There is reason to believe, contrary to the popular conception, that the

immigrant in America, particularly in the urban environment,

accommodates himself too quickly rather than too slowly to American

life. Statistics show, particularly in the second generation, a notable

increase in juvenile delinquency, and this seems to be due to the fact

that in America the relation between parents and children is reversed.

Owing to the children's better knowledge of English and their more rapid

accommodation to the conditions of American life, parents become

dependent upon their children rather than the children dependent upon

their parents.

Social epidemics, however, are evidence of a social disintegration due

to more fundamental and widespread disorders. The literature has

recorded the facts but writers have usually interpreted the phenomena in

medical rather than sociological terms. Stoll, in his very interesting

but rather miscellaneous collection of materials upon primitive life,

disposes of the phenomena by giving them another name. His volume is

entitled _Suggestion and Hypnotism in Folk Psychology_.[314] Friedmann,

in his monograph, _Über Wahnideen im Völkerleben_, is disposed as a

psychiatrist to treat the whole matter as a form of "social" insanity.

3. Mass Movements

In spite of the abundance of materials on the subject of mass movements

no attempt has been made as yet to collect and classify them. There have

been a number of interesting books in the field of collective

psychology, so called mainly by French and Italian writers--Sighele,

Rossi, Tarde, and Le Bon--but they are not based on a systematic study

of cases. The general assumption has been that the facts are so obvious

that any attempt to study systematically the mechanisms involved would

amount to little more than academic elaboration of what is already

obvious, a restatement in more abstract terms of what is already

familiar.

On the other hand, shepherds and cowboys, out of their experience in

handling cattle and sheep, have learned that the flock and the herd have

quite peculiar and characteristic modes of collective behavior which it

is necessary to know if one is to handle them successfully. At the same

time, practical politicians who make a profession of herding voters,

getting them out to the polls at the times they are needed and

determining for them, by the familiar campaign devices, the persons and

the issues for which they are to cast their ballots, have worked out

very definite methods for dealing with masses of people, so that they

are able to predict the outcome with considerable accuracy far in

advance of an election and make their dispositions accordingly.

Political manipulation of the movements and tendencies of popular

opinion has now reached a point of perfection where it can and will be

studied systematically. During the world-war it was studied, and all the

knowledge which advertisers, newspaper men, and psychologists possessed

was used to win the war.

Propaganda is now recognized as part of the grand strategy of war. Not

only political and diplomatic victories, but battles were won during the

world-war by the aid of this insidious weapon. The great victory of the

Austrian and German armies at Caporetto which in a few days wiped out

all the hard-won successes of the Italian armies was prepared by a

psychic attack on the morale of the troops at the front and a defeatist

campaign among the Italian population back of the lines.

In the battle of Caporetto the morale of the troops at the

front was undermined by sending postal cards and letters to

individual soldiers stating that their wives were in illicit

relations with officers and soldiers of the allies. Copies of

Roman and Milanese newspapers were forged and absolute

facsimiles of familiar journals were secretly distributed or

dropped from Austrian aeroplanes over the Italian lines. These

papers contained sensational articles telling the Italians that

Austria was in revolt, that Emperor Charles had been killed.

Accompanying these were other articles describing bread riots

throughout Italy and stating that the Italian government,

unable to quell them with its own forces, had sent British and

French re-enforcing troops and even Zulus into the cities, and

that these troops were shooting down women and children and

priests without mercy.

This attack upon the morale of the troops was followed by an

unforeseen assault upon a quiet sector, which succeeded in

piercing the line at numerous points. In the confusion that

followed the whole structure of the defense crumbled, and the

result was disastrous.

When the final history of the world-war comes to be written, one of its

most interesting chapters will be a description of the methods and

devices which were used by the armies on both sides to destroy the will

to war in the troops and among the peoples behind the lines. If the

application of modern science to war has multiplied the engines of

destruction, the increase of communication and the interpenetration of

peoples has given war among civilized peoples the character of an

internal and internecine struggle. Under these circumstances propaganda,

in the sense of an insidious exploitation of the sources of dissension

and unrest, may as completely change the character of wars of peoples as

they were once changed by the invention of gunpowder.

In this field there is room for investigation and study, for almost all

attempts thus far made to put advertising on a scientific basis have

been made by students of individual rather than social psychology.

4. Revivals, Religious and Linguistic

For something more than a hundred years Europe has experienced a series

of linguistic and literary revivals, that is to say revivals of the folk

languages and the folk cultures. The folk languages are the speech of

peoples who have been conquered but not yet culturally absorbed by the

dominant language group. They are mostly isolated rural populations who

have remained to a large extent outside of the cosmopolitan cultures of

the cities. These people while not wholly illiterate have never had

enough education in the language of the dominant peoples of the cities

to enable them to use this alien speech as a medium of education. The

consequence is that, except for a relatively small group of

intellectuals, they have been cut off from the main current of European

life and culture. These linguistic revivals have not been confined to

any one nation, since every nation in Europe turns out upon analysis to

be a mosaic of minor nationalities and smaller cultural enclaves in

which the languages of little and forgotten peoples have been preserved.

Linguistic revivals have, in fact, been well-nigh universal. They have

taken place in France, Spain, Norway, Denmark, in most of the Balkan

States, including Albania, the most isolated of them all, and in all the

smaller nationalities along the Slavic-German border--Finland, Esthonia,

Letvia, Lithuania, Poland, Bohemia, Slovakia, Roumania, and the Ukraine.

Finally, among the Jews of Eastern Europe, there has been the Haskala

Movement, as the Jews of Eastern Europe call their period of

enlightenment, a movement that has quite unintentionally made the

Judeo-German dialect (Yiddish) a literary language.

At first blush, it seems strange that the revivals of the folk

speech should have come at a time when the locomotive and the

telegraph were extending commerce and communication to the

uttermost limits of the earth, when all barriers were breaking

down, and the steady expansion of cosmopolitan life and the

organization of the Great Society, as Graham Wallas has called

it, seemed destined to banish all the minor languages,

dialects, and obsolescent forms of speech, the last props of an

international provincialism, to the limbo of forgotten things.

The competition of the world-languages was already keen; all

the little and forgotten peoples of Europe--the Finns, Letts,

Ukrainians, Russo-Carpathians, Slovaks, Slovenians, Croatians,

the Catalonians of eastern Spain, whose language, by the way,

dates back to a period before the Roman Conquest, the Czechs,

and the Poles--began to set up presses and establish schools to

revive and perpetuate their several racial languages.

To those who, at this time, were looking forward to

world-organization and a universal peace through the medium of

a universal language, all this agitation had the appearance of

an anachronism, not to say a heresy. It seemed a deliberate

attempt to set up barriers, where progress demanded that they

should be torn down. The success of such a movement, it seemed,

must be to bring about a more complete isolation of the

peoples, to imprison them, so to speak, in their own languages,

and so cut them off from the general culture of Europe.[315]

The actual effect has been different from what was expected. It is

difficult, and for the masses of the people impossible, to learn through

the medium of a language that they do not speak. The results of the

efforts to cultivate Swedish and Russian in Finland, Polish and Russian

in Lithuania, Magyar in Slovakia and at the same time to prohibit the

publication of books and newspapers in the mother-tongue of the country

has been, in the first place, to create an artificial illiteracy and, in

the second, to create in the minds of native peoples a sense of social

and intellectual inferiority to the alien and dominant race.

The effect of the literary revival of the spoken language, however, has

been to create, in spite of the efforts to suppress it, a vernacular

press which opened the gates of western culture to great masses of

people for whom it did not previously exist. The result has been a great

cultural awakening, a genuine renaissance, which has had profound

reverberations on the political and social life of Europe.

The literary revival of the folk speech in Europe has

invariably been a prelude to the revival of the national spirit

in subject peoples. The sentiment of nationality has its roots

in memories that attach to the common possessions of the

people, the land, the religion, and the language, but

particularly the language.

Bohemian patriots have a saying, "As long as the language

lives, the nation is not dead." In an address in 1904 Jorgen

Levland, who was afterward Premier of Norway, in a plea for

"freedom with self-government, home, land, and our own

language," made this statement: "Political freedom is not the

deepest and greatest. Greater is it for a nation to preserve

her intellectual inheritance in her native tongue."

The revival of the national consciousness in the subject

peoples has invariably been connected with the struggle to

maintain a press in the native language. The reason is that it

was through the medium of the national press that the literary

and linguistic revivals took place. Conversely, the efforts to

suppress the rising national consciousness took the form of an

effort to censor or suppress the national press. There were

nowhere attempts to suppress the spoken language as such. On

the other hand, it was only as the spoken language succeeded in

becoming a medium of literary expression that it was possible

to preserve it under modern conditions and maintain in this way

the national solidarity. When the Lithuanians, for example,

were condemned to get their education and their culture through

the medium of a language not their own, the effect was to

denationalize the literate class and to make its members aliens

to their own people. If there was no national press, there

could be no national schools, and, indeed, no national church.

It was for this reason that the struggle to maintain the

national language and the national culture has always been a

struggle to maintain a national press.

European nationalists, seeking to revive among their peoples

the national consciousness, have invariably sought to restore

the national speech, to purge it of foreign idioms, and

emphasize every mark which serves to distinguish it from the

languages with which it tended to fuse.[316]

Investigation of these linguistic revivals and the nationalist movement

that has grown out of them indicates that there is a very intimate

relation between nationalist and religious movements. Both of them are

fundamentally cultural movements with incidental political consequences.

The movement which resulted in the reorganization of rural life in

Denmark, the movement that found expression in so unique an institution

as the rural high schools of Denmark, was begun by Bishop Grundtvig,

called the Luther of Denmark, and was at once a religious and a

nationalist movement. The rural high schools are for this reason not

like anything in the way of education with which people outside of

Denmark are familiar. They are not technical schools but cultural

institutions in the narrowest, or broadest, sense of that term.[317] The

teaching is "scientific," but at the same time "inspirational." They

are what a Sunday school might be if it were not held on Sunday and was

organized as Mr. H. G. Wells would organize it and with such a bible as

he would like to have someone write for us.[318]

The popular accounts which we have of religious revivals do not at first

suggest any very definite relations, either psychological or

sociological, between them and the literary revivals to which reference

has just been made. Religious revivals, particularly as described by

dispassionate observers, have the appearance of something bizarre,

fantastic, and wild, as indeed they often are.

What must strike the thoughtful observer, however, is the marked

similarity of these collective religious excitements, whether among

civilized or savage peoples and at places and periods remote in time and

in space. Frederick Morgan Davenport, who has collected and compared the

materials in this field from contemporary sources, calls attention in

the title of his volume, _Primitive Traits in Religious Revivals_, to

this fundamental similarity of the phenomena. Whatever else the word

"primitive" may mean in this connection it does mean that the phenomena

of religious revivals are fundamentally human.

From the frantic and disheveled dances of the Bacchantes, following a

wine cart through an ancient Greek village, to the shouts and groans of

the mourners' bench of an old-time Methodist camp-meeting, religious

excitement has always stirred human nature more profoundly than any

other emotion except that of passionate love.

In the volume by Jean Pélissier, _The Chief Makers of the National

Lithuanian Renaissance_ (_Les Principaux artisans de la renaissance

nationale lituanienne_), there is a paragraph describing the conversion

of a certain Dr. Kudirka, a Lithuanian patriot, to the cause of

Lithuanian nationality. It reads like a chapter from William James's

_The Varieties of Religious Experience_.[319]

It is materials like this that indicate how close and intimate are the

relations between cultural movements, whether religious or literary and

national, at least in their formal expression. The question that remains

to be answered is: In what ways do they differ?

5. Fashion, Reform and Revolution

A great deal has been written in recent times in regard to fashion. It

has been studied, for example, as an economic phenomenon. Sombart has

written a suggestive little monograph on the subject. It is in the

interest of machine industry that fashions should be standardized over a

wide area, and it is the function of advertising to achieve this result.

It is also of interest to commerce that fashions should change and this

also is largely, but not wholly, a matter of advertising. Tarde

distinguishes between custom and fashion as the two forms in which all

cultural traits are transmitted. "In periods when custom is in the

ascendant, men are more infatuated about their country than about their

time; for it is the past which is pre-eminently praised. In ages when

fashion rules, men are prouder, on the contrary, of their time than of

their country."[320]

The most acute analysis that has been made of fashion is contained in

the observation of Sumner in _Folkways_. Sumner pointed out that fashion

though differing from, is intimately related to, the mores. Fashion

fixes the attention of the community at a given time and place and by so

doing determines what is sometimes called the Spirit of the Age, the

_Zeitgeist_. By the introduction of new fashions the leaders of society

gain that distinction in the community by which they are able to

maintain their prestige and so maintain their position as leaders. But

in doing this, they too are influenced by the fashions which they

introduce. Eventually changes in fashion affect the mores.[321]

Fashion is related to reform and to revolution, because it is one of the

fundamental ways in which social changes take place and because, like

reform and revolution, it also is related to the mores.

