HENRY GEORGE AND SOCIALISM.

_Question_. What is your opinion of the result of the election?

_Answer_. I find many dead on the field whose faces I recognize.

I see that Morrison has taken a "horizontal" position. Free trade

seems to have received an exceedingly black eye. Carlisle, in my

judgment, one of the very best men in Congress, has been defeated

simply because he is a free trader, and I suppose you can account

for Hurd's defeat in the same way. The people believe in protection

although they generally admit that the tariff ought to be reformed.

I believe in protecting "infant industries," but I do not believe

in rocking the cradle when the infant is seven feet high and wears

number twelve boots.

_Question_. Do you sympathize with the Socialists, or do you think

that the success of George would promote socialism?

_Answer_. I have said frequently that if I lived in Russia I should

in all probability be a Nihilist. I can conceive of no government

that would not be as good as that of Russia, and I would consider

_no_ government far preferable to that government. Any possible

state of anarchy is better than organized crime, because in the

chaos of anarchy justice may be done by accident, but in a government

organized for the perpetuation of slavery, and for the purpose of

crushing out of the human brain every noble thought, justice does

not live. In Germany I would probably be a Socialist--to this

extent, that I would want the political power honestly divided

among the people. I can conceive of no circumstance in which I

could support Bismarck. I regard Bismarck as a projection of the

Middle Ages, as a shadow that has been thrown across the sunlight

of modern civilization, and in that shadow grow all the bloodless

crimes. Now, in Ireland, of course, I believe in home rule. In

this country I am an Individualist. The political power here is

equally divided. Poverty and wealth have the same power at the

ballot-box. Intelligence and ignorance are on an equality here,

simply because all men have a certain interest in the government

where they live. I hate above all other things the tyranny of a

government. I do not want a government to send a policeman along

with me to keep me from buying eleven eggs for a dozen. I will

take care of myself. I want the people to do everything they can

do, and the Government to keep its hands off, because if the

Government attends to all these matters the people lose manhood,

and in a little while become serfs, and there will arise some strong

mind and some powerful hand that will reduce them to actual slavery.

So I am in favor or personal liberty to the largest extent. Whenever

the Government grants privileges to the few, these privileges should

be for the benefit of the many, and when they cease to be for the

benefit of the many, they should be taken from the few and used by

the government itself for the benefit of the whole people. And I

want to see in this country the Government so administered that

justice will be done to all as nearly as human institutions can

produce such a result. Now, I understand that in any state of

society there will be failures. We have failures among the working

people. We have had some failures in Congress. I will not mention

the names, because your space is limited. There have been failures

in the pulpit, at the bar; in fact, in every pursuit of life you

will presume we shall have failures with us for a great while; at

least until the establishment of the religion of the body, when we

shall cease to produce failures; and I have faith enough in the

human race to believe that that time will come, but I do not expect

it during my life.

_Question_. What do you think of the income tax as a step toward

the accomplishment of what you desire?

_Answer_. There are some objections to an income tax. First, the

espionage that it produces on the part of the Government. Second,

the amount of perjury that it annually produces. Men hate to have

their business inquired into if they are not doing well. They

often pay a very large tax to make their creditors think they are

prosperous. Others by covering up, avoid the tax. But I will say

this with regard to taxation: The great desideratum is stability.

If we tax only the land, and that were the only tax, in a little

while every other thing, and the value of every other thing, would

adjust itself in relation to that tax, and perfect justice would

be the result. That is to say, if it were stable long enough the

burden would finally fall upon the right backs in every department.

The trouble with taxation is that it is continually changing--not

waiting for the adjustment that will naturally follow provided it

is stable. I think the end, so far as land is concerned, could be

reached by cumulative taxation--that is to say, a man with a certain

amount of land paying a very small per cent., with more land, and

increased per cent., and let that per cent. increase rapidly enough

so that no man could afford to hold land that he did not have a

use for. So I believe in cumulative taxation in regard to any kind

of wealth. Let a man worth ten million dollars pay a greater per

cent. than one worth one hundred thousand, because he is able to

pay it. The other day a man was talking to me about having the

dead pay the expenses of the Government; that whenever a man died

worth say five million dollars, one million should go to the

Government; that if he died worth ten million dollars, three millions

should go to the Government; if he died worth twenty million dollars,

eight million should go to the Government, and so on. He said that

in this way the expenses of the Government could be borne by the

dead. I should be in favor of cumulative taxation upon legacies--

the greater the legacy, the greater the per cent. of taxation.

But, of course, I am not foolish enough to suppose that I understand

these questions. I am giving you a few guesses. My only desire

is to guess right. I want to see the people of this world live

for this world, and I hope the time will come when a civilized man

will understand that he cannot be perfectly happy while anybody

else is miserable; that a perfectly civilized man could not enjoy

a dinner knowing that others were starving; that he could not enjoy

the richest robes if he knew that some of his fellow-men in rags

and tatters were shivering in the blast. In other words, I want

to carry out the idea there that I have so frequently uttered with

regard to the other world; that is, that no gentleman angel could

be perfectly happy knowing that somebody else was in hell.

_Question_. What are the chances for the Republican party in 1888?

_Answer_. If it will sympathize with the toilers, as it did with

the slaves; if it will side with the needy; if it will only take

the right side it will elect the next President. The poor should

not resort to violence; the rich should appeal to the intelligence

of the working people. These questions cannot be settled by envy

and scorn. The motto of both parties should be: "Come, let us

reason together." The Republican party was the grandest organization

that ever existed. It was brave, intelligent and just. It sincerely

loved the right. A certificate of membership was a patent of

nobility. If it will only stand by the right again, its victorious

banner will float over all the intelligent sons of toil.

--_The Times_, Chicago, Illinois, November 4, 1886.

The Works of Robert G. Ingersoll, Volume VIII. Interviews · 第 197 / 269 题