[1] _Vita Sanctae Hildegardis auctoribus Godefrido et Theodorico
monachis_, lib. iii, cap. 1. The work has been frequently reprinted and
is in Migne, _Patrologia Latina_, vol. 197, col. 91 ff. This volume
will be quoted here simply as ‘Migne’.
[2] Migne, col. 119.
[3] The erroneous statement in some of her biographies that she
journeyed to Paris is based on a misunderstanding.
[4] Cardinal J. B. Pitra, _Analecta sacra_, vol. viii, p. 350, Paris,
1882. This volume will here be quoted simply as ‘Pitra’.
[5] Pitra, p. 556.
[6] Wilhelm Grimm, ‘Wiesbader Glossen’, in Moriz Haupt’s _Zeitschrift
für deutsches Alterthum_, Leipzig, 1848, vol. vi, p. 321. The script is
reproduced in the ill-arranged and irritating work of J. P. Schmelzeis,
_Das Leben und Wirken der heiligen Hildegardis_, Freiburg im Breisgau,
1879; and in Pitra, p. 497. The subject has been summarized by F. W.
E. Roth in his _Lieder und unbekannte Sprache der h. Hildegardis_,
Wiesbaden, 1880.
[7] A short sketch of her life of yet earlier date has survived. It is
from the hand of the monk Guibert and was probably written in 1180:
Pitra, p. 407. The best modern account of her is by F. W. E. Roth in
the _Zeitschrift für kirchliche Wissenschaft und kirchliches Leben_,
vol. ix, p. 453, Leipzig, 1888. Less critical but more readable is the
essay by Albert Battandier, ‘Sainte Hildegarde, sa vie et ses œuvres’,
in the _Revue des questions historiques_, vol. xxxiii, pp. 395-425,
Paris, 1883.
[8] The ‘Acta inquisitionis de virtutibus et miraculis sanctae
Hildegardis’ are reprinted in Migne, col. 131.
[9] This volume is supplemented by ‘Annotationes ad Nova S. Hildegardis
Opera’ in _Analecta Bollandiana_, vol. i, p. 597, Brussels, 1882.
[10] This Wiesbaden MS. has been fully described by Antonius van
der Linde, _Die Handschriften der Königlichen Landesbibliothek in
Wiesbaden_, Wiesbaden, 1877.
[11] Louis Baillet, ‘Les Miniatures du Scivias de sainte Hildegarde’,
in the _Monuments et Mémoires publiés par l’Académie des Inscriptions
et Belles-Lettres_, Paris, 1912, especially pp. 139 and 145.
[12] We are inclined to place the preparation of this remarkable MS.
at a slightly later date than that attributed to it by Baillet. As
Wiesbaden is at present inaccessible we have reproduced the facsimiles
in Plate II from Baillet’s monograph.
[13] For the history of these MSS. see A. van der Linde, loc. cit.,
pp. 30-6.
[14] Goethe, ‘Am Rhein, Main und Neckar’, _Cotta’s Jubiläums-Ausgabe_,
vol. xxix, p. 258.
[15] Wilhelm Grimm in M. Haupt’s _Zeitschrift für deutsches Alterthum_,
vi, p. 321, Leipzig, 1847.
[16] In Étienne Baluze, _Miscellanea novo ordine digesta et non paucis
ineditis monumentis opportunisque animadversionibus aucta opera ac
studio J. D. Mansi_, 4 vols., Lucca, 1761-6; see vol. ii, p. 377.
[17] Cf. J. A. Herbert, _Illuminated Manuscripts_, London, 1911, p. 160.
[18] A. Venturi, _Storia dell’ arte italiana_, Milan, _in progress_,
vol. v, p. 16.
[19] We are unable to concur with Baillet, however, that there is
enough evidence to suggest that the miniaturists of the Lucca MS. had
consulted the Wiesbaden illuminations. Baillet, loc. cit., p. 147.
[20] _Hildegardis causae et curae edidit Paulus Kaiser_, Leipzig,
B. G. Teubner, 1903. The MS. was brought to light by C. Jessen in
the _Sitzungsberichte der kaiserl. Akademie der Wissenschaften,
Mathematisch-naturwissenschaftliche Klasse_, Band xlv, Heft 1,
p. 97, Vienna, 1862. See also the same author in _Botanik in
kulturhistorischer Entwickelung_, pp. 124-6, Leipzig, 1862, and in the
_Anzeiger für Kunde der deutschen Vorzeit_, 1875, p. 175. An imperfect
edition appeared in 1882 in Pitra, p. 468, under the title _Liber
compositae medicinae de aegritudinum causis signis atque curis_.
[21] Royal Library of Copenhagen, MS. Ny. Kgl. Saml., No. 90 b.