Fashion is distinguished from reform by the fact that the changes it

introduces are wholly irrational if not at the same time wholly

unpredictable. Reform, on the other hand, is nothing if not rational. It

achieves its ends by agitation and discussion. Attempts have been made

to introduce fashions by agitation, but they have not succeeded. On the

other hand, reform is itself a fashion and has largely absorbed in

recent years the interest that was formerly bestowed on party politics.

There has been a great deal written about reforms but almost nothing

about _reform_. It is a definite type of collective behavior which has

come into existence and gained popularity under conditions of modern

life. The reformer and the agitator, likewise, are definite,

temperamental, and social types. Reform tends under modern conditions to

become a vocation and a profession like that of the politician. The

profession of the reformer, however, is social, as distinguished from

party politics.

Reform is not revolution. It does not seek to change the mores but

rather to change conditions in conformity with the mores. There have

been revolutionary reformers. Joseph II of Austria and Peter the Great

of Russia were reformers of that type. But revolutionary reforms have

usually failed. They failed lamentably in the case of Joseph II and

produced many very dubious results under Peter.

A revolution is a mass movement which seeks to change the mores by

destroying the existing social order. Great and silent revolutionary

changes have frequently taken place in modern times, but as these

changes were not recognized at the time and were not directly sought by

any party they are not usually called revolutions. They might properly

be called "historical revolutions," since they are not recognized as

revolutions until they are history.

There is probably a definite revolutionary process but it has not been

defined. Le Bon's book on the _Psychology of Revolution_, which is the

sequel to his study of _The Crowd_, is, to be sure, an attempt, but the

best that one can say of it is that it is suggestive. Many attempts have

been made to describe the processes of revolution as part of the whole

historical process. This literature will be considered in the chapter on

"Progress."

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

I. DISORGANIZATION, SOCIAL UNREST, AND PSYCHIC EPIDEMICS

A. _Social Disorganization_

(1) Cooley, Charles H. _Social Organization._ Chap. xxx, "Formalism and

Disorganization," pp. 342-55; chap. xxxi, "Disorganization: the Family,"

pp. 356-71; chap. xxxii, "Disorganization: the Church," pp. 372-82;

chap. xxxiii, "Disorganization: Other Traditions," pp. 383-92. New York,

1909.

(2) Thomas, W. I., and Znaniecki, Florian. _The Polish Peasant in Europe

and America._ Monograph of an immigrant group. Vol. IV, "Disorganization

and Reorganization in Poland," Boston, 1920.

(3) ----. _The Polish Peasant in Europe and America._ Vol. V,

"Organization and Disorganization in America," Part II, "Disorganization

of the Immigrant," pp. 165-345. Boston, 1920.

(4) Friedländer, L. _Roman Life and Manners under the Early Empire._

Authorized translation by L. A. Magnus from the 7th rev. ed. of the

Sittengeschichte Roms. 4 vols. London, 1908-13.

(5) Lane-Poole, S. _The Mohammedan Dynasties._ Charts showing "Growth of

the Ottoman Empire" and "Decline of the Ottoman Empire," pp. 190-91.

London, 1894.

(6) Taine, H. _The Ancient Régime._ Translated from the French by John

Durand. New York, 1896.

(7) Wells, H. G. _Russia in the Shadows._ New York, 1921.

(8) Patrick, George T. W. _The Psychology of Social Reconstruction._

Chap. vi, "Our Centripetal Society," pp. 174-98. Boston, 1920.

(9) Ferrero, Guglielmo. "The Crisis of Western Civilization," _Atlantic

Monthly_, CXXV (1920), 700-712.

B. _Social Unrest_

(1) Brooks, John Graham. _The Social Unrest._ Studies in labor and

socialist movements. London, 1903.

(2) Fuller, Bampfylde. _Life and Human Nature._ Chap. ii, "Change," pp.

24-45. London, 1914.

(3) Wallas, Graham. _The Great Society._ A psychological analysis. Chap.

iv, "Disposition and Environment," pp. 57-68. New York, 1914. [Defines

"the baulked disposition," see also pp. 172-74.]

(4) Healy, William. _The Individual Delinquent._ A textbook of diagnosis

and prognosis for all concerned in understanding offenders. "Hypomania,

Constitutional Excitement," pp. 609-13. Boston, 1915.

(5) Janet, Pierre. _The Major Symptoms of Hysteria._ Fifteen lectures

given in the medical school of Harvard University. New York, 1907.

(6) Barr, Martin W., and Maloney, E. F. _Types of Mental Defectives._

"Idiot Savant," pp. 128-35. Philadelphia, 1920.

(7) Thomas, Edward. _Industry, Emotion and Unrest._ New York, 1920.

(8) Parker, Carleton H. _The Casual Laborer and Other Essays._ Chap. i,

"Toward Understanding Labor Unrest," pp. 27-59. New York, 1920.

(9) _The Cause of World Unrest._ With an introduction by the editor of

_The Morning Post_ (of London). New York, 1920.

(10) Ferrero, Guglielmo. _Ancient Rome and Modern America._ A

comparative study of morals and manners. New York, 1914.

(11) Veblen, Thorstein. "The Instinct of Workmanship and the Irksomeness

of Labor," _American Journal of Sociology_, IV (1898-99), 187-201.

(12) Lippmann, Walter. "Unrest," _New Republic_, XX (1919), 315-22.

(13) Tannenbaum, Frank. _The Labor Movement._ Its conservative functions

and social consequences. New York, 1921.

(14) Baker, Ray Stannard. _The New Industrial Unrest._ Its reason and

remedy. New York, 1920.

(15) MacCurdy, J. T. "Psychological Aspects of the Present Unrest,"

_Survey_, XLIII (1919-20), 665-68.

(16) Myers, Charles S. _Mind and Work._ The psychological factors in

industry and commerce. Chap. vi, "Industrial Unrest," pp. 137-69. New

York, 1921.

(17) Adler, H. M. "Unemployment and Personality--a Study of Psychopathic

Cases," _Mental Hygiene_, I (1917), 16-24.

(18) Chirol, Valentine. _Indian Unrest._ A reprint, revised and enlarged

from _The Times_, with an introduction by Sir Alfred Lyall. London,

1910.

(19) Münsterberg, Hugo. _Social Studies of Today._ Chap. ii, "The

Educational Unrest," pp. 25-57. London, 1913.

(20) ----. _American Problems._ From the point of view of a

psychologist. Chap. v, "The Intemperance of Women," pp. 103-13. New

York, 1912.

(21) Corelli, Marie. "The Great Unrest," _World Today_, XXI (1912),

1954-59.

(22) Ferrero, Guglielmo. _The Women of the Caesars._ New York, 1911.

(23) Myerson, Abraham. The Nervous Housewife. Boston, 1920.

(24) Mensch, Ella. _Bilderstürmer in der Berliner Frauenbewegung._ 2d

ed. Berlin, 1906.

C. _Psychic Epidemics_

(1) Hecker, J. F. C. _The Black Death and the Dancing Mania._ Translated

from the German by B. G. Babington. Cassell's National Library. New

York, 1888.

(2) Stoll, Otto. _Suggestion und Hypnotismus in der Völkerpsychologie._

2d ed. Leipzig, 1904.

(3) Friedmann, Max. _Über Wahnideen im Völkerleben._ Wiesbaden, 1901.

(4) Regnard, P. _Les maladies épidémiques de l'esprit._ Sorcellerie,

magnétisme, morphinisme, délire des grandeurs. Paris, 1886.

(5) Meyer, J. L. _Schwärmerische Greuelscenen oder Kreuzigungsgeschichte

einer religiösen Schwärmerinn in Wildensbuch, Canton Zürich._ Ein

merkwürdiger Beytrag zur Geschichte des religiösen Fanatismus. 2d ed.

Zürich, 1824.

(6) Gowen, B. S. "Some Aspects of Pestilences and Other Epidemics,"

_American Journal of Psychology_, XVIII (1907), 1-60.

(7) Weygandt, W. _Beitrag zur Lehre von den psychischen Epidemien._

Halle, 1905.

(8) _Histoire des diables de Loudun._ Ou de la possession des

Religieuses Ursulines et de la condamnation et du supplice d'Urbain

Grandier, curé de la même ville, cruels effets de la vengeance du

Cardinal de Richelieu. Amsterdam, 1740.

(9) Finsler, G. "Die religiöse Erweckung der zehner und zwanziger Jahre

unseres Jahrhunderts in der deutschen Schweiz," _Züricher Taschenbuch

auf das Jahr 1890._ Zürich, 1890.

(10) Fauriel, M. C. _Histoire de la croisade centre les hérétiques

Albigeois._ Écrite en vers provençaux par un poête contemporain. (Aiso

es la consos de la crozada contr els ereges Dalbeges.) Paris, 1837.

(11) Mosiman, Eddison. _Das Zungenreden, geschichtlich und psychologisch

untersucht._ Tübingen, 1911. [Bibliography.]

(12) Vigouroux, A., and Juquelier, P. _La contagion mentale._ Paris,

1905.

(13) Kotik, Dr. Naum. "Die Emanation der psychophysischen Energie,"

_Grenzfragen des Nerven- und Seelenlebens._ Wiesbaden, 1908.

(14) Aubry, P. "De l'influence contagieuse de la publicité des faits

criminels," _Archives d'anthropologie criminelle_, VIII (1893), 565-80.

(15) Achelis, T. _Die Ekstase in ihrer kulturetten Bedeutung._

Kulturprobleme der Gegenwart. Berlin, 1902.

(16) Cadière, L. "Sur quelques Faits religieux ou magiques, observés

pendant une épidémie de choléra en Annam," _Anthropos_, V (1910),

519-28, 1125-59.

(17) Hansen, J. _Zauberwahn, Inquisition und Hexenprozess im Mittelalter

und die Entstehung der grossen Hexenverfolgung._ München, 1900.

(18) Hansen, J. _Quellen und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des

Hexenwahns und der Hexenverfolgung im Mittelalter._ Bonn, 1901.

(19) Rossi, P. _Psicologia collettiva morbosa._ Torino, 1901.

(20) Despine, Prosper. _De la Contagion morale._ Paris, 1870.

(21) Moreau de Tours. _De la Contagion du suicide à propos de l'épidémie

actuelle._ Paris, 1875.

(22) Aubry, P. _La Contagion du meutre._ Étude d'anthropologie

criminelle. 3d ed. Paris, 1896.

(23) Rambosson, J. _Phénomènes nerveux, intellectuels et moraux, leur

transmission par contagion._ Paris, 1883.

(24) Dumas, Georges. "Contagion mentale, épidémies mentales, folies

collectives, folies grégaires," _Revue philosophique_, LXXI (1911),

225-44, 384-407.

II. MUSIC, DANCE, AND RITUAL

(1) Wallaschek, Richard. _Primitive Music._ An inquiry into the origin

and development of music, songs, instruments, dances, and pantomimes of

savage races. London, 1893.

(2) Combarieu, J. _La Musique et le magic._ Étude sur les origines

populaires de l'art musical; son influence et sa fonction dans les

sociétés. Paris, 1908.

(3) Simmel, Georg. "Psychologische und ethnologische Studien über

Musik," _Zeitschrift für Völkerpsychologie und Sprachwissenschaft_, XIII

(1882), 261-305.

(4) Boas, F. "Chinook Songs," _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, I (1888),

220-26.

(5) Densmore, Frances. "The Music of the Filipinos," _American

Anthropologist_, N.S., VIII (1906), 611-32.

(6) Fletcher, Alice C. _Indian Story and Song from North America._

Boston, 1906.

(7) ----. "Indian Songs and Music," _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, XI

(1898), 85-104.

(8) Grinnell, G. B. "Notes on Cheyenne Songs," _American

Anthropologist_, N.S., V (1903), 312-22.

(9) Mathews, W. "Navaho Gambling Songs," _American Anthropologist_, II

(1889), 1-20.

(10) Hearn, Lafcadio. "Three Popular Ballads," _Transactions of the

Asiatic Society of Japan_, XXII (1894), 285-336.

