Continuation of the fourth class of forerunners and coadjutors up to
1787.--Author goes on to enlarge his knowledge in the different
departments of the subject; communicates more frequently with Mr.
Wilberforce.--Meetings now appointed at the house of the
latter.--Dinner at Mr. Langton's.--Mr. Wilberforce pledges himself
there to take up the subject in Parliament; remarkable junction, in
consequence, of all the four classes of forerunners and coadjutors
before-mentioned.--Committee formed out of these on the 22nd of May,
1787, for the abolition of the Slave Trade.
The manner in which Mr. Wilberforce had received me, and the pains which
he had taken, and was still taking, to satisfy himself of the truth of
those enormities which had been charged upon the Slave Trade, tended
much to enlarge my hope, that they might become at length the subject of
a parliamentary inquiry. Richard Phillips, also, to whom I made a report
at his chambers almost every evening of the proceedings of the day, had
begun to entertain a similar expectation. Of course we unfolded our
thoughts to one another; from hence a desire naturally sprung up in each
of us to inquire whether any alteration in consequence of this new
prospect should be made in my pursuits. On deliberating upon this point,
it seemed proper to both of us that the distribution of the books should
be continued; that I should still proceed in enlarging my own knowledge;
and that I should still wait upon members of the legislature, but with
this difference, that I should never lose sight of Mr. Wilberforce, but,
on the other hand, that I should rather omit visiting some others than
paying a proper attention to him.
One thing however appeared now to be necessary, which had not yet been
done. This was to inform our friends in the city, upon whom I had all
along occasionally called, that we believed the time was approaching
when it would be desirable that we should unite our labours, if they saw
no objection to such a measure; for, if the Slave Trade were to become a
subject of parliamentary inquiry with a view to the annihilation of it,
no individual could perform the work which would be necessary for such a
purpose. This work must be a work of many; and who so proper to assist
in it as they, who had before so honourably laboured in it? In the case
of such an event large funds also would be wanted, and who so proper to
procure and manage them as these? A meeting was accordingly called at
the house of James Phillips, when these our views were laid open. When I
stated that from the very time of my hopes beginning to rise I had
always had those present in my eye as one day to be fellow-labourers,
William Dillwyn replied, that from the time they had first heard of the
_Prize Essay_, they also had had their eyes upon me, and, from the time
they had first seen me, had conceived: a desire of making the same use
of me as I had now expressed a wish of making of them, but that matters
did not appear ripe at our first interview. Our proposal, however, was
approved, and an assurance was given, that an union should take place as
soon as it was judged to be seasonable. It was resolved also, that one
day in the week[A] should be appointed for a meeting at the house of
James Phillips, where as many might attend as had leisure, and that I
should be there to make a report of my progress, by which we might all
judge of the fitness of the time of calling ourselves an united body.
Pleased now with the thought that matters were put into such a train, I
returned to my former objects.
[Footnote A: At these weekly meetings I met occasionally Joseph Woods,
George Harrison, and John Lloyd, three of the other members, who
belonged to the committee of the second class of forerunners and
coadjutors as before described. I had seen all of them before, but I do
not recollect the time when I first met them.]
It is not necessary to say anything more of the first of these objects,
which was that of the further distribution of my book, than that it was
continued, and chiefly by the same hands.
With respect to the enlargement of my knowledge, it was promoted
likewise. I now gained access to the Custom-House in London, where I
picked up much valuable information for my purpose.
Having had reason to believe that the Slave Trade was peculiarly fatal
to those employed in it, I wished much to get copies of many of the
muster-rolls from the Custom-House at Liverpool for a given time. James
Phillips wrote to his friend William Rathbone, who was one of his own
religious society, and who resided there, to procure them. They were
accordingly sent up. The examination of these, which took place at the
chambers of Richard Phillips, was long and tedious. We looked over them
together. We usually met for this purpose at nine in the evening, and we
seldom parted till one, and sometimes not till three in the morning.
When our eyes were inflamed by the candle, or tired by fatigue, we used
to relieve ourselves by walking out within the precincts of Lincoln's
Inn, when all seemed to be fast asleep, and thus, as it were, in
solitude and in stillness to converse upon them, as well as upon the
best means of the further promotion of our cause. These scenes of our
early friendship and exertions I shall never forget. I often think of
them both with astonishment and with pleasure. Having recruited
ourselves in this manner, we used to return to our work. From these
muster-rolls, I may now observe that we gained the most important
information: we ascertained, beyond the power of contradiction, that
more than half of the seamen who went out with the ships in the Slave
Trade did not return with them, and that of these so many perished, as
amounted to one-fifth of all employed. As to what became of the
remainder, the muster-rolls did not inform us; this, therefore, was left
to us as a subject for our future inquiry.