[22] _Experimentarius medicinae continens Trotulae curandarum
Aegritudinum muliebrium ... item quatuor Hildegardis de elementorum,
fluminum aliquot Germaniae, metallorum,... herbarum, piscium &
animantium terrae, naturis et operationibus_. Edited by G. Kraut,
Strasbourg, J. Schott, 1544. The work often ascribed to Trotula is
somewhat similar to the spurious medical works of Hildegard. Like
them, it was probably written early in the thirteenth century. Trotula
herself lived in the eleventh century, a generation or two before
Hildegard. On Trotula see Salvatore de Renzi, _Collectio Salernitana_,
vol. i, p. 149, Naples, 1852.
[23] In the _Vita_, lib. ii, cap. 1; Migne, col. 101.
[24] Migne, col. 1125. See also F. A. Reuss, _De Libris physicis S.
Hildegardis commentatio historico-medica_, Würzburg, 1835, and ‘Der
heiligen Hildegard Subtilitatum diversarum naturarum creaturarum
libri novem, die werthvollste Urkunde deutscher Natur- und Heilkunde
aus dem Mittelalter’ in the _Annalen des Vereins für Nassauische
Alterthumskunde und Geschichtsforschung_, Band vi, Heft 1, Wiesbaden,
1859.
[25] Rudolf Virchow, ‘Zur Geschichte des Aussatzes und der Spitäler,
besonders in Deutschland’, in Virchow’s _Archiv für Pathologie_, vol.
xviii, p. 285, &c., Berlin, 1860.
[26] Reuss, in Migne, cols. 1121 and 1122, states on Theodoric’s
authority that Hildegard had written a _book_ on this subject: ‘Exstat
inter libros virginis fatidicae superstites opus argumenti partim
physici partim medici, “De natura hominis, elementorum diversarumque
creaturarum” in quo, ut Theodoricus idem fusius exponit, secreta
naturae prophetico spiritu manifestavit.’ But Theodoric does not
in fact anywhere speak of a _special work_ with this title or of
this character. What he does write is as follows (_Vita_, lib. ii,
cap. i, Migne, col. 101): ‘Igitur beata virgo ... librum visionum
... consummavit et _quaedam_ de natura hominis et elementorum,
diversarumque creaturarum, et quomodo homini ex his succurrendum sit,
aliaque multa secreta prophetico spiritu manifestavit.’
[27] Migne, cols. 1212 and 1213.
[28] As detailed in the _Liber vitae meritorum_, Pitra, p. 228, and in
many places in the _Liber divinorum operum_ and _Scivias_.
[29] An exception must be made for the _lingua ignota_, which is
presumably hers. The absence of Germanisms in her other writings may
be partly due to the work of an editor. See the _Vita_ by Theodoric,
Migne, col. 101. Also the birth scene (see chapter ix below) is perhaps
adapted from a German folk-tale.
[30] Johannes Trithemius, _Chronicon insigne Monasterii Hirsaugensis,
Ordinis St. Benedicti_, Basel, 1559, p. 174.
[31] Migne, col. 384.
[32] It is not enough to suppose with some of her biographers that the
visions were dictated by Hildegard and were latinized by a secretary.
The visions imply a good deal of study and considerable book-learning.
Among many reasons for believing that she had a very serviceable
knowledge of Latin are the following:
(_a_) She was well acquainted with the Biblical writings and quotes
them aptly and frequently.
(_b_) She was regarded by her contemporaries as an authority on
scriptural interpretation and on Church discipline, and was frequently
consulted by them on these subjects.
(_c_) She pleaded in person before clerical tribunals.
(_d_) One of the least remarkable and most credible of her ‘miracles’,
the expounding of certain letters found upon an altar-cloth (Migne,
col. 121), depends entirely on a knowledge of Latin.
(_e_) In the _Liber divinorum operum_ (Migne, col. 922) she writes
‘firmamentum _celum_ nominavit quoniam omnia _excellit_’, a derivation
taken from Isidore and incomprehensible to one ignorant of Latin. There
are many other passages in her works in which the sense depends on the
Latin usage of a word.
(_f_) No mention of this ignorance is made by Guibert in the short
sketch of her life that he wrote almost immediately after her death
(1180; see Pitra, p. 407). On the contrary, he suggests that she had
been an industrious student.
(_g_) The _Liber divinorum operum_ may especially be pointed out
among her works as betraying a very considerable degree of learning.
Notably her elaborate doctrine of the macrocosm and microcosm must have
involved extensive reading.
The general question of Hildegard’s knowledge of Latin has also been
discussed by Pitra and by Albert Battandier in the _Revue des questions
historiques_, vol. xxxiii, p. 395, Paris, 1883.
[33] See chapter viii.
[34] It is, however, just possible that she had consulted the
astrological work that had been translated from the Arabic by Hermann
the Dalmatian for Bernard Sylvestris, and is represented in the
Bodleian MSS. Digby 46 and Ashmole 304.