(11) Ellis, Havelock. "The Philosophy of Dancing," _Atlantic Monthly_,

CXIII (1914), 197-207.

(12) Hirn, Yrjö. _The Origins of Art._ A psychological and sociological

inquiry. Chap. xvii, "Erotic Art," pp. 238-48. London, 1900.

(13) Pater, Walter. _Greek Studies._ A series of essays. London, 1911.

(14) Grosse, Ernst. _The Beginnings of Art._ Chap. viii, "The Dance,"

pp. 207-31. New York, 1898.

(15) Bücher, Karl. _Arbeit und Rhythmus._ 3d ed. Leipzig, 1902.

(16) Lhérisson, E. "La Danse du vaudou," _Semaine médicale_, XIX (1899),

xxiv.

(17) Reed, V. Z. "The Ute Bear Dance," _American Anthropologist_, IX

(1896) 237-44.

(18) Gummere, F. B. _The Beginnings of Poetry._ New York, 1901.

(19) Fawkes, J. W. "The Growth of the Hopi Ritual," _Journal of American

Folk-Lore_, XI (1898), 173-94.

(20) Cabrol, F. _Les origines liturgiques._ Paris, 1906.

(21) Gennep, A. van. _Les Rites de passage._ Paris, 1909.

(22) Pitre, Giuseppe. _Feste patronali in Sicilia._ Palermo, 1900.

(23) Murray, W. A. "Organizations of Witches in Great Britain,"

_Folk-Lore_, XXVIII (1917), 228-58.

(24) Taylor, Thomas. _The Eleusinian and Bacchic Mysteries._ New York,

1891.

(25) Tippenhauer, L. G. _Die Insel Haiti._ Leipzig, 1893. [Describes the

Voudou Ritual.]

(26) Wuensch, R. _Das Frühlingsfest der Insel Malta._ Ein Beitrag zur

Geschichte der antiken Religion. Leipzig, 1902.

(27) Loisy, Alfred. _Les mystères païens et le mystère chrétien._ Paris,

1919.

(28) Lummis, Charles F. _The Land of Poco Tiempo._ Chap. iv, "The

Penitent Brothers," pp. 77-108. New York, 1893.

(29) "Los Hermanos Penitentes," _El Palacio_, VIII (1920), 3-20, 73-74.

III. THE CROWD AND THE PUBLIC

A. _The Crowd_

(1) Le Bon, Gustave. _The Crowd._ A study of the popular mind. London,

1920.

(2) Tarde, G. _L'Opinion et la foule._ Paris, 1901.

(3) Sighele, S. _Psychologie des Aulaufs und der Massenverbrechen._

Translated from the Italian by Hans Kurella. Leipzig, 1897.

(4) ----. _La foule criminelle._ Essai de psychologie collective. 2d

ed., entièrement refondue. Paris, 1901.

(5) Tarde, Gabriel. "Foules et sectes au point de vue criminel," _Revue

des deux mondes_, CXX (1893), 349-87.

(6) Miceli, V. "La Psicologia della folla," _Rivista italiana di

sociologia_, III (1899), 166-95.

(7) Conway, M. _The Crowd in Peace and War._ New York, 1915.

(8) Martin, E. D. _The Behavior of Crowds._ New York, 1920.

(9) Christensen, A. _Politics and Crowd-Morality._ New York, 1915.

(10) Park, R. E. _Masse und Publikum._ Bern, 1904.

(11) Clark, H. "The Crowd." "University of Illinois Studies."

_Psychological Monograph_, No. 92, XXI (1916), 26-36.

(12) Tawney, G. A. "The Nature of Crowds," _Psychological Bulletin_, II

(1905), 329-33.

(13) Rossi, P. _Le suggesteur et la foule, psychologie du meneur._

Paris, 1904.

(14) ----. _I suggestionatori e la folla._ Torino, 1902.

(15) ----. "Dell'Attenzione collettiva e sociale," _Manicomio_, XXI

(1905), 248 ff.

B. _Political Psychology_

(1) Beecher, Franklin A. "National Politics in Its Psychological

Aspect," _Open Court_, XXXIII (1919), 653-61.

(2) Boutmy, Émile. _The English People._ A study of their political

psychology. London, 1904.

(3) Palanti, G. "L'Esprit de corps. (Remarques sociologiques.)" _Revue

philosophique_, XLVIII (1899), 135-45.

(4) Gardner, Chas. S. "Assemblies," _American Journal of Sociology_, XIX

(1914), 531-55.

(5) Bentham, Jeremy. _Essay on Political Tactics._ Containing six of the

principal rules proper to be observed by a political assembly, in the

process of forming a decision: with the reasons on which they are

grounded; and a comparative application of them to British and French

practice. London, 1791.

(6) Tönnies, Ferdinand. "Die grosse Menge und das Volk," _Schmollers

Jahrbuch_, XLIV (1920), 317-45. [Criticism of Le Bon's conception of the

crowd.]

(7) Botsford, George W. _The Roman Assemblies._ From their origin to the

end of the Republic. New York, 1909.

(8) Crothers, T. D. "A Medical Study of the Jury System," _Popular

Science Monthly_, XLVII (1895), 375-82.

(9) Coleman, Charles T. "Origin and Development of Trial by Jury,"

_Virginia Law Review_, VI (1919-20), 77-86.

C. _Collective Psychology in General_

(1) Rossi, P. _Sociologia e psicologia collettiva._ 2d ed. Roma, 1909.

(2) Straticò, A. _La Psicologia collettiva._ Palermo, 1905.

(3) Worms, René. "Psychologie collective et psychologie individuelle,"

_Revue international de sociologie_, VII (1899), 249-74.

(4) Brönner, W. "Zur Theorie der kollektiv-psychischen Erscheinungen,"

_Zeitschrift für Philosophie und philosophische Kritik_, CXLI (1911),

1-40.

(5) Newell, W. W. "Individual and Collective Characteristics in

Folk-Lore," _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, XIX (1906), 1-15.

(6) Campeano, M. _Essai de psychologie militaire individuelle et

collective._ Avec une préface de M. Th. Ribot. Paris, 1902.

(7) Hartenberg, P. "Les émotions de Bourse. (Notes de psychologie

collective)." _Revue philosophique_, LVIII (1904), 163-70.

(8) Scalinger, G. M. _La Psicologia a teatro._ Napoli, 1896.

(9) Burckhard, M. "Das Theater." Die Gesellschaft. _Sammlung

Sozial-Psychologische Monographien_, 18. Frankfurt-am-Main, 1907.

(10) Woolbert, C. H. "The Audience." "University of Illinois Studies."

_Psychological Monograph_, No. 92, XXI (1916), 36-54.

(11) Howard, G. E. "Social Psychology of the Spectator," _American

Journal of Sociology_, XVIII (1912), 33-50.

(12) Peterson, J. "The Functioning of Ideas in Social Groups,"

_Psychological Review_, XXV (1918), 214-26.

IV. MASS MOVEMENTS

(1) Bryce, James. "Migrations of the Races of Men Considered

Historically," _Contemporary Review_, LXII (1892), 128-49.

(2) Mason, Otis T. "Migration and the Food Quest: A Study in the

Peopling of America," _American Anthropologist_, VII (1894), 275-92.

(3) Pflugk-Harttung, Julius von. _The Great Migrations._ Translated from

the German by John Henry Wright. Philadelphia, 1905.

(4) Bradley, Henry. _The Story of the Goths._ From the earliest times to

the end of the Gothic dominion in Spain. New York, 1888.

(5) Jordanes. _The Origin and Deeds of the Goths._ English version by

Charles C. Mierow. Princeton, 1908.

(6) Archer, T. A., and Kingsford, C. L. _The Crusades._ New York, 1894.

(7) Ireland, W. W. "On the Psychology of the Crusades," _Journal of

Mental Science_, LII (1906), 745-55; LIII (1907), 322-41.

(8) Groves, E. R. "Psychic Causes of Rural Migration," _American Journal

of Sociology_, XXI (1916), 623-27.

(9) Woodson, Carter G. _A Century of Negro Migrations._ Washington,

1918. [Bibliography.]

(10) Fleming, Walter L. "'Pap' Singleton, the Moses of the Colored

Exodus," _American Journal of Sociology_, XV (1909-10), 61-82.

(11) Bancroft, H. H. _History of California._ Vol. VI, 1848-59. Chaps.

ii-ix, pp. 26-163. San Francisco, 1888. [The discovery of gold in

California.]

(12) Down, T. C. "The Rush to the Klondike," _Cornhill Magazine_, IV

(1898), 33-43.

(13) Ziegler, T. _Die geistigen und socialen Strömungen des neunzehnten

Jahrhunderts._ Berlin, 1899.

(14) Zeeb, Frieda B. "Mobility of the German Woman," _American Journal

of Sociology_, XXI (1915-16), 234-62.

(15) Anthony, Katharine S. _Feminism in Germany and Scandinavia._ New

York, 1915. [Bibliography.]

(16) Croly, Jane (Mrs.). _The History of the Woman's Club Movement in

America._ New York, 1898.

(17) Taft, Jessie. _The Woman Movement from the Point of View of Social

Consciousness._ Chicago, 1916.

(18) Harnack, Adolf. _The Mission and Expansion of Christianity in the

First Three Centuries._ Translated from the 2d rev. German ed. by James

Moffatt. New York, 1908.

(19) Buck, S. J. _The Agrarian Crusade._ A chronicle of the farmer in

politics. New Haven, 1920.

(20) _Labor Movement._ The last six volumes of _The Documentary History

of American Industrial Society_. Vols. V-VI, 1820-40, by John R. Commons

and Helen L. Sumner; Vols. VII-VIII, 1840-60, by John R. Commons; Vols.

IX-X, 1860-80, by John R. Commons and John B. Andrews. Cleveland, 1910.

(21) Begbie, Harold. _The Life of General William Booth._ The Founder of

the Salvation Army. 2 vols. New York, 1920.

(22) Wittenmyer, Annie (Mrs.). _History of the Women's Temperance

Crusade._ A complete official history of the wonderful uprising of the

Christian women of the United States against the liquor traffic which

culminated in the Gospel Temperance Movement. Introduction by Frances E.

Willard. Philadelphia, 1878.

(23) Gordon, Ernest. _The Anti-alcohol Movement in Europe._ New York,

1913.

(24) Cherrington, Ernest H. _The Evolution of Prohibition in the United

States of America._ A chronological history of the liquor problem and

the temperance reform in the United States from the earliest settlements

to the consummation of national prohibition. Westerville, Ohio, 1920.

(25) Woods, Robert A. _English Social Movements._ New York, 1891.

(26) Zimand, Savel. _Modern Social Movements._ Descriptive summaries and

bibliographies. New York, 1921.

V. REVIVALS, RELIGIOUS AND LINGUISTIC

A. _Religious Revivals and the Origin of Sects_

(1) Meader, John R. Article on "Religious Sects," _Encyclopedia

Americana_, XXIII, 355-61. [List of nearly 300 denominations and sects.]

(2) Articles on "sects," _Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics_, XI,

307-47. [The subject and author of the different articles are "Sects

(Buddhist)," T. W. Rhys Davids; "Sects (Chinese)," T. Richard; "Sects

(Christian)," W. T. Whitley; "Sects (Hindu)," W. Crooke; "Sects

(Jewish)," I. Abrahams; "Sects (Russian)," K. Grass and A. von

Stromberg; "Sects (Samaritan)," N. Schmidt; "Sects (Zoroastrian)," E.

Edwards. Bibliographies.]

(3) United States Bureau of the Census. _Religious Bodies, 1906._ 2

vols. Washington, 1910.

(4) ----. _Religious Bodies, 1916._ 2 vols. Washington, 1919.

(5) Davenport, Frederick M. _Primitive Traits in Religious Revivals._ A

study in mental and social evolution. New York, 1905.

(6) Mooney, James. "The Ghost-Dance Religion and the Sioux Outbreak of

1890." _14th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_

(1892-93), 653-1136.

(7) Stalker, James. Article on "Revivals of Religion," _Encyclopaedia of

Religion and Ethics_, X, 753-57. [Bibliography.]

(8) Burns, J. _Revivals, Their Laws and Leaders._ London, 1909.

(9) Tracy, J. _The Great Awakening._ A history of the revival of

religion in the time of Edwards and Whitefield. Boston, 1842.

(10) Finney, C. G. _Autobiography._ London, 1892.

(11) Hayes, Samuel P. "An Historical Study of the Edwardean Revivals,"

_American Journal of Psychology_, XIII (1902), 550-74.