In endeavouring to enlarge my knowledge, my thoughts were frequently
turned to the West Indian part of the question, and in this department
my friend Richard Phillips gained me important intelligence. He put into
my hands several documents concerning estates in the West Indies, which
he had mostly from the proprietors themselves, where the slaves by mild
and prudent usage had so increased in population, as to supersede the
necessity of the Slave Trade.
By attending to these and to various other parts of the subject, I began
to see as it were with new eyes; I was enabled to make several necessary
discriminations, to reconcile things before seemingly contradictory, and
to answer many objections which had hitherto put on a formidable shape.
But most of all was I rejoiced at the thought that I should soon be able
to prove that which I had never doubted, but which had hitherto been
beyond my power in this case, that Providence, in ordaining laws
relative to the agency of man, had never made that to be wise which was
immoral, and that the Slave Trade would be found as impolitic as it was
inhuman and unjust.
In keeping up my visits to members of parliament, I was particularly
attentive to Mr. Wilberforce, whom I found daily becoming more
interested in the fate of Africa. I now made to him a regular report of
my progress, of the sentiments of those in parliament whom I had
visited, of the disposition of my friends in the city, of whom he had
often heard me speak, of my discoveries from the Custom-Houses of London
and Liverpool, of my documents concerning West India estates, and of
all, indeed, that had occurred to me worth mentioning. He had himself
also been making his inquiries, which he communicated to me in return.
Our intercourse had now become frequent, no one week elapsing without an
interview: at one of these, I suggested to him the propriety of having
occasional meetings at his own house, consisting of a few friends in
parliament, who might converse on the subject: of this he approved. The
persons present at the first meeting were Mr. Wilberforce, the
Honourable John Villiers, Mr. Powys, Sir Charles Middleton, Sir Richard
Hill, Mr. Granville Sharp, Mr. Ramsay, Dr. Gregory, (who had written on
the subject, as before mentioned,) and myself. At this meeting I read a
paper, giving an account of the light I had collected in the course of
my inquiries, with observations as well on the impolicy as on the
wickedness of the trade. Many questions arose out of the reading of this
little essay; many answers followed. Objections were started and
canvassed. In short, this measure was found so useful, that certain
other evenings as well as mornings were fixed upon for the same purpose.
On reporting my progress to my friends in the city, several of whom now
assembled once in the week, as I mentioned before to have been agreed
upon, and particularly on reporting the different meetings which had
taken place at the house of Mr. Wilberforce on the subject, they were of
opinion that the time was approaching when we might unite, and that this
union might prudently commence as soon as ever Mr. Wilberforce would
give his word that he would take up the question in Parliament. Upon
this I desired to observe, that though the latter gentleman had pursued
the subject with much earnestness, he had never yet dropped the least
hint that he would proceed so far in the matter, but I would take care
that the question should be put to him, and I would bring them his
answer.
In consequence of the promise I had now made, I went to Mr. Wilberforce.
But when I saw him, I seemed unable to inform him of the object of my
visit. Whether this inability arose from any sudden fear that his answer
might not be favourable, or from a fear that I might possibly involve
him in a long and arduous contest upon this subject, or whether it arose
from an awful sense of the importance of the mission, as it related to
the happiness of hundreds of thousands then alive, and of millions then
unborn, I cannot say. But I had a feeling within me for which I could
not account, and which seemed to hinder me from proceeding; and I
actually went away without informing him of my errand.
In this situation I began to consider what to do, when I thought I would
call upon Mr. Langton, tell him what had happened, and ask his advice. I
found him at home. We consulted together. The result was, that he was to
invite Mr. Wilberforce and some others to meet me at a dinner at his own
house in two or three days, when he said he had no doubt of being able
to procure an answer, by some means or other, to the question which I
wished to have resolved.
On receiving a card from Mr. Langton, I went to dine with him. I found
the party consist of Sir Charles Middleton, Mr. Wilberforce, Mr. Hawkins
Browne, Mr. Windham, Sir Joshua Reynolds, and Mr. Boswell. The latter
was then known as the friend of Dr. Johnson, and afterwards as the
writer of his _Tour to the Hebrides_. After dinner the subject of the
Slave Trade was purposely introduced. Many questions were put to me, and
I dilated upon each in my answers, that I might inform and interest
those present as much as I could. They seemed to be greatly impressed
with my account of the loss of seamen in the trade, and with the little
samples of African cloth which I had procured for their inspection. Sir
Joshua Reynolds gave his unqualified approbation of the abolition of
this cruel traffic. Mr. Hawkins Browne joined heartily with him in
sentiment; he spoke with much feeling upon it, and pronounced it to be
barbarous, and contrary to every principle of morality and religion. Mr.