[35] See Baldassare Boncompagni, _Della vita e delle opere di
Gherardo Cremonese, Traduttore del secolo duodecimo, e di Gherardo di
Sabbionetta, Astronomo del secolo decimoterzo_, Rome, 1851; also K.
Sudhoff, ‘Die kurze “Vita” und das Verzeichnis der Arbeiten Gerhards
von Cremona, von seinen Schülern und Studiengenossen kurz nach dem Tode
des Meisters (1187) zu Toledo verabfasst’, in _Archiv für Geschichte
der Medizin_, Bd. viii, p. 73, November 1914.
[36] Another translation of the _Almagest_ was made in Sicily in 1160,
direct from the Greek. See C. H. Haskins and D. P. Lockwood, ‘The
Sicilian Translators of the Twelfth Century and the First Latin Version
of Ptolemy’s _Almagest_’, in _Harvard Studies in Classical Philology_,
xi. 75, Cambridge, Mass., 1910. It is wholly improbable that Hildegard
had access to this rendering, which is only known from a single MS. of
the fourteenth century.
[37] De Renzi, _Collectio Salernitana_, vol. i, p. 485, and vol. v,
p. 50.
[38] De Renzi, i. 486 and 495; v. 51 and 70.
[39] De Renzi, i. 446; v. 3.
[40] De Renzi, i. 485-6; v. 50-2.
[41] _Scivias_, Migne, col. 403, and _Liber Divinorum Operum_, Migne,
col. 868 and elsewhere.
[42] _Scivias_, Migne, col. 404, and throughout the _Liber Divinorum
Operum_.
[43] Pitra, pp. 8, 114-16, 156, and 216.
[44] The work of Bernard Sylvestris has been printed by C. S. Barach
and J. Wrobel, Innsbruck, 1876. His identity, his sources, and his
views are discussed by Charles Jourdain, _Dissertation sur l’état de la
philosophie naturelle ... pendant la première moitié du XII^e siècle_;
by A. Clerval, _Les Écoles de Chartres au Moyen Âge_, Paris, 1895,
p. 259, &c.; by R. L. Poole, _Illustrations of the History of Mediaeval
Thought_, London, 1884, p. 116, &c.; and by J. E. Sandys, _History of
Classical Scholarship_, Cambridge, 1903, vol. i, p. 513, &c.
[45] The works of Hugh of St. Victor are published in Migne,
_Patrologia Latina_, clxxv-clxxvii.
[46] The Kalonymos family furnished prominent examples.
[47] Charles Singer, ‘Allegorical Representation of the Synagogue, in
a Twelfth-Century Illuminated MS. of Hildegard of Bingen’, _Jewish
Quarterly Review_, new series, vol. v, p. 268, Philadelphia, 1915. For
further evidence of Hildegard’s acquaintance with the Jews see Pitra,
p. 216; and Migne, cols. 967 and 1020-36.
[48] Pitra, p. 51 et seq.
[49] Catello de Vivo, _La Visione di Alberico, ristampata, tradotta e
comparata con la Divina Commedia_, Ariano, 1899. For a comparison of
Dante’s visions and those of Hildegard see Albert Battandier in the
_Revue des questions historiques_, vol. xxxiii, p. 422, Paris, 1883.
[50] Reprinted in Migne, vol. 195.
[51] Herrade de Landsberg, _Hortus Deliciarum_, by A. Straub and G.
Keller, Strasbourg, 1901, with two supplements.
[52] For sphericity of earth see especially Migne, cols. 868 and 903.
[53] In her later _Liber Divinorum Simplicis Hominis_ this method
of orientation is varied both in the text and also in the Lucca
illustrations.
[54] Migne, col. 906.
[55] Migne, cols. 903-4.
[56] See H. Osborn Taylor, _The Mediaeval Mind_, vol. i, p. 472,
London, 1911.
[57] Migne, cols. 904-6.
[58] H. Osborn Taylor, _The Mediaeval Mind_, i. 468, 471; ii. 569. See
also A. Battandier, _Revue des questions historiques_, vol. xxxiii,
p. 422, Paris, 1883.
[59] The _Meteorologica_ had been translated about 1150 by Aristippus,
the minister of William the Bad of Sicily. The version of Aristippus
passed quickly into circulation (Valentine Rose, ‘Die Lücke im Diogenes
Laërtus und der alte Übersetzer’ in _Hermes_, i. 376, Berlin, 1866),
but hardly soon enough for Hildegard’s _Scivias_, which was completed
about 1150. It is, of course, possible that the references to the
_ignis niger_ are later interpolations, but this is very unlikely
in view of the way in which she speaks of this vision in the _Liber
Divinorum Operum_.
[60] Migne, cols. 789-91.
[61] Migne, col. 389.