(12) Maxon, C. H. _The Great Awakening in the Middle Colonies._ Chicago,

1920. [Bibliography.]

(13) Gibson, William. _Year of Grace._ Edinburgh, 1860. [Irish revival,

1859.]

(14) Moody, W. R. _The Life of Dwight L. Moody._ New York, 1900.

(15) Bois, Henri. _Le Réveil au pays de Galles._ Paris, 1906. [Welsh

revival of 1904-6.]

(16) ----. _Quelques réflexions sur la psychologie des réveils._ Paris,

1906.

(17) Cartwright, Peter. _Autobiography of Peter Cartwright, the

Backwoods Preacher._ Cincinnati, 1859.

(18) MacLean, J. P. "The Kentucky Revival and Its Influence on the Miami

Valley," _Ohio Archaeological and Historical Publications_, XII (1903),

242-86. [Bibliography.]

(19) Cleveland, Catharine C. _The Great Revival in the West, 1797-1805._

Chicago, 1916. [Bibliography.]

(20) Rogers, James B. _The Cane Ridge Meeting-House._ To which is

appended the autobiography of B. W. Stone. Cincinnati, 1910.

(21) Stchoukine, Ivan. _Le Suicide collectif dans le Raskol russe._

Paris, 1903.

(22) Bussell, F. W. _Religious Thought and Heresy in the Middle Ages._

London, 1918.

(23) Egli, Emil. _Die Züricher Wiedertäufer zur Reformationszeit._

Zürich, 1878.

(24) Bax, Ernest Belfort. _Rise and Fall of the Anabaptists._ New York,

1903.

(25) Schechter, S. _Documents of Jewish Sectaries._ 2 vols. Cambridge,

1910.

(26) Graetz, H. _History of the Jews._ 6 vols. Philadelphia, 1891-98.

(27) Jost, M. _Geschichte des Judenthums und seiner Sekten._ 3 vols.

Leipzig, 1857-59.

(28) Farquhar, J. N. _Modern Religious Movements in India._ New York,

1915.

(29) Selbie, W. B. _English Sects._ A history of non-conformity. Home

University Library. New York, 1912.

(30) Barclay, Robert. _The Inner Life of the Religious Societies of the

Commonwealth._ London, 1876. [Bibliography.]

(31) Jones, Rufus M. _Studies in Mystical Religion._ London, 1909.

(32) Braithwaite, W. C. _Beginnings of Quakerism._ London, 1912.

(33) Jones, Rufus M. _The Quakers in the American Colonies._ London,

1911.

(34) Evans, F. W. _Shakers._ Compendium of the origin, history,

principles, rules and regulations, government, and doctrines of the

United Society of Believers in Christ's Second Appearing. With

biographies of Ann Lee, William Lee, James Whittaker, J. Hocknell, J.

Meacham, and Lucy Wright. New York, 1859.

(35) Train, J. _The Buchanites from First to Last._ Edinburgh, 1846.

(36) Miller, Edward. _The History and Doctrines of Irvingism._ Or of the

so-called Catholic and Apostolic Church. 2 vols. London, 1878.

(37) Neatby, W. Blair. _A History of the Plymouth Brethren._ London,

1901.

(38) Lockwood, George B. _The New Harmony Movement._ "The Rappites."

Chaps. ii-iv, pp. 7-42. [Bibliography.]

(39) James, B. B. _The Labadist Colony of Maryland._ Baltimore, 1899.

(40) Dixon, W. H. _Spiritual Wives._ 2 vols. London, 1868.

(41) Randall, E. O. _History of the Zoar Society from Its Commencement

to Its Conclusion._ Columbus, 1899.

(42) Loughborough, J. N. _The Great Second Advent Movement._ Its rise

and progress. Nashville, Tenn., 1905. [Adventists.]

(43) Harlan, Rolvix. _John Alexander Dowie and the Christian Catholic

Apostolic Church in Zion._ Evansville, Wis., 1906.

(44) Smith, Henry C. _Mennonites of America._ Mennonite Publishing

House, Scotdale, Pa., 1909. [Bibliography.]

(45) La Rue, William. _The Foundations of Mormonism._ A study of the

fundamental facts in the history and doctrines of the Mormons from

original sources. With introduction by Alfred Williams Anthony. New

York, 1919. [Bibliography.]

B. _Language Revivals and Nationalism_

(1) Dominian, Leon. _Frontiers of Language and Nationality in Europe._

New York, 1917.

(2) Bourgoing, P. de. _Les Guerres d'idiome et de nationalité._ Paris,

1849.

(3) Meillet, A. "Les Langues et les nationalités," _Scientia_, XVIII,

(1915), 192-201.

(4) Rhys, John, and Brynmor-Jones, David. _The Welsh People._ Chap. xii,

"Language and Literature of Wales," pp. 501-50. London, 1900.

(5) Dinneen, P. S. _Lectures on the Irish Language Movement._ Delivered

under the auspices of various branches of the Gaelic League. London,

1904.

(6) Montgomery, K. L. "Some Writers of the Celtic Renaissance,"

_Fortnightly Review_, XCVI (1911), 545-61.

(7) ----. "Ireland's Psychology: a Study of Facts," _Fortnightly

Review_, CXII (1919), 572-88.

(8) Dubois, L. Paul. _Contemporary Ireland._ With an introduction by T.

M. Kettle, M. P. London, 1908.

(9) _The Teaching of Gaelic in Highland Schools._ Published under the

auspices of the Highland Association. London, 1907.

(10) Fedortchouk, Y. "La Question des nationalités en Austriche-Hongrie:

les Ruthenes de Hongrie," _Annales des nationalités_, VIII (1915),

52-56.

(11) Seton-Watson, R. W. [Scotus Viator, _pseud_.] _Racial Problems in

Hungary._ London, 1908. [Bibliography.]

(12) Samassa, P. "Deutsche und Windische in Sudösterreich," _Deutsche

Erde_, II (1903), 39-41.

(13) Wace, A. J. B., and Thompson, M. S. _The Nomads of the Balkans._

London, 1914.

(14) Tabbé, P. _La vivante Roumanie._ Paris, 1913.

(15) Louis-Jarau, G. _L'Albanie inconnue._ Paris, 1913.

(16) Brancoff, D. M. _La Macédoine et sa population Chrétienne._ Paris,

1905.

(17) Fedortchouk, Y. _Memorandum on the Ukrainian Question in Its

National Aspect._ London, 1914.

(18) Vellay, Charles. "L'Irredentisme hellénique," _La Revue de Paris_,

XX (Juillet-Août, 1913), 884-86.

(19) Sands, B. _The Ukraine._ London, 1914.

(20) Auerbach, B. "La Germanization de la Pologne Prussienne. La loi

d'expropriation," _Revue Politique et Parlementaire_, LVII (1908),

109-125.

(21) Bernhard, L. _Das polnische Gemeinwesen im preussischen Staat._ Die

Polenfrage. Leipzig, 1910.

(22) Henry, R. "La Frontière linguistique en Alsace-Lorraine," _Les

Marches de l'Est_, 1911-1912, pp. 60-71.

(23) Nitsch, C. "Dialectology of Polish Languages," _Polish

Encyclopaedia_, Vol. III. Cracow, 1915.

(24) Witte, H. "Wendische Bevölkerungsreste in Mecklenburg,"

_Forschungen zur deutschen Landes- und Volkskunde_, XVI (1905), 1-124.

(25) Kaupas, A. "L'Église et les Lituaniens aux États-Unis d'Amérique,"

_Annales des Nationalités_, II (1913), 233 ff.

(26) Pélissier, Jean. _Les Principaux artisans de la renaissance

nationale lituanienne._ Hommes et choses de Lituanie. Lausanne, 1918.

(27) Jakstas, A. "Lituaniens et Polonais." _Annales des nationalités_,

VIII (1915), 219 ff.

(28) Headlam, Cecil. _Provence and Languedoc._ Chap. v, "Frédéric

Mistral and the Félibres." London, 1912.

(29) Belisle, A. _Histoire de la presse franco-américaine._ Comprenant

l'historique de l'émigration des Canadiens-Français aux États-Unis, leur

développement, et leur progrès. Worcester, Mass., 1911.

VI. ECONOMIC CRISES

(1) Wirth, M. _Geschichte der Handelskrisen._ Frankfurt-am-Main, 1890.

(2) Jones, Edward D. _Economic Crises._ New York, 1900.

(3) Gibson, Thomas. _The Cycles of Speculation._ 2d ed. New York, 1909.

(4) Bellet, Daniel. _Crises économique._ Crises commerciales. Crises de

guerre. Leur caractères, leur indices, leurs effects. Paris, 1918.

(5) Clough, H. W. "Synchronous Variations in Solar and Terrestrial

Phenomena," _Astrophysical Journal_, XXII (1905), 42-75.

(6) Clayton, H. H. "Influence of Rainfall on Commerce and Politics,"

_Popular Science Monthly_, LX (1901-2), 158-65.

(7) Mitchell, Wesley C. _Business Cycles._ Berkeley, Cal., 1913.

(8) Moore, Henry L. _Economic Cycles: Their Law and Cause._ New York,

1914.

(9) Hurry, Jamieson B. _Vicious Circles in Sociology and Their

Treatment._ London, 1915.

(10) Thiers, Adolphe. _The Mississippi Bubble._ A memoir of John Law. To

which are added authentic accounts of the Darien expedition and the

South Sea scheme. Translated from the French by F. S. Fiske. New York,

1859.

(11) Wiston-Glynn, A. W. _John Law of Lauriston._ Financier and

statesman, founder of the Bank of France, originator of the Mississippi

scheme, etc. London, 1907.

(12) Mackay, Charles. _Memoirs of Extraordinary Popular Delusions and

the Madness of Crowds._ 2 vols. in one. London, 1859. [Vol. I, the

Mississippi scheme, the South Sea bubble, the tulipomania, the

alchymists, modern prophecies, fortune-telling, the magnetisers,

influence of politics and religion on the hair and beard. Vol. II, the

crusades, the witch mania, the slow prisoners, haunted houses, popular

follies of great cities, popular admiration of great thieves, duels and

ordeals, relics.]

VII. FASHION, REFORM, AND REVOLUTION

A. _Fashion_

(1) Spencer, Herbert. _Principles of Sociology._ Part IV, chap. xi,

"Fashion," II, 205-10. London, 1893.

(2) Tarde, Gabriel. _Laws of Imitation._ Translated from the 2d French

ed. by Elsie Clews Parsons. Chap. vii, "Custom and Fashion," pp.

244-365. New York, 1903.

(3) Simmel, G. _Philosophie der Mode._ Berlin, 1905.

(4) ----. "The Attraction of Fashion," _International Quarterly_, X

(1904), 130-55.

(5) Sumner, W. G. _Folkways._ "Fashion," pp. 184-220. Boston, 1906.

(6) Sombart, Werner. "Wirtschaft und Mode," _Grenzfragen des Nerven- und

Seelenlebens._ Wiesbaden, 1902.

(7) Clerget, Pierre. "The Economic and Social Rôle of Fashion." _Annual

Report of the Smithsonian Institution_, 1913, pp. 755-65. Washington,

1914.

(8) Squillace, Fausto. _La Moda._ L'abito è l'uomo. Milano, 1912.

(9) Shaler, N. S. "The Law of Fashion," _Atlantic Monthly_, LXI (1888),

386-98.

(10) Patrick, G. T. W. "The Psychology of Crazes," _Popular Science

Monthly_, LVII (1900), 285-94.

(11) Linton, E. L. "The Tyranny of Fashion," _Forum_ III (1887), 59-68.

(12) Bigg, Ada H. "What is 'Fashion'?" _Nineteenth Century_, XXXIII

(1893), 235-48.

(13) Foley, Caroline A. "Fashion," _Economic Journal_, III (1893),

458-74.

(14) Aria, E. "Fashion, Its Survivals and Revivals," _Fortnightly

Review_, CIV (1915), 930-37.

(15) Thomas, W. I. "The Psychology of Woman's Dress," _American

Magazine_, LXVII (1908-9), 66-72.

(16) Schurtz, Heinrich. _Grundzüge einer Philosophie der Tracht._

Stuttgart, 1871.

(17) Wechsler, Alfred. _Psychologie der Mode._ Berlin, 1904.

(18) Stratz, Carl H. _Die Frauenkleidung und ihre natürliche

Entwicklung._ Stuttgart, 1904.

(19) Holmes, William H. "Origin and Development of Form and Ornament in

Ceramic Art," _Fourth Annual Report of the U.S. Bureau of American

Ethnology, 1882-83_, pp. 437-65. Washington, 1886.

