left out, there
would be repeated chasms in this history; and, indeed, that it could not
be completed without the frequent mention of myself. And I was willing
to hope that this would be so obvious to the good sense of the reader,
that if he should think me vain-glorious in the early part of it, he
would afterwards, when he advanced in the perusal of it, acquit me of
such a charge. This consideration was the first which removed my
objection on this head. That there can be no ground for any charge of
ostentation, as far as the origin of this history is concerned, so I
hope to convince him there, can be none, by showing him in what light I
have always viewed myself in connexion with the committee, to which I
have had the honour to belong.
I have uniformly considered our committee for the abolition of the Slave
Trade; as we usually consider the human body, that is, as made up of a
head and of various members which had different offices to perform.
Thus, if one man was an eye, another was an ear, another an arm, and
another a foot. And here I may say, with great truth, that I believe no
committee was ever made up of persons, whose varied talents were better
adapted to the work before them. Viewing then the committee in this
light, and myself as in connexion with it, I may deduce those truths,
with which the analogy will furnish me. And first, it will follow, that
if every member has performed his office faithfully, though one may have
done something more than another, yet no one of them in particular has
any reason to boast. With what propriety could the foot, though in the
execution of its duty it had become weary, say to the finger, "Thou hast
done less than I;" when the finger could reply with truth, "I have done
all that has been given me to do?". It will follow, also, that as every
limb is essentially necessary for the completion of a perfect work; so
in the case before us, every one was as necessary in his own office, or
department, as another. For what, for example, could I myself have done
if I had not derived so much assistance from the committee? What could
Mr. Wilberforce have done in Parliament, if I, on the other hand, had
not collected that great body of evidence, to which there was such a
constant appeal? And what could the committee have done without the
parliamentary aid of Mr. Wilberforce? And in mentioning this necessity
of distinct offices and talents for the accomplishment of the great
work, in which we have been all of us engaged, I feel myself bound by
the feelings of justice to deliver it as my opinion in this place, (for,
perhaps, I may have no other opportunity,) that knowing, as I have done,
so many members of both houses of our legislature, for many of whom I
have had a sincere respect, there was never yet one, who appeared to me
to be so properly qualified, in all respects, for the management of the
great cause of the abolition of the Slave Trade, as he, whose name I
have just mentioned. His connexions, but more particularly his
acquaintance with the first minister of state, were of more service in
the promotion of it, than they, who are but little acquainted with
political movements, can well appreciate. His habits also of diligent
and persevering inquiry made him master of all the knowledge that was
requisite for conducting it. His talents both in and out of parliament
made him a powerful advocate in its favour. His character, free from the
usual spots of human imperfection, gave an appropriate lustre to the
cause, making it look yet more lovely, and enticing others to its
support. But most of all the motive, on which he undertook it, insured
its progress. For this did not originate in views of selfishness, or of
party or of popular applause, but in an awful sense of his duty as a
Christian. It was this which gave him alacrity and courage in his
pursuit. It was this which made him continue in his elevated situation
of a legislator, though it was unfavourable, if not to his health, at
least to his ease and comfort. It was this which made him incorporate
this great object among the pursuits of his life, so that it was daily
in his thoughts. It was this which when year after year of unsuccessful
exertion returned, occasioned him to be yet fresh and vigorous in
spirit, and to persevere till the day of triumph.
But to return:--There is yet another consideration, which I shall offer
to the reader on this subject, and with which I shall conclude it. It is
this; that no one ought to be accused of vanity until he has been found
to assume to himself some extraordinary merit. This being admitted, I
shall now freely disclose the views which I have always been desirous of
taking of my own conduct on this occasion, in the following words:--
As Robert Barclay, the apologist for the Quakers, when he dedicated his
work to Charles the Second, intimated to this prince, that any merit
which the work might have, would not be derived from his patronage of
it, but from the Author of all spiritual good; so I say to the reader,
with respect to myself, that I disclaim all praise on account of any
part I may have taken in the promotion of this great cause, for that I
am desirious above all things to attribute my best endeavours in it to
the influence of a superior Power; of Him, I mean, who gave me a heart
to feel--who gave me courage to begin--and perseverance to proceed--and
that I am thankful to Him, and this with the deepest feeling of
gratitude and humility, for having permitted me to become useful, in any
degree, to my fellow-creatures.