[62] Plate XII _a_. The elements are represented in their original
order undisturbed by the Fall. Uppermost is the _purus aether_ or _aer
lucidus_ containing the stars and representing the element _air_ in
Hildegard’s cosmic system. Next comes _water_. Below, and to the left,
is a dark mass separating into tongues, one of which is formed into a
serpent’s head. These tongues are flames of _fire_. Below, and to the
right, are plants and flowers emblematical of _earth_. The serpent,
the enemy, vomits over a cloud of stars (signifying the fallen angels)
that are borne downward by the falling Adam. In the four corners of the
miniature the symbols of the elements are again displayed.
[63] Plate XIII. Above, in a circle, sits the Heavenly Judge. He is
flanked on either side by groups of angels bearing the cross and
other symbols. The lower circle exhibits the final destruction of
the elemental Universe. The four winds and their collaterals are
here subjecting the elements to the crucible heat of their combined
blasts. Strewn among the elements can be seen men, plants, and animals.
Between the circles is an angel sounding the last trump, and holding
the recording roll of good and evil deeds. He faces the throng of the
righteous who are rising from their bones, while he turns his back
on the weeping crowd of those doomed to torment. Below these latter
crouches Satan, now enchained.
[64] Plate XII _b_. In the highest circle is the Trinity flanked to
the left by the Virgin and to the right by the Baptist, with Cherubim
below. In the middle circle are two groups, the Saints above and the
Prophets and Apostles below. In the lowest circle are the elements, now
rearranged in their eternal harmony; uppermost of these is the _purus
aether_ now separated from the _aer lucidus_ and containing the stars;
on either side are light-coloured flame-like processes representing the
_air_; below the aether is _water_, indicated by a zone of undulating
lines; then comes the _earth_ symbolized, as usual, by a group of
plants. Below and to the side of _earth_ are dark-coloured flames of
fire, now controlled and confined to this lowest rung.
[65] Migne, col. 791.
[66] See Ernest Wickersheimer, ‘Figures médico-astrologiques des
neuvième, dixième et onzième siècles’, in the _Transactions of the
Seventeenth International Congress of Medicine, Section XXIII, History
of Medicine_, p. 313, London, 1913.
[67] Migne, cols. 403-14.
[68] Migne, col. 751.
[69] Migne, col. 791.
[70] The _Quaestio de Aqua et Terra_ is doubtless a genuine, albeit
the least pleasing, production of the great poet. The genuineness is
established by Vincenzo Balgi in his edition, Modena, 1907.
[71] Migne, col. 741.
[72] Migne, col. 743.
[73] It is outside our purpose to attempt a full elucidation of
Hildegard’s allegory. The eagle in the right wing signifies the power
of divine grace, while the human head in the left wing indicates the
powers of the natural man. To the bosom of the figure is clasped the
Lamb of God.
[74] Migne, col. 751.
[75] Migne, col. 744.
[76] _Liber Divinorum Operum_, part i, visions 2 and 3.
[77] Migne, cols. 752-5.
[78] Migne, col. 807.
[79] The work is printed by C. S. Barach and J. Wrobel, Innsbruck,
1876. The writers, however, confuse Bernard Sylvestris of Tours with
his somewhat older contemporary, Bernard of Chartres.
[80] A. Clerval, _Les Écoles de Chartres au Moyen Âge_, Paris, 1895.
[81] J. E. Sandys, _History of Classical Scholarship_, Cambridge, 1903,
vol. i, p. 515.
[82] R. Lane Poole, _Illustrations of the History of Mediaeval Thought
in the Departments of Theology and Ecclesiastical Politics_, Oxford,
1884, pp. 118, 219.
[83] Barach and Wrobel, _loc. cit._, pp. 5-6, 9 and 13.
[84] For a general consideration of these figures see K. Sudhoff,
_Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin_, i. 157, 219; ii. 84.
[85] E. Wickersheimer, ‘Figures médico-astrologiques des neuvième,
dixième et onzième siècles’, _Transactions of the Seventeenth
International Congress of Medicine, Section XXIII, History of
Medicine_, p. 313, London, 1913.
[86] The MS. from which Plate XV is taken _(Paris, Bibl. nat., Latin_
7028) is entitled _Scholium de duodecim zodiaci signis et de ventis_.
It was once the property of St. Hilaire the Great of Poitiers. The
legend above our figure reads, ‘Secundum philosophorum deliramenta
notantur duodecim signa ita ab ariete incipiamus’. The relation of the
signs to the parts of the body is different in this eleventh-century
MS. from that which was widely accepted in the astrology of the
thirteenth and fourteenth centuries as illustrated in Plate XVI.