(20) Kroeber, A. L. "On the Principle of Order in Civilization as

Exemplified by Changes of Fashion," _American Anthropologist_, N.S., XXI

(1919), 235-63.

B. _Reform_

(1) Sumner, W. G. _Folkways._ "Reform and Revolution," pp. 86-95.

Boston, 1906.

(2) Patrick, G. T. W. _The Psychology of Social Reconstruction._ Chaps.

i-ii, "Psychological Factors in Social Reconstruction," pp. 27-118.

Boston, 1920.

(3) Jevons, William S. _Methods of Social Reform._ And other papers.

London, 1883.

(4) Pearson, Karl. _Social Problems._ Their treatment, past, present,

and future. London, 1912.

(5) Mallock, W. H. _Social Reform as Related to Realities and

Delusions._ An examination of the increase and distribution of wealth

from 1801 to 1910. New York, 1915.

(6) Matthews, Brander. "Reform and Reformers," _North American_,

CLXXXIII (1906), 461-73.

(7) Miller, J. D. "Futilities of Reformers," _Arena_, XXVI (1901),

481-89.

(8) Lippmann, Walter. _A Preface to Politics._ Chap. v, "Well Meaning

but Unmeaning: The Chicago Vice Report," pp. 122-58. New York, 1913.

(9) Stanton, Henry B. _Sketches of Reforms and Reformers, of Great

Britain and Ireland._ 2d rev. ed. New York, 1850.

(10) Stoughton, John. _William Wilberforce._ London, 1880.

(11) Field, J. _The Life of John Howard._ With comments on his character

and philanthropic labours. London, 1850.

(12) Hodder, Edwin. _The Seventh Earl of Shaftesbury, K.G., as Social

Reformer._ New York, 1898.

(13) Atkinson, Charles M. _Jeremy Bentham, His Life and Work._ London,

1905.

(14) Morley, John. _The Life of Richard Cobden._ Boston, 1890.

(15) Bartlett, David W. _Modern Agitators._ Or pen portraits of living

American reformers. New York, 1855.

(16) Greeley, Horace. _Hints toward Reforms._ In lectures, addresses,

and other writing. New York, 1850.

(17) Austin, George L. _The Life and Times of Wendell Phillips._ New ed.

Boston, 1901.

(18) Hill, Georgiana. _Women in English Life._ From medieval to modern

times. Period III, chap. v, "The Philanthropists," Vol. II, pp. 59-74;

Period IV, chap. xi, "The Modern Humanitarian Movement," Vol. II, pp.

227-36. 2 vols. London, 1896.

(19) Yonge, Charlotte M. _Hannah More._ Famous women. Boston, 1888.

(20) Besant, Annie. _An Autobiography._ 2d ed. London, 1908.

(21) Harper, Ida H. _The Life and Work of Susan B. Anthony._ Including

public addresses, her own lectures and many from her contemporaries

during fifty years. A story of the evolution of the status of woman. 3

vols. Indianapolis, 1898-1908.

(22) Whiting, Lilian. _Women Who Have Ennobled Life._ Philadelphia,

1915.

(23) Willard, Frances E. _Woman and Temperance._ Or the work and workers

of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union. 3d ed. Hartford, Conn., 1883.

(24) Gordon, Anna A. _The Beautiful Life of Frances E. Willard._ A

memorial volume. Introduction by Lady Henry Somerset. Chicago, 1898.

C. _Revolution_

(1) Le Bon, Gustave. _The Psychology of Revolution._ Translated from the

French by Bernard Miall. New York, 1913.

(2) Petrie, W. M. F. _The Revolutions of Civilisation._ London, 1912.

(3) Hyndman, Henry M. _The Evolution of Revolution._ London, 1920.

(4) Adams, Brooks. _The Theory of Social Revolutions._ New York, 1913.

(5) Landauer, G. _Die Revolution._ "Die Gesellschaft, Sammlung

sozial-psychologischer Monographien." Frankfurt-am-Main, 1907.

(6) Thomas, W. I. _Source Book for Social Origins._ "Crisis and

Control," pp. 13-22. Chicago, 1909.

(7) Ellwood, Charles A. "A Psychological Theory of Revolutions,"

_American Journal of Sociology_, XI (1905-6), 49-59.

(8) ----. _Introduction to Social Psychology._ Chap. viii, "Social

Change under Abnormal Conditions," pp. 170-87. New York, 1917.

(9) King, Irving. "The Influence of the Form of Social Change upon the

Emotional Life of a People," _American Journal of Sociology_, IX

(1903-4), 124-35.

(10) Toynbee, Arnold. _Lectures on the Industrial Revolution of the

Eighteenth Century in England._ New ed. London, 1908.

(11) Knowles, L. C. A. _The Industrial and Commercial Revolutions in

Great Britain during the Nineteenth Century._ London, 1921.

(12) Taine, H. A. _The French Revolution._ Translated from the French by

John Durand. 3 vols. New York, 1878-85.

(13) Olgin, Moissaye J. _The Soul of the Russian Revolution._

Introduction by Vladimir G. Simkhovitch. New York, 1917.

(14) Spargo, John. _The Psychology of Bolshevism._ New York, 1919.

(15) Khoras, P. "La Psychologie de la révolution chinoise," _Revue des

deux mondes_, VIII (1912), 295-331.

(16) Le Bon, Gustave. _The World in Revolt._ A psychological study of

our times. Translated from the French by Bernard Miall. New York, 1921.

(17) Lombroso, Cesare. _Le Crime politique et les révolutions par

rapport au droit, à l'anthropologie criminelle et à science du

gouvernement._ Translated by A. Bouchard. Paris, 1912.

(18) Prince, Samuel H. _Catastrophe and Social Change._ Based upon a

sociological study of the Halifax disaster. "Columbia University Studies

in Political Science." New York, 1920.

TOPICS FOR WRITTEN THEMES

1. Collective Behavior and Social Control

2. Unrest in the Person and Unrest in the Group

3. The Agitator as a Type of the Restless Person

4. A Study of Adolescent Unrest: the Runaway Boy and the Girl Who Goes

Wrong

5. A Comparison of Physical Epidemics with Social Contagion

6. Case Studies of Psychic Epidemics: the Mississippi Bubble, Gold

Fever, War-Time Psychosis, the Dancing Mania in Modern Times, etc.

7. Propaganda as Social Contagion: an Analysis of a Selected Case

8. A Description and Interpretation of Crowd Behavior: the Orgy, the

Cult, the Mob, the Organized Crowd

9. The "Animal" Crowd: the Flock, the Herd, the Pack

10. A Description of Crowd Behavior on Armistice Day

11. The Criminal Crowd

12. The Jury, the Congenial Group, the Committee, the Legislature, the

Mass Meeting, etc., as Types of Collective Behavior

13. Crowd Excitements and Mass Movements

14. A Study of Mass Migrations: the Barbarian Invasions, the Settlement

of Oklahoma, the Migrations of the Mennonnites, the Treks of the Boers,

the Rise of Mohammedanism, the Mormon Migrations, etc.

15. Crusades and Reforms: the Crusades, the Abolition Movement,

Prohibition, the Woman's Temperance Crusades, Moving-Picture Censorship,

etc.

16. Fashions, Revivals, and Revolutions

17. The Social Laws of Fashions

18. Linguistic Revivals and the Nationalist Movements

19. Religious Revivals and the Origin of Sects

20. Social Unrest, Social Movements, and Changes in Mores and

Institutions

QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. What do you understand by collective behavior?

2. Interpret the incident in a Lancashire cotton factory in terms of

sympathy, imitation, and suggestion.

3. What simple forms of social contagion have you observed?

4. In what sense may the dancing mania of the Middle Ages be compared to

an epidemic?

5. Why may propaganda be interpreted as social contagion? Describe a

concrete instance of propaganda and analyze its _modus operandi_.

6. What are the differences in behavior of the flock, the pack, and the

herd?

7. Is it accurate to speak of these animal groups as "crowds"?

8. What do you understand Le Bon to mean by "the mental unity of

crowds"?

9. Describe and analyze the behavior of crowds which you have observed.

10. "The crowd is always intellectually inferior to the isolated

individual." "The crowd may be better or worse than the individual." Are

these statements consistent? Elaborate your position.

11. In what sense may we speak of sects, castes, and classes as crowds?

12. What do you mean by a social movement?

13. What is the significance of a movement?

14. Why is movement to be regarded as the fundamental form of freedom?

15. How does crowd excitement lead to mass movements?

16. What were the differences in the characteristics of mass movements

in the Klondike Rush, the Woman's Crusade, Methodism, and bolshevism?

17. What are the causes of social unrest?

18. What is the relation of social unrest to social organization?

19. How does Le Bon explain the mental anarchy at the time of the French

Revolution?

20. What was the nature of this mental anarchy in the different social

classes? Are revolutions always preceded by mental anarchy?

21. What was the relative importance of belief and of reason in the

French Revolution?

22. What are the likenesses and differences between the origin and

development of bolshevism and of the French Revolution?

23. Do you agree with Spargo's interpretation of the psychology (a) of

the intellectual Bolshevists, and (b) of the I.W.W.?

24. Are mass movements organizing or disorganizing factors in society?

Illustrate by reference to Methodism, the French Revolution, and

bolshevism.

25. Under what conditions will a mass movement (a) become organized,

and (b) become an institution?

FOOTNOTES:

[280] W. G. Sumner, _Folkways_. A study of the sociological importance

of usages, manners, customs, mores, and morals, pp. 12-13. (Boston,

1906.)

[281] Scipio Sighele, in a note to the French edition of his _Psychology

of Sects_, claims that his volume, _La Folla delinquente_, of which the

second edition was published at Turin in 1895, and his article

"Physiologie du succès," in the _Revue des Revues_, October 1, 1894,

were the first attempts to describe the crowd from the point of view of

collective psychology. Le Bon published two articles, "Psychologie des

foules" in the _Revue scientifique_, April 6 and 20, 1895. These were

later gathered together in his volume _Psychologie des foules_, Paris,

1895. See Sighele _Psychologie des sectes_, pp. 25, 39.

[282] Gustave Le Bon, _The Crowd_. A study of the popular mind, p. 19.

(New York, 1900.)

[283] _Ibid._, p. 83.

[284] _L'Opinion et la foule_, pp. 6-7. (Paris, 1901.)

[285] _The Crowd_, p. 41.

[286] Sidney L. Hinde, _The Fall of the Congo Arabs_, p. 147. (London,

1897.) Describing a characteristic incident in one of the strange

confused battles Hinde says: "Wordy war, which also raged, had even more

effect than our rifles. Mahomedi and Sefu led the Arabs, who were

jeering and taunting Lutete's people, saying that they were in a bad

case, and had better desert the white man, who was ignorant of the fact

that Mohara with all the forces of Nyange was camped in his rear.

Lutete's people replied: 'Oh, we know all about Mohara; we ate him the

day before yesterday.'" This news became all the more depressing when it

turned out to be true. See also Hirn, _The Origins of Art_, p. 269, for

an explanation of the rôle of threats and boastings in savage warfare.

[287] Robert E. Park and Herbert A. Miller, _Old World Traits

Transplanted_. Document 23, pp. 32-33. (New York, 1921.)

[288] Yrjö Hirn, _The Origins of Art_. A psychological and sociological

inquiry, p. 87. (London, 1900.)

[289] _Ibid._, p. 89.

[290] Le Bon, _op. cit._, p. 82.

[291] _Ibid._, p. 82.

[292] Scipio Sighele, _Psychologie des sectes_, p. 46. (Paris, 1898.)

[293] W. E. H. Lecky, _History of the Rise and Influence of the Spirit

of Rationalism in Europe._ 2 vols. (Vol. I.) (New York, 1866.)

[294] See Gabriel Tarde, _Laws of Imitation._

[295] J. F. C. Hecker, _Die Tanzwuth, eine Volkskrankheit im

Mittelalter._ (Berlin, 1832.) See Introduction of _The Black Death and

the Dancing Mania_. Translated from the German by B. G. Babington.

Cassell's National Library. (New York, 1888.)

[296] Le Bon, _op. cit._, p. 26.

[297] Vernon Lee [pseud.], _Vital Lies._ Studies of some varieties of

recent obscurantism. (London, 1912.)

[298] Taken from _Gentleman's Magazine_, March, 1787, p. 268.

[299] Adapted from J. F. C. Hecker, _The Black Death, and the Dancing

Mania_, pp. 106-11. (Cassell & Co., 1888.)