Boswell, after saying the planters would urge that the Africans were
made happier by being carried from their own country to the West Indies,
observed, "Be it so. But we have no right to make people happy against
their will." Mr. Windham, when it was suggested that the great
importance of our West Indian islands, and the grandeur of Liverpool,
would be brought against those who should propose the abolition of the
Slave Trade, replied, "We have nothing to do with the policy of the
measure. Rather let Liverpool and the islands be swallowed up in the
sea, than this monstrous system of iniquity be carried on.[A]" While
such conversation was passing, and when all appeared to be interested in
the cause, Mr. Langton put the question, about the proposal of which I
had been so diffident, to Mr. Wilberforce, in the shape of a delicate
compliment. The latter replied, that he had no objection to bring
forward the measure in parliament when he was better prepared for it,
and provided no person more proper could be found. Upon this, Mr.
Hawkins Browne and Mr. Windham both said they would support him there.
Before I left the company, I took Mr. Wilberforce aside, and asked him
if I might mention this his resolution to those of my friends in the
city, of whom he had often heard me speak, as desirous of aiding him by
becoming a committee for the purpose. He replied, I might. I then asked
Mr. Langton, privately, if he had any objection to belong to a society
of which there might be a committee for the abolition of the Slave
Trade. He said he should be pleased to become a member of it. Having
received these satisfactory answers, I returned home.
[Footnote A: I do not know upon what grounds, after such strong
expressions, Mr. Boswell, in the next year, and Mr. Windham, after
having supported the cause for three or four years, became inimical to
it.]
The next day, having previously taken down the substance of the
conversation at the dinner, I went to James Phillips, and desired that
our friends might be called together as soon as they conveniently could
to hear my report. In the interim I wrote to Dr. Peckard, and waited
upon Lord Scarsdale, Dr. Baker, and others, to know (supposing a society
were formed for the abolition of the Slave Trade) if I might say they
would belong to it. All of them replied in the affirmative, and desired
me to represent them, if there should be any meeting for this purpose.
At the time appointed I met my friends. I read over the substance of the
conversation which had taken place at Mr. Langton's. No difficulty
occurred. All were unanimous for the formation of a committee. On the
next day we met by agreement for this purpose. It was then resolved
unanimously, among other things,--That the Slave Trade was both
impolitic and unjust. It was resolved, also,--That the following persons
be a committee for procuring such information and evidence, and
publishing the same, as may tend to the abolition of the Slave Trade,
and for directing the application of such moneys as have been already,
and may hereafter be collected for the above purpose:--
All these were present. Granville Sharp, who stands at the head of the
list, and who, as the father of the cause in England, was called to the
chair, maybe considered as representing the first class of forerunners
and coadjutors, as it has been before described. The five next, of whom
Samuel Hoare was chosen as the treasurer, were they who had been the
committee of the second class, or of the Quakers in England, with the
exception of Dr. Knowles, who was then dying, but who, having heard of
our meeting, sent a message to us to exhort us to proceed. The third
class, or that of the Quakers in America, may be considered as
represented by William Dillwyn, by whom they were afterwards joined to
us in correspondence. The two who stand next, and in which I am
included, may be considered as representing the fourth, most of the
members of which we had been the means of raising. Thus, on the 22nd of
May, 1787, the representatives of all the four classes, of which I have
been giving a history from the year 1516, met together, and were united
in that committee, to which I have been all along directing the
attention of the reader; a committee, which, labouring afterwards with
Mr. Wilberforce as a parliamentary head, did, under Providence, in the
space of twenty years, contribute to put an end to a trade, which,
measuring its magnitude by its crimes and sufferings, was the greatest
practical evil that ever afflicted the human race.
After the formation of the committee[A], notice was sent to Mr.
Wilberforce of the event, and a friendship began, which has continued
uninterruptedly between them, from that to the present day.
[Footnote A: All the members were of the society of the Quakers, except
Mr. Sharp, Sansom, and myself. Joseph Gurney Bevan was present on the
day before this meeting. He desired to belong to the society, but to be
excused from belonging to the committee.]