[87] The MS. from which Plate XVI is taken (_Paris, Bibl. nat., Latin_
11229) was written about the end of the fourteenth century. It has been
described by K. Sudhoff, _Arch. f. Gesch. d. Med._, ii. 84, Leipzig,
1910. The relation of the central figure to the signs of the zodiac in
this plate bears a manifest resemblance to the relation of the central
figure to the beasts’ heads in Plate vii. The lines which cross and
recross the figure in Plate VII are analogous also to the lines of
influence of Plate XVI. The verse above the figure in Plate XVI is
taken from the _Flos medicinae scholae Salerni_; cp. de Renzi, loc.
cit., i. 486. This Melothesia and that of the next figure is identical
with that propounded in Manilius, ii. 453 (edition of H. W. Garrod,
Oxford, 1911).
[88] Plate XVII is from an early German block book. It exhibits a
scheme closely parallel to Plate VII. The universe in Plate XVII is
represented as a series of concentric spheres, _earth_ innermost,
followed by _water_, _air_, and _fire_. In the outermost zone hover the
angels who have replaced the beast’s head of Hildegard’s scheme. The
whole world is embraced by the figure of the Almighty, much as in Plate
VII.
[89] See E. Wickersheimer, ‘La médecine astrologique dans les almanachs
populaires du xx^{e} siècle’, _Bulletin de la Société française
d’histoire de la médecine_, x (1911), pp. 26-39.
[90] Migne, col. 757. This phrase is reproduced in a mediaeval
Irish version of the work of Messahalah. See Maura Power, _An Irish
Astronomical Text_, Irish Text Society, London, 1912.
[91] The word _cancer_ is here used, but the crab goes sideways, not
backwards. By _cancer_ Hildegard, who had never seen the sea, probably
means the crayfish, an animal fairly common in the Rhine basin. It is
the head of a crayfish or lobster that is figured in the miniatures of
the vision of the macrocosm in the Lucca MS., and a similar organism
frequently serves for the sign Cancer in the mediaeval zodiacal medical
figures, as in Plate XV of this essay.
[92] Migne, cols. 3, 791-2.
[93] An illustration of this parallelism between Paracelsus and
Hildegard is afforded by certain passages in the _Labyrinthus medicorum
errantium_ and the _Scivias_, lib. i, vis. 4. Especially compare p. 279
et seq. of Huser’s edition of the _Opera_, Strasbourg, 1603, with
Migne, col. 428.
[94] A good example is furnished by a work of Isaac Myer, _Qabbalah.
The philosophical writings of Solomon ben Yehudah ibn Gebirol or
Avicebron and their connection with the Hebrew Qabbalah and Sepher
ha-Zohar_, Philadelphia, 1888.
[95] The most accessible edition is in S. de Renzi’s _Collectio
Salernitana_, vol. ii, p. 388.
[96] Printed in de Renzi, vol. ii, p. 391.
[97] Printed in _Methodus medendi certa clara et brevis_, Basel,
Henricus Petrus, 1541, p. 313.
[98] Printed in _Summi in omni philosophia viri constantini africani
medici operum reliqua_, Basel, Henricus Petrus, 1539, p. 24.
[99] Karl Sudhoff, _Tradition und Naturbeobachtung_, Leipzig, 1907;
_Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Anatomie im Mittelalter_, Leipzig,
1908; ‘Drei weitere anatomische Fünfbilderserien aus Abendland und
Morgenland’ (with Ernst Seidel) and ‘Abermals eine neue Handschrift der
anatomischen Fünfbilderserie’ in _Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin_,
Leipzig, 1910 and 1914.
[100] E. H. C. Walsh, ‘The Tibetan Anatomical System’, in the _Journal
of the Royal Asiatic Society_, London, October 1910, p. 1215; Berthold
Laufer, _Beiträge zur Kenntnis der Tibetanischen Medizin_, Berlin,
1900; and K. Sudhoff, ‘Weitere Beiträge zur Geschichte der Anatomie im
Mittelalter’, in the _Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin_, vol. viii,
p. 143, Leipzig, 1914.
[101] This text, critically treated, has been printed by K. Sudhoff,
who, however, regards it as related to the figures: _Archiv für
Geschichte der Medizin_, vol. iii, p. 361, Leipzig, 1910.
[102] Hugh of St. Victor, _De bestiis et aliis rebus_, iii. 60.
[103] Migne, col. 755.
[104] An idea that occurs in Aristotle, _Parts of Animals_, ii, c. 2,
but is rejected by Galen.
[105] Early mediaeval writers held that the _lumbus_, which we have
rendered _loin_, was intimately connected with the sexual faculties.
Thus Hugh of St. Victor (1095-1141), _De bestiis et aliis rebus_, iii.
60 ‘Lumbi a libidinis lascivia dicti, quia in viris causa corporeae
voluptatis in ipsis est, sicut in umbilico feminis. Unde et ab Iob in
exordio sermonis dictum est, _accinge sicut vir lumbos tuos_, ut in his
esset resistendi praeparatio, in quibus est libidinis usitata dominandi
occasio.’
[106] Migne, cols. 792-3.
[107] The legend reads as follows: ‘Minor mundus scilicet homo.