[300] From Mary Austin, _The Flock_, pp. 110-29. (Houghton Mifflin Co.,

1906.)

[301] From W. H. Hudson, "The Strange Instincts of Cattle," in

_Longman's Magazine_, XVIII (1891), 389-91.

[302] From Ernest Thompson Seton, "The Habits of Wolves," in _The

American Magazine_, LXIV (1907), 636.

[303] Adapted from Gustave Le Bon, _The Crowd_, pp. 1-14. (T. Fisher

Unwin, 1897.)

[304] From Robert E. Park, _The Crowd and the Public_. (Unpublished

manuscript.)

[305] Moll, _Hypnotism_, pp. 134-36.

[306] Sighele, _Psychologie des Auflaufs und der Massenverbrechen_

(translated from the Italian), p. 79.

[307] Durkheim, _The Elementary Forms of Religious Life_, pp. 432-37.

[308] Adapted from T. C. Down, "The Rush to the Klondike," in the

_Cornhill Magazine_, IV (1898), 33-43.

[309] Adapted from Mrs. Annie Wittenmyer, _History of the Woman's

Temperance Crusade_ (1878), pp. 34-62.

[310] Adapted from Gustave Le Bon, _The Psychology of Revolution_, pp.

147-70. (G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1913.)

[311] Adapted from John Spargo, _The Psychology of Bolshevism_, pp.

1-120. (Harper & Brothers, 1919.)

[312] Adapted from William E. H. Lecky, _A History of England in the

Eighteenth Century_, III, 33-101. (D. Appleton & Co., 1892.)

[313 1] _Supra_, pp. 652-53; 657-58.

[314] Otto Stoll, _Suggestion und Hypnotismus in der Völkerpsychologie_.

2d ed. (Leipzig, 1904.)

[315] Robert E. Park, _Immigrant Press and Its Control_, chap. ii,

"Background of the Immigrant Press." (New York, 1921. In press.)

[316] _Ibid._

[317] Anton H. Hollman, _Die dänische Volkshochschule und ihre Bedeutung

für die Entwicklung einer völkischen Kultur in Dänemark_. (Berlin,

1909.)

[318] H. G. Wells, _The Salvaging of Civilization_, chaps. iv-v, "The

Bible of Civilization," pp. 97-140. (New York, 1921.)

[319] See _The Immigrant Press and Its Control_, chap. ii, for a

translation of Dr. Kudirka's so-called "Confession."

[320] Gabriel Tarde, _The Laws of Imitation_. Translated from the 2d

French ed. by Elsie Clews Parsons, p. 247. (New York, 1903.)

[321] Sumner, _Folkways_, pp. 200-201.

CHAPTER XIV

PROGRESS

I. INTRODUCTION

1. Popular Conceptions of Progress

It seems incredible that there should have been a time when mankind had

no conception of progress. Ever since men first consciously united their

common efforts to improve and conserve their common life, it would seem

there must have been some recognition that life had not always been as

they found it and that it could not be in the future what it then was.

Nevertheless, it has been said that the notion of progress was unknown

in the oriental world, that the opposite conception of deterioration

pervaded all ancient Asiatic thought. In India the prevailing notion was

that of vast cycles of time "through which the universe and its

inhabitants must pass from perfection to destruction, from strength and

innocence to weakness and depravity until a new mahá-yuga begins."[322]

The Greeks conceived the course of history in various ways, as progress

and as deterioration, but in general they thought of it as a cycle. The

first clear description of the history of mankind as a progression by

various stages, from a condition of primitive savagery to civilization,

is in Lucretius' great poem _De Rerum Natura_. But Lucretius does not

conceive this progress will continue. On the contrary he recognizes that

the world has grown old and already shows signs of decrepitude which

foreshadow its ultimate destruction.

It is only in comparatively recent times that the world has sought to

define progress philosophically, as part of the cosmic process, and has

thought of it abstractly as something to be desired for its own sake.

Today the word progress is in everyone's mouth; still there is no

general agreement as to what progress is, and particularly in recent

years, with all the commonly accepted evidences of progress about them,

skeptics have appeared, who, like the farmer who saw for the first time

a camel with two humps, insisted "there's no such animal."

The reason there is no general understanding in regard to the meaning of

progress, as it has been defined by the philosophers, is not because

there is no progress in detail, but because the conception of progress

in general involves a balancing of the goods against the ills of life.

It raises the question whether the gains which society makes as a whole

are compensation for the individual defeats and losses which progress

inevitably involves. One reason why we believe in progress, perhaps, is

that history is invariably written by the survivors.

In certain aspects and with people of a certain temperament, what we

ordinarily call progress, considering what it costs, will always seem a

very dubious matter. William Ralph Inge, Dean of St. Paul's Cathedral,

London, seems to be the most eminent modern example of the skeptic.

Human nature has not been changed by civilization. It has

neither been leveled up nor leveled down, to an average

mediocrity. Beneath the dingy uniformity of international

fashions in dress, man remains what he has always been--a

splendid fighting animal, a self-sacrificing hero, and a

bloodthirsty savage. Human nature is at once sublime and

horrible, holy and satanic. Apart from the accumulation of

knowledge and experience, which are external and precarious

acquisitions, there is no proof that we have changed much since

the first stone age.[323]

It must be remembered in this connection that progress, in so far as it

makes the world more comfortable, makes it more complicated. Every new

mechanical device, every advance in business organization or in science,

which makes the world more tolerable for most of us, makes it impossible

for others. Not all the world is able to keep pace with the general

progress of the world. Most of the primitive races have been

exterminated by the advance of civilization, and it is still uncertain

where, and upon what terms, the civilized man will let the remnant of

the primitive peoples live.

It has been estimated that, in the complicated life of modern cities, at

least one-tenth of the population is not competent to maintain an

independent, economic existence, but requires an increasing amount of

care and assistance from the other nine-tenths.[324] To the inferior,

incompetent, and unfortunate, unable to keep pace with progress, the

more rapid advance of the world means disease, despair, and death. In

medicine and surgery alone does progress seem wholly beneficent, but the

eugenists are even now warning us that our indiscriminate efforts to

protect the weak and preserve the incompetent are increasing the burdens

of the superior and competent, who are alone fit to live.

On the other hand, every new invention is a response to some specific

need. Every new form of social control is intended to correct some

existing evil. So far as they are successful they represent progress.

Progress in the concrete has reference to recognized social values.

Values, as Cooley points out, have no meaning except with reference to

an organism.

"The organism is necessary to give meaning to the idea [value];

there must be worth _to_ something. It need not be a person; a

group, an institution, a doctrine, any organized form of life

will do; and that it be conscious of the values that motivates

it is not at all essential."[325]

Any change or adaptation to an existing environment that makes

it easier for a person, group, institution, or other "organized

form of life" to live may be said to represent progress.

Whether the invention is a new plow or a new six-inch gun we

accept it as an evidence of progress if it does the work for

which it is intended more efficiently than any previous device.

In no region of human life have we made greater progress than

in the manufacture of weapons of destruction.

Not everyone would be willing to admit that progress in weapons

of warfare represents "real" progress. That is because some

people do not admit the necessity of war. Once admit that

necessity, then every improvement is an evidence of progress,

at least in that particular field. It is more easy to recognize

progress in those matters where there is no conflict in regard

to the social values. The following excerpt from Charles

Zueblin's preface to his book on American progress is a

concrete indication of what students of society usually

recognize as progress.

Already this century has witnessed the first municipalized

street railways and telephones in American cities; a national

epidemic of street paving and cleaning; the quadrupling of

electric lighting service and the national appropriation of

display lighting; a successful crusade against dirt of all

kinds--smoke, flies, germs,--and the diffusion of constructive

provisions for health like baths, laundries, comfort stations,

milk stations, school nurses and open air schools; fire

prevention; the humanizing of the police and the advent of the

policewomen; the transforming of some municipal courts into

institutions for the prevention of crime and the cure of

offenders; the elaboration of the school curriculum to give

every child a complete education from the kindergarten to the

vocational course in school or university or shop; municipal

reference libraries; the completion of park systems in most

large cities and the acceptance of the principle that the

smallest city without a park and playground is not quite

civilized; the modern playground movement giving organized and

directed play to young and old; the social center; the

democratic art museum; municipal theaters; the commission form

of government; the city manager; home rule for cities; direct

legislation--a greater advance than the whole nineteenth

century compassed.[326]

2. The Problem of Progress

Sociology inherited its conception of progress from the philosophy of

history. That problem seems to have had its origin in the paradox that

progress at retail does not insure progress at wholesale. The progress

of the community as individuals or in specific directions may, for

example, bring about conditions which mean the eventual destruction of

the community as a whole. This is what we mean by saying that

civilizations are born, grow, and decay. We may see the phenomenon in

its simplest form in the plant community, where the very growth of the

community creates a soil in which the community is no longer able to

exist. But the decay and death of one community creates a soil in which

another community will live and grow. This gives us the interesting

phenomenon of what the ecologists call "succession." So individuals

build their homes, communities are formed, and eventually there comes

into existence a great city. But the very existence of a great city

creates problems of health, of family life, and social control which did

not exist when men lived in the open, or in villages. Just as the human

body generates the poisons that eventually destroy it, so the communal

life, in the very process of growth and as a result of its efforts to

meet the changes that its growth involves, creates diseases and vices

which tend to destroy the community. This raises the problem in another

form. Communities may and do grow old and die, but new communities

profiting by the experience of their predecessors are enabled to create

social organizations, more adequate and better able to resist social

diseases and corrupting vices. But in order to do this, succeeding

communities have had to accumulate more experience, exercise more

forethought, employ more special knowledge and a greater division of

labor. In the meantime, life is becoming constantly more complex. In

place of the simple spontaneous modes of behavior which enable the lower

animals to live without education and without anxiety, men are compelled

to supplement original nature with special training and with more and

more elaborate machinery, until life, losing its spontaneity, seems in

danger of losing all its joy.

Knowledge accumulates apace and its applications threaten the

very existence of civilized man. The production of the flying

machine represented a considerable advance in mechanical

knowledge; but I am unaware of any respect in which human

welfare has been increased by its existence; whereas it has not

only intensified enormously the horrors of war, and, by

furnishing criminal and other undesirable characters with a

convenient means of rapid and secret movement, markedly

diminished social security, but it threatens, by its inevitable

advance in construction, to make any future conflict virtually

equivalent to the extermination of civilized man. And the

maleficent change in the conditions of human life which the

flying machine has produced from the air, the submarine

parallels from the depths of the sea; indeed, the perception of

this truth has led to the very doubtfully practicable

suggestion that the building of submarines be made illegal....

Moreover if life itself is more secure, there is at the present

moment a distinct tendency towards a diminution of personal

liberty. The increasing control by the state over the conduct

and activities of the individual; the management of his

children, the details of his diet and the conduct of his

ordinary affairs; tend more and more to limit his personal

freedom. But the restriction of his liberty amounts to a

reduction of his available life just as complete loss of

liberty differs little from complete loss of life.[327]

It is this condition which, in spite of progress in details, has raised

in men's minds a question whether there is progress in general, and if

there is, whether the mass of mankind is better or worse because of it.

3. History of the Concept of Progress

The great task of mankind has been to create an organization which would

enable men to realize their wishes. This organization we call

civilization. In achieving this result man has very slowly at first, but

more rapidly in recent times, established his control over external

nature and over himself. He has done this in order that he might remake

the world as he found it more after his own heart.

But the world which man has thus remade has in turn reacted back upon

man and in doing so has made him human. Men build houses to protect them

from the weather and as places of refuge. In the end these houses have

become homes, and man has become a domesticated animal, endowed with the

sentiments, virtues, and lasting affections that the home inevitably

cultivates and maintains.

Men made for themselves clothing for ornament and for comfort, and

men's, and especially women's, clothes have become so much a part of

their personalities that without them they cease to be persons and have

no status in human society. Except under very exceptional circumstances

a man who appeared without clothing would be treated as a madman, and

hunted like a wild animal.

Men have built cities for security and for trade, and cities have made

necessary and possible a division of labor and an economic organization.

This economic organization, on the other hand, has been the basis of a

society and a social order which imposes standards of conduct and

enforces minute regulations of the individual life. Out of the

conditions of this common life there has grown a body of general and

ruling ideas: liberty, equality, democracy, fate, providence, personal

immortality, and progress.