_Microcosmus_. [Then on the head the names of the seven planets.] Caput
microcosmi est rotundum in celestis spere modum in quo duo oculi ut duo
luminaria in celo micant quod & septem foramina ut septem celi armonie
ornant. In pectore sunt flatus & tussis ut in aere uenti & tonitrua.
In uentrem omnia fluunt ut in mare flumina. Os lapides ungues arbos
dant gramina crines Ut pede mole[m] corporis sic terra sustinet omnia.
[At the four corners the following legends:] Aer huic donat quod flat.
sonat. audit. odorat. Ignis feruorem dat uisum mobilitatem. Aqua. Munus
aque gustus humorem sanguinis usus. Ex terra carnem tactum trahit &
gravitatem.’
[108] Migne, col. 415.
[109] Migne, col. 421.
[110] Migne, col. 424.
[111] The Aristotelian writings also compare the transformation of the
material humours into the child’s body with the solidification of milk
in the formation of cheese.
[112] Migne, col. 425.
[113] Especially in the _Liber Divinorum Operum_, pars 1. vis. iv.
[114] The eagle is frequently in mediaeval writings a symbol of the
power of divine grace.
[115] Migne, col. 110.
[116] Migne, col. 111.
[117] Migne, col. 384.
[118] _Scivias_, lib. iii, vis. 1; Migne, col. 565.
[119] Migne, col. 18.
[120] Migne, col. 18.
[121] _Cartulaire de l’Université de Montpellier (1180-1518)_,
Montpellier, 1894, p. 21.
[122] Dates of the institution of dissection at this and other
Universities are given by F. Baker in _Bulletin of the Johns Hopkins
Hospital_, vol. xx, p. 331, Baltimore, 1909.
[123] Statuti dell’ Università di Medicina e di Arti del 1405, Rubr.
lxxxxvi (‘De anothomia quolibet anno fienda’) in the _Statuti delle
Università e dei collegi dello Studio bolognese_, edited by Carlo
Malagola, Bologna, 1888, p. 289.
[124] J. Säxinger, _Ueber die Entwickelung des medizinischen
Unterrichts an der Tübinger Hochschule_, Tübingen, 1884, pp. 5 and 10.
[125] How rarely dissections were conducted in some of the Universities
may be gathered from the first statutes of the medical faculty of
Tübingen, dated 1497. These ordain a dissection _every three or four
years_. Not till 1601 was an anatomy held at Tübingen even once a year
(see Säxinger, loc. cit.). Even at Montpellier in the sixteenth century
the scarcity was so great that Rondelet (1507-66) was on one occasion
reduced to dissect the body of his son. For this terrible incident see
A. Portal, _Histoire de l’Anatomie et Chirurgie_, Paris, 1770, vol. i,
p. 522; A. Haller, _Bibliotheca anatomica_, Lib. iv, § clxxxiv, Leyden,
1774, vol. i, p. 205; and A. O. Goelicke, _Introductio in historiam
litterariam anatomes_, Frankfurt, 1738, p. 136. There was, however, a
relatively plentiful supply of subjects in the Italian Universities
and especially at Bologna and Padua in the fourteenth, fifteenth,
and sixteenth centuries (cp. A. Haller, _Bibliotheca anatomica_,
introduction to Lib. v, p. 218). This was perhaps due to the utterly
depraved state of public and private morals to which the peoples of
the peninsula had been reduced by the excesses of the tyrants and the
condottieri.
[126] Plate XXVIII _b_ is perhaps the earliest representation of the
practice of dissection yet brought to light. It is described in Charles
Singer, ‘Thirteenth-Century Miniatures illustrating Medical Practice’,
_Proceedings of the Royal Society of Medicine, Section of the History
of Medicine_, 1916, vol. ix, pp. 29-42.
[127] Plate XXIX: a post-mortem scene in the late fourteenth century,
from a French MS. of the _Grande Chirurgie_ of Guy de Chauliac,
Bibliothèque de la Faculté de Médecine de Montpellier, MS. 184
français, folio 14 recto. The scene is laid in the bedroom of the
deceased. In the left-hand top corner is the bed, by the side of
which a female figure, partly obliterated, is praying. Below and to
the left are two other female figures, and a man richly dressed in an
ermine-trimmed robe. These are presumably the relatives of the dead.
The corpse, that of a woman, has been placed on a bare table and is
opened from the larynx to the symphysis pubis. In front stands a lad
holding a round wooden vessel for the reception of the viscera, and
farther to the right is a stool on which are placed two or three
instruments. The physician, in full canonicals, is at the extreme right
of the picture. The actual process of examination is being made by
three of his assistants. To the left the first of these deepens, with
a knife, the incision that has already been made over the sternum, the
second is grasping with his two hands and rolling up the great omentum
so as to display the viscera beneath, and the third holds a wand in his
right hand, with which he points to the abdomen, while in his left he
carries a book. Five others throng into the room from a passage which
opens into it.
[128] Antonio Benivieni, _De abditis nonnullis ac mirandis morborum
et sanationum causis_, Florence, 1506. In the description of Case 32,
Benivieni expresses surprise at having been refused permission to
perform a post-mortem examination, as though it were unusual for him
to meet rebuffs of the kind. ‘Experimento comprobare volentes, corpus
incidere tentavimus sed nescio qua superstitione negantibus cognatis,
voti compotes fieri nequivimus.’
[129] See E. Nicaise, _La Grande Chirurgie de Guy de Chauliac_, p. 30,
Paris, 1890.
[130] ‘Ut Anatomici explicationem ipsius Mundini sequantur’, Francesco
Maria Colle, _Storia scientifico-letteraria dello Studio di Padova_, 4
vols., Padua, 1824-5, vol. iii, p. 108.
[131] Martin von Mellerstadt, also called Pollich or Polich.
[132] Plate XXX _a_, from a late fifteenth-century Provençal
translation of the _Grande Chirurgie_ of Guy de Chauliac. Vatican
Library, MS. hispanice 4804, folio 8 recto. A professor and pupil are
examining a wasted corpse placed on a trestle in the open air. The
teacher is pointing out the surface markings.
[133] Plate XXX _b_, from the French Guy de Chauliac MS. in the Bristol
Reference Library, folio 25 recto. The MS. dates from between the years
1420 and 1435; cp. Norris Mathews, _Early Printed Books and MSS. in the
Bristol Reference Library_, Bristol, 1899, p. 70; J. A. Nixon, ‘A New
Guy de Chauliac MS.’, in _Transactions of the XVIIth Internal. Cong.
of Med., Sect. of Hist. of Med._, London, 1914, p. 419; and Charles
Singer, ‘The Figures of the Bristol Guy de Chauliac MS. _circa_ 1430’,
_Proceedings of the Royal Society of Medicine, Section of the History
of Medicine_, 1917, vol. x, pp. 71-91. The figure shows a professor and
pupil. The former is demonstrating the bones of a skeleton.
[134] The number of female criminals being less than the number of
male criminals, Ludovico Frati states (_La vita privata di Bologna
dal secolo XIII al XVII_, Bologna, 1900, pp. 116-18) that only two
anatomies _in all_ were held each year, and thirty students admitted
to the female and twenty to the male dissection. This would mean far
less than _two dissections a year for each student_ of over two years’
standing.
[135] The anatomical works of Leonardo have now been rendered
accessible in _Tredici Foglie delta Royal Library di Windsor. Leonardo
da Vinci, Quaderni d’anatomia ... Pubblicati da O. C. L. Vangensten, A.
Fonahm, H. Hopstock_, Christiania, 1911, &c.
[136] Pollaiuolo and Verrocchio only studied surface anatomy, so far as
is known. For a summary of the anatomical work of these painters see M.
Duval and E. Cuyer, _Histoire de l’Anatomie plastique_, p. 20, Paris,
1898.
[137] It has been suggested that Giammatteo Ferrari da Grado (Matthaeus
de Gradibus), who was professor of Medicine at Pavia 1432-72, made
original contributions to anatomy. He wrote no separate work on
anatomy, but his observations on the ovaries (which he was perhaps the
first to call by that name) appear in his _Practica_, Milan, 1471,
and in his _Expositiones super vigesimam secundam Fen tertii canonis
Avicennae_, Milan, 1494. An interesting account of Ferrari’s life and
work is given by his descendant, H. M. Ferrari, in _Une Chaire de
Médecine au XV^{e} siècle; Un professeur a l’université de Pavie de
1432 à 1472_, Paris, 1899. In this work the claim that De Gradibus was
an original and independent observer is effectively disposed of.
[138] At least six Western copies of this series, besides three or more
of oriental origin, have now been detected. The Western MSS. and their
dates are as follows:
(_a_) Munich, Hof- und Staatsbibliothek, Cod. lat. monacensis 13002,
before 1158.
(_b_) Munich, Hof- und Staatsbibliothek, Cod. lat. monacensis 17403,
_circa_ 1250.
(_c_) Bodleian Library, MS. Ashmole 399, _circa_ 1290.
(_d_) Dresden, Kgl. Öffentl. Bibliothek, Codex 310, before 1323.
(_e_) Bodleian Library, MS. e Museo 19, before 1344.
(_f_) Library of Count F. Zdenho von Lobkowicz in Raudnitz, of 1399.
See E. Seidel and K. Sudhoff, especially ‘Drei weitere anatomische
Fünfbilderserien aus Abendland und Morgenland’, in _Archiv für Gesch.
der Med._, iii, p. 165, Leipzig, 1910.
[139] Cp. K. Sudhoff in _Ein Beitrag zur Gesch. der Anatomie im
Mittelalter_, Leipzig, 1908.