J. B. Bury, who has written a history of the idea of progress, says that

progress is "the animating and controlling idea of western

civilization." But in defining progress he makes a distinction between

ideas like progress, providence, and fate and ideas like liberty,

toleration, and socialism. The latter are approved or condemned because

they are good or bad. The former are not approved or condemned. They are

matters of fact, they are true or false. He says:

When we say that ideas rule the world, or exercise a decisive

power in history, we are generally thinking of those ideas

which express human aims and depend for their realisation on

the human will, such as liberty, toleration, equality of

opportunity, socialism. Some of these have been partly

realised, and there is no reason why any of them should not be

fully realised, in a society or in the world, if it were the

united purpose of a society or of the world to realise it. They

are approved or condemned because they are held to be good or

bad, not because they are true or false. But there is another

order of ideas that play a great part in determining and

directing the course of man's conduct but do not depend on his

will--ideas which bear upon the mystery of life, such as Fate,

Providence, or personal immortality. Such ideas may operate in

important ways on the forms of social action, but they involve

a question of fact and they are accepted or rejected not

because they are believed to be useful or injurious, but

because they are believed to be true or false.

The idea of the progress of humanity is an idea of this kind,

and it is important to be quite clear on the point.[328]

All of the ideas mentioned are of such a general nature, embody so much

of the hopes, the strivings, and the sentiments of the modern world,

that they have, or did have until very recently, something of the

sanctity and authority of religious dogmas. All are expressions of

wishes, but there is this difference: ideas, like liberty, toleration,

etc., reflect the will of the people who accept them; ideas like

providence and progress, on the contrary, represent their hopes. The

question of the progress of humanity like that of personal immortality

is, as Bury points out, a question of fact. "It is true or false but it

cannot be proved whether true or false. Belief in it is an act of

faith." When we hypostatize our hopes and wishes and treat them as

matters of fact, even though they cannot be proved to be either true or

false, they assume a form which Sorel describes as myth. The progress of

humanity, as Herbert Spencer and the other Victorians understood it, is

such a myth. Dean Inge calls it a "superstition" and adds: "To become a

popular religion, it is only necessary for a superstition to enslave a

philosophy. The superstition of progress had the singular good fortune

to enslave at least three philosophies--those of Hegel, of Comte, and of

Darwin."[329]

The conception of progress, if a superstition, is one of recent origin.

It was not until the eighteenth century that it gained general

acceptance and became part of what Inge describes as the popular

religion. The conception which it replaced was that of providence. But

the Greeks and Romans knew nothing of providence. They were under the

influence of another idea of a different character, the idea, namely, of

nemesis and fate. And before them there were more primitive peoples who

had no conception of man's destiny at all. In a paper, not yet

published, Ellsworth Faris has sketched the natural history of the idea

of progress and its predecessors and of a new conception, control, that

is perhaps destined to take its place.

The idea of progress which has been so influential in modern

times is not a very old conception. In its distinctive form it

came into existence in the rationalistic period which

accompanied the Renaissance. Progress, in this sense, means a

theory as to the way in which the whole cosmic process is

developing. It is the belief that the world as a whole is

growing better through definite stages, and is moving "to one

far-off divine event."

The stages preceding this idea may be thought of under several

heads. The first may be called "cosmic anarchy," in which we

find "primitive people" now living. It is a world of chaos,

without meaning, and without purpose. There is no direction in

which human life is thought of as developing. Death and

misfortune are for the most part due to witchcraft and the evil

designs of enemies; good luck and bad luck are the forces which

make a rational existence hopeless.

Another stage of thinking is that which was found among the

Greeks, the conception of the cosmic process as proceeding in

cycles. The golden age of the Greeks lay in the past, the

universe was considered to be following a set course, and the

whole round of human experience was governed and controlled by

an inexorable fate that was totally indifferent to human

wishes. The formula which finally arose to meet this situation

was "conformity to nature," a submission to the iron laws of

the world which it was vain to attempt to change.

This idea was succeeded in medieval Europe by the idea of

providence, in which the world was thought of as a theater on

which the drama of human redemption was enacted. God has

created man free, but man was corrupted by the fall, given an

opportunity to be redeemed by the gospel, and the world was

soon to know the final triumph and happiness of the saved. Most

of the early church fathers expected the end of the world very

soon, many of them in their own lifetime. This is distinctly

different from the preceding two ideas. All life had meaning to

them, for the evil in the world was but God's way to

accomplish his good purposes. It was man's duty to submit, but

submission was to take the form of faith in an all-wise

beneficent and perfect power, who was governing the world and

who would make everything for the best.

The idea of progress arose on the ruins of this concept of

providence. In the fourteenth century, progress did not mean

merely the satisfaction of all human desires either individual

or collective. The idea meant far more than that. It was the

conviction that the world as a whole was proceeding onward

indefinitely to greater and greater perfection. The atmosphere

of progress was congenial to the construction of utopias and

schemes of perfection which were believed to be in harmony with

the nature of the world itself. The atmosphere of progress

produced also optimists who were quite sure everything was in

the long run to be for the best, and that every temporary evil

was sure to be overcome by an ultimate good.

The difficulty in demonstrating the fact of progress has become

very real as the problem has been presented to modern minds. It

is possible to prove that the world has become more complex. It

is hardly possible to prove that it has become better, and

quite impossible to prove that it will continue to do so. From

the standpoint of the Mohammedan Turks, the last two hundred

years of the world's history have not been years of marked

progress; from the standpoint of their enemies, the reverse

statement is obviously true.

The conception which seems to be superseding the idea of

progress in our day is that of control. Each problem whether

personal or social is thought of as a separate enterprise.

Poverty, disease, crime, vice, intemperance, or war, these are

definite situations which challenge human effort and human

ingenuity. Many problems are unsolved; many failures are

recorded. The future is a challenge to creative intelligence

and collective heroism. The future is thought of as still to be

made. And there is no assurance that progress will take place.

On the contrary, there is every reason to believe that progress

will not take place unless men are able by their skill and

devotion to find solutions for their present problems, and for

the newer ones that shall arise.

The modern man finds this idea quite as stimulating to him as

the idea of progress was to his ancestor of the Renaissance or

the idea of providence to his medieval forebears. For while he

does not blindly believe nor feel optimistically certain things

will come about all right, yet he is nerved to square his

shoulders, to think, to contrive, and to exert himself to the

utmost in his effort to conquer the difficulties ahead, and to

control the forces of nature and man. The idea of providence

was not merely a generalization on life, it was a force that

inspired hope. The idea of progress was likewise not merely a

concept, it was also an energizing influence in a time of great

intellectual activity. The idea that the forces of nature can

be controlled in the service of man, differs from the others,

but is also a dynamic potency that seems to be equally well

adapted to the twentieth century.

The conception that man's fate lies somehow in his own hands, if it

gains general acceptance, will still be, so far as it inspires men to

work and strive, an article of faith, and the image in which he pictures

the future of mankind, toward which he directs his efforts, will still

have the character of myth. That is the function of myths. It is this

that lends an interest to those ideal states in which men at different

times have sought to visualize the world of their hopes and dreams.

4. Classification of the Materials

The purpose of the materials in this chapter is to exhibit the variety

and diversity of men's thought with reference to the concept of

progress. What they show is that there is as yet no general agreement in

regard to the meaning of the term. In all the special fields of social

reform there are relatively definite conceptions of what is desirable

and what is not desirable. In the matter of _progress in general_ there

is no such definition. Except for philosophical speculation there is no

such thing as "progress in general." In practice, progress turns out to

be a number of special tasks.

The "progress of civilization" is, to be sure, a concept in good

standing in history. It is, however, a concept of appreciation rather

than one of description. If history has to be rewritten for every new

generation of men, it is due not merely to the discovery of new

historical materials, but just to the fact that there is a new

generation. Every generation has its own notion of the values of life,

and every generation has to have its own interpretation of the facts of

life.

It is incredible that Strachey's _Life of Queen Victoria_ could have

been written forty years ago. It is incredible that the mass of men

should have been able to see the Victorian Age, as it is here presented,

while they were living it.

The materials in this chapter fall under three heads: (a) the concept

of progress, (b) progress and science, (c) progress and human

nature.

a) _The concept of progress._--The first difficulty in the study of

progress is one of definition. What are the signs and symptoms, the

criteria of progress? Until we have framed some sort of a definition we

cannot know. Herbert Spencer identified progress with evolution. The law

of organic progress is the law of all progress. Intelligence, if we

understand by that the mere accumulations of knowledge, does not

represent progress. Rather it consists in "those internal modifications

of which this larger knowledge is an expression." In so far, Spencer's

conception is that of the eugenists. Real progress is in the breed--in

the germ plasm. For men like Galton, Karl Pearson, and Madison

Grant,[330] what we call civilization is merely the efflorescence of

race. Civilizations may pass away, but if the racial stock is preserved,

civilization will reproduce itself. In recent years, a school of

political philosophy has sprung up in Europe and in the United States,

which is seeking to define our social policy toward the "inner enemies,"

the dependents, the defectives, and the delinquents, and a foreign

policy toward immigrant races and foreign peoples, on the general

conception that the chief aim of society and the state is to preserve

the germ plasm of the Nordic race.[331] For Spencer, however, the

conception that all values were in the organism was modified by the

conviction that all life was involved in an irreversible process called

evolution which would eventually purge the race and society of the weak,

the wicked, and the unfit.

In contrast, both with the views of Spencer and of the eugenists,

Hobhouse, voicing a conviction that was first expressed by Huxley,[332]

believes that man is bound to intervene in the beneficent law of natural

selection. He insists, in fact, that social development is something

quite distinct and relatively independent of the organic changes in the

individual. It is, in other words, a sociological rather than a

biological product. It is an effect of the interaction of individuals

and is best represented by organized society and by the social tradition

in which that organization is handed on from earlier to later

generations.

b) _Progress and science._--In contrast with other conceptions of

progress is that of Dewey, who emphasizes science and social control,

or, as he puts it, the "problem of discovering the needs and capacities

of collective human nature as we find it aggregated in racial or

national groups on the surface of the globe." The distinction between

Hobhouse and Dewey is less in substance than in point of view. Hobhouse,

looking backward, is interested in progress itself rather than in its

methods and processes. Dewey, on the other hand, looking forward, is

interested in a present program and in the application of scientific

method to the problems of social welfare and world-organization.

Arthur James Balfour, the most intellectual of the elder statesmen of

England, looking at progress through the experience of a politician,

speaks in a less prophetic and authoritative tone, but with a wisdom

born of long experience with men. For him, as for many other thoughtful

minds, the future of the race is "encompassed with darkness," and the

wise man is he who is content to act in "a sober and a cautious spirit,"

seeking to deal with problems as they arise.

c) _Progress and human nature._--Progress, which is much a matter of

interpretation, is also very largely a matter of temperament. The

purpose of the material upon human nature and progress is to call

attention to this fact. Progress is with most people an article of

faith, and men's faiths, as to their content, at least, are matters of

temperament. The conservative who perhaps takes a mild interest in

progress is usually "a sober and cautious" person, fairly content with

the present and not very sure about the future. The radical, on the

other hand, is usually a naturally hopeful and enthusiastic individual,

profoundly pessimistic about the present, but with a boundless

confidence in even the most impossible future.

Philosophy, like literature, is, in the final analysis, the expression

of a temperament, more or less modified by experience. The selections

from Schopenhauer and Bergson may be regarded, therefore, as the

characteristic reactions of two strikingly different temperaments to the

conception of progress and to life. The descriptions which they give of

the cosmic process are, considered formally, not unlike. Their

interpretations and the practical bearings of these interpretations are

profoundly different.

It is not necessary for the students of sociology to discuss the merits

of these different doctrines. We may accept them as human documents.

They throw light, at any rate, upon the idea of progress, and upon all

the other fundamental ideas in which men have sought to formulate their

common hopes and guide their common life.

II. MATERIALS

A. THE CONCEPT OF PROGRESS

1. The Earliest Conception of Progress[333]

The word "progress," like the word "humanity," is one of the most

significant. It is a Latin word, not used in its current abstract sense

until after the Roman incorporation of the Mediterranean world. The

first writer who expounds the notion with sufficient breadth of view and

sufficiently accurate and concrete observation to provide a preliminary

sketch was the great Roman poet, Lucretius.

He begins by describing a struggle for existence in which the less

well-adapted creatures died off, those who wanted either the power to

protect themselves or the means of adapting themselves to the purposes

of man. In this stage, however, man was a hardier creature than he

afterward became. He lived like the beasts of the field and was ignorant

of tillage or fire or clothes or houses. He had no laws or government or

marriage and, though he did not fear the dark, he feared the real danger

of fiercer beasts. Men often died a miserable death, but not in

multitudes on a single day as they do now by battle or shipwreck.

The next stage sees huts and skins and fire which softened their bodies,

and marriage and the ties of family which softened their tempers. And

tribes began to make treaties of alliance with other tribes. Speech

arose from the need which all creatures feel to exercise their natural

powers, just as the calf will butt before his horns protrude. Men began

to apply different sounds to denote different things, just as brute

beasts will do to express different passions, as anyone must have

noticed in the cases of dogs and horses and birds. No one man set out to

invent speech.

Fire was first learned from lightning and the friction of trees, and

cooking from the softening and ripening of things by the sun. Then men

of genius invented improved methods of life, the building of cities and

private property in lands and cattle. But gold gave power to the wealthy

and destroyed the sense of contentment in simple happiness. It must

always be so whenever men allow themselves to become the slaves of

things which should be their dependents and instruments.

They began to believe in and worship gods, because they saw in dreams

shapes of preterhuman strength and beauty and deemed them immortal; and

as they noted the changes of the seasons and all the wonders of the

heavens they placed their gods there and feared them when they spoke in

the thunder.

Metals were discovered through the burning of the woods, which caused

the ores to run. Copper and brass came first and were rated above gold

and silver. And then the metals took the place of hands, nails, teeth,

and clubs, which had been men's earliest arms and tools. Weaving

followed the discovery of the use of iron. Sowing, planting, and

grafting were learned from nature herself, and gradually the cultivation

of the soil was carried farther and farther up the hills.

Men learned to sing from the birds, and to blow on pipes from the

whistling of the zephyr through the reeds; and those simple tunes gave

as much rustic jollity as our more elaborate tunes do now.

Then, in a summary passage at the end, Lucretius enumerates all the

chief discoveries which men have made in the age-long process--ships,

agriculture, walled cities, laws, roads, clothes, songs, pictures,

statues, and all the pleasures of life--and adds, "These things practice

and the experience of the unresting mind have taught mankind gradually

as they have progressed from point to point."

It is the first definition and use of the word in literature.

2. Progress and Organization[334]

The current conception of progress is shifting and indefinite. Sometimes

it comprehends little more than simple growth--as of a nation in the

number of its members and the extent of territory over which it spreads.

Sometimes it has reference to quantity of material products--as when the

advance of agriculture and manufactures is the topic. Sometimes the

superior quality of these products is contemplated; and sometimes the

new or improved appliances by which they are produced. When, again, we

speak of moral or intellectual progress, we refer to states of the

individual or people exhibiting it; while, when the progress of science

or art is commented upon, we have in view certain abstract results of

human thought and action.

Not only, however, is the current conception of progress more or less

vague, but it is in great measure erroneous. It takes in not so much the

reality of progress as its accompaniments--not so much the substance as

the shadow. That progress in intelligence seen during the growth of the

child into the man, or the savage into the philosopher, is commonly

regarded as consisting in the greater number of facts known and laws

understood; whereas the actual progress consists in those internal

modifications of which this larger knowledge is the expression. Social

progress is supposed to consist in the making of a greater quantity and

variety of the articles required for satisfying men's wants; in the

increasing security of person and property; in widening freedom of

action; whereas, rightly understood, social progress consists in those

changes of structure in the social organism which have entailed these

consequences. The current conception is a ideological one. The phenomena

are contemplated solely as bearing on human happiness. Only those

changes are held to constitute progress which directly or indirectly

tend to heighten human happiness; and they are thought to constitute

progress simply because they tend to heighten human happiness. But

rightly to understand progress, we must learn the nature of these

changes, considered apart from our interests. Ceasing, for example, to

regard the successive geological modifications that have taken place in

the earth as modifications that have gradually fitted it for the

habitation of man, and as therefore constituting geological progress, we

must ascertain the character common to these modifications--the law to

which they all conform. And similarly in every other case. Leaving out

of sight concomitants and beneficial consequences, let us ask what

progress is in itself.

In respect to that progress which individual organisms display in the

course of their evolution, this question has been answered by the

Germans. The investigations of Wolff, Goethe, and von Baer have

established the truth that the series of changes gone through during the

development of a seed into a tree, or an ovum into an animal, constitute

an advance from homogeneity of structure to heterogeneity of structure.

In its primary stage, every germ consists of a substance that is

uniform throughout, both in texture and chemical composition. The first

step is the appearance of a difference between two parts of this

substance; or, as the phenomenon is called in physiological language, a

differentiation. Each of these differentiated divisions presently begins

itself to exhibit some contrast of parts; and by and by these secondary

differentiations become as definite as the original one. This process is

continuously repeated--is simultaneously going on in all parts of the

growing embryo; and by endless differentiations of this sort there is

finally produced that complex combination of tissues and organs

constituting the adult animal or plant. This is the history of all

organisms whatever. It is settled beyond dispute that organic progress

consists in a change from the homogeneous to the heterogeneous.

Now, we propose to show that this law of organic progress is the law of

all progress. Whether it be in the development of the earth, in the

development of life upon its surface, in the development of society, of

government, of manufactures, of commerce, of language, literature,

science, art--this same evolution of the simple into the complex,

through successive differentiations, holds throughout. From the earliest

traceable cosmic changes down to the latest results of civilization, we

shall find that the transformation of the homogeneous into the

heterogeneous is that in which progress essentially consists.

3. The Stages of Progress[335]

If we regard the course of human development from the highest scientific

point of view, we shall perceive that it consists in educing more and

more the characteristic faculties of humanity, in comparison with those

of animality; and especially with those which man has in common with the

whole organic kingdom. It is in this philosophical sense that the most

eminent civilization must be pronounced to be fully accordant with

nature, since it is, in fact, only a more marked manifestation of the

chief properties of our species, properties which, latent at first, can

come into play only in that advanced state of social life for which they

are exclusively destined. The whole system of biological philosophy

indicates the natural progression. We have seen how, in the brute

kingdom, the superiority of each race is determined by the degree of

preponderance of the animal life over the organic. In like manner we see

that our social evolution is only the final term of a progression which

has continued from the simplest vegetables and most insignificant

animals, up through the higher reptiles to the birds and the mammifers,

and still on to the carnivorous animals and monkeys, the organic

characteristics retiring and the animal prevailing more and more, till

the intellectual and moral tend toward the ascendancy which can never be

fully obtained, even in the highest state of human perfection that we

can conceive of. This comparative estimate affords us the scientific

view of human progression, connected, as we see it is, with the whole

course of animal advancement, of which it is itself the highest degree.

The analysis of our social progress proves indeed that, while the

radical dispositions of our nature are necessarily invariable, the

highest of them are in a continuous state of relative development, by

which they rise to be preponderant powers of human existence, though the

inversion of the primitive economy can never be absolutely complete. We

have seen that this is the essential character of the social organism in

a statical view; but it becomes much more marked when we study its

variations in their gradual succession.

4. Progress and the Historical Process[336]

The conclusion which these reflections suggest is that the uncritical

application of biological principles to social progress results in an

insuperable contradiction. The factors which determine the survival of

physical organism, if applied as rules for the furtherance of social

progress, appear to conflict with all that social progress means. A

sense of this conflict is no doubt responsible for the further

reconstruction which the biological view has in recent years undergone.

Biologists now begin to inquire seriously whether "natural" selection

may not be replaced by a rational selection in which "fitness for

survival" would at length achieve its legitimate meaning, and the

development of the race might be guided by reasoned conceptions of

social value. This is a fundamental change of attitude, and the new

doctrine of eugenics to which it has given rise requires careful

examination. Before proceeding to this examination, however, it will be

well to inquire into the causes of the contrast on which we have

insisted between biological evolution and social progress. Faced by this

contradiction, we ask ourselves whether social development may not be

something quite distinct from the organic changes known to biology, and

whether the life of society may not depend upon forces which never

appear in the individual when he is examined merely as an individual or

merely as a member of a race.

Take the latter point first. It is easily seen in the arguments of

biologists that they conceive social progress as consisting essentially

in an improvement of the stock to which individuals belong. This is a

way of looking at the matter intelligible enough in itself. Society

consists of so many thousand or so many million individuals, and if,

comparing any given generation with its ancestors, we could establish an

average improvement in physical, mental, or moral faculty, we should

certainly have cause to rejoice. There is progress so far. But there is

another point of view which we may take up. Society consists of

individual persons and nothing but individual persons, just as the body

consists of cells and the product of cells. But though the body may

consist exclusively of cells, we should never understand its life by

examining the lives of each of its cells as a separate unit. We must

equally take into account that organic interconnection whereby the

living processes of each separate cell co-operate together to maintain

the health of the organism which contains them all. So, again, to

understand the social order we have to take into account not only the

individuals with their capabilities and achievements but the social

organization in virtue of which these individuals act upon one another

and jointly produce what we call social results; and whatever may be

true of the physical organism, we can see that in society it is possible

that individuals of the very same potentialities may, with good

organization, produce good results, and, with bad organization, results

which are greatly inferior.

The social phenomenon, in short, is not something which occurs in one

individual, or even in several individuals taken severally. It is

essentially an interaction of individuals, and as the capabilities of

any given individual are extraordinarily various and are only called

out, each by appropriate circumstances, it will be readily seen that the

nature of the interaction may itself bring forth new and perhaps

unexpected capacities, and elicit from the individuals contributing to

it forces which, but for this particular opportunity, might possibly

remain forever dormant. If this is so, sociology as a science is not the

same thing as either biology or psychology. It deals neither with the

physical capacities of individuals as such nor with their psychological

capacities as such. It deals rather with results produced by the play of

these forces upon one another, by the interaction of individuals under

the conditions imposed by their physical environment. The nature of the

forces and the point of these distinctions may be made clear by a very

simple instance.

The interplay of human motives and the interaction of human beings is

the fundamental fact of social life, and the permanent results which

this interaction achieves and the influence which it exercises upon the

individuals who take part in it constitute the fundamental fact of

social evolution. These results are embodied in what may be called,

generically, tradition. So understood, tradition--its growth and

establishment, its reaction upon the very individuals who

contribute to building it up, and its modifications by subsequent

interactions--constitutes the main subject of sociological inquiry.

Tradition is, in the development of society, what heredity is in the

physical growth of the stock. It is the link between past and future, it

is that in which the effects of the past are consolidated and on the

basis of which subsequent modifications are built up. We might push the

analogy a little further, for the ideas and customs which it maintains

and furnishes to each new generation as guides for their behavior in

life are analogous to the determinate methods of reaction, the inherited

impulses, reflexes, and instincts with which heredity furnishes the

individual. The tradition of the elders is, as it were, the instinct of

society. It furnishes the prescribed rule for dealing with the ordinary

occasions of life, which is for the most part accepted without inquiry

and applied without reflection. It furnishes the appropriate institution

for providing for each class of social needs, for meeting common

dangers, for satisfying social wants, for regulating social relations.

It constitutes, in short, the framework of society's life which to each

new generation is a part of its hereditary outfit.

But of course in speaking of tradition as a kind of inheritance we

conceive of it as propagated by quite other than biological methods. In

a sense its propagation is psychological, it is handed on from mind to

mind, and even though social institutions may in a sense be actually

incorporated in material things, in buildings, in books, in coronation

robes, or in flags, still it need not be said that these things are

nothing but for the continuity of thought which maintains and develops

their significance. Yet the forces at work in tradition are not purely

psychological; at least they are not to be understood in terms of

individual psychology alone. What is handed on is not merely a set of

ideas but the whole social environment; not merely certain ways of

thinking or of acting but the conditions which prescribe to individuals

the necessity for thinking or acting in certain specific ways if they

are to achieve their own desires. The point is worth dwelling on,

because some writers have thought to simplify the working of tradition

by reducing it to some apparently simple psychological phenomenon like

that of imitation. In this there is more than one element of fallacy.

Now the growth of tradition will in a sense gravely modify the

individual members of the society which maintains it. To any given set

of institutions a certain assemblage of qualities, mental and physical,

will be most appropriate, and these may differ as much as the qualities

necessary for war differ from those of peaceful industry. Any tradition

will obviously call forth from human beings the qualities appropriate to

it, and it will in a sense select the individuals in which those

qualities are the best developed and will tend to bring them to the top

of the social fabric, but this is not to say that it will assert the

same modification upon the stock that would be accomplished by the

working of heredity. The hereditary qualities of the race may remain the

same, though the traditions have changed and though by them one set of

qualities are kept permanently in abeyance, while the other are

continually brought by exercise to the highest point of efficiency.