[140] E. Wickersheimer, ‘L’Anatomie de Guido de Vigevano, médecin de la
reine Jeanne de Bourgogne (1345)’, in _Archiv für Geschichte der Med._,
vii. 1, Leipzig, 1914. M. Wickersheimer has kindly given permission for
the reproduction of the figures in Plates XXXI and XXXII.
[141] Notably the MS. Roncioni 99, dating from the first half of the
twelfth century, in the University Library of Pisa, reproduced by K.
Sudhoff in the _Archiv für Gesch. der Med._, vii, Tafel xiv, 1914. Also
separate organs are depicted in the Bodleian MS. Ashmole 399, dating
from the end of the thirteenth century, reproduced in Fig. 6.
[142] The miniatures of the Dresden Codex have been studied by L.
Choulant, _Geschichte und Bibliographie der anatomischen Abbildung
nach ihrer Beziehung auf anatomische Wissenschaft und bildende Kunst_,
Leipzig, 1852, and in the _Archiv für die zeichnenden Künste_, II.
Jahrgang, Leipzig, 1856, p. 264. More recently the MS. has been most
carefully described and its miniatures reproduced by E. C. van Leersum
and W. Martin, _Miniaturen der lateinischen Galenos-Handschrift der
kgl. öffentl. Bibliothek in Dresden, in phototypischer Reproduktion_,
Leyden, 1910. We have to thank Dr. Van Leersum of Leyden for kind
permission to reproduce the figures of Plate XXXIV.
[143] Cp. P. Triaire, _Les leçons d’anatomie et les peintres hollandais
aux XVI^{e} et XVII^{e} siècles_, Paris, 1887.
[144] For della Torre and his projected work on anatomy, see G.
Cervetto, _Di alcuni illustri anatomici italiani del decimoquinto
secolo_, p. 46, Verona, 1842; also L. Choulant, _Geschichte der
anatomischen Abbildung_, p. 5, Leipzig, 1852.
[145] The first edition appeared in Venice in 1491 and is in Latin. It
is of less typographical interest.
[146] K. Sudhoff, ‘Eine Pariser “Ketham” Handschrift aus der Zeit König
Karls VI (1380-1422)’, in _Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin_, vol. ii,
p. 84, Leipzig, 1909; ‘Neue Beiträge zur Vorgeschichte des Ketham’, in
_Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin_, vol. v, p. 280, Leipzig, 1912.
[147] Prince d’Essling, _Les livres à figures vénitiens de la fin du
XV^{e} siècle et du commencement du XVI^{e}_, part i, vol. ii, p. 56,
Florence and Paris, 1908.
[148] Eugène Piot, _Le Cabinet de l’amateur_, nouv. série, Paris, 1861,
‘Le maître aux dauphins’, p. 354 et seq. The dolphins are seen on
either side of the chair in Plate XXVII.
[149] Duc de Rivoli, _Bibliographie des livres à figures vénétiens_,
p. 110, Paris, 1893.
[150] Cp. G. Albertotti, _Nuove osservazioni sul ‘Fasciculus medicinae’
del Ketham_, Padua, 1910.
[151] See K. Sudhoff, ‘Weibliche Situsbilder von ca. 1400-1543’, in
_Tradition und Naturbeobachtung_, p. 79, Leipzig, 1907. The number and
character of the indication lines attached to this figure suggest that
the block from which the impression has been taken had previously been
used for some other publication. This work, however, if it exists, has
not yet come to light.
[152] Michele Medici, _Della vita e degli scritti degli anatomici e
medici fioriti in Bologna dal comincio del secolo XIII_, Bologna, 1853;
_Compendio storico della scuola anatomica di Bologna dal Rinascimento
delle Scienze e delle Lettere a tutto il Secolo XVIII_, Bologna, 1857.
[153] The mediaeval term, ‘vena chilis’, lasted in anatomy until
the end of the sixteenth century and probably later. ‘_Chilis_’ is
a corruption of the Greek κοίλη. This hybrid name was abandoned by
Vesalius (_Fabrica_, 1543 Basle edition, p. 376) in favour of the title
‘vena cava’.
[154] The passage is translated from Michele Medici, _Compendio
storico_, pp. 10-11.
[155] See A. Laboulbène, ‘Les anatomistes anciens’, in _Revue
scientifique pour la France et pour l’Étranger_, vol. xxxviii,
p. 641, Paris, 1886; Robert Ritter von Töply in Puschmann, Pagel, and
Neuburger, _Handbuch der Geschichte der Medizin_, vol. ii, p. 197,
Jena, 1903; G. Martinotti, ‘L’insegnamento dell’ Anatomia in Bologna
prima del secolo xix’, in _Studi e Memorie per la storia dell’
università di Bologna_, vol. ii, p. 51, Bologna, 1911.
[156] An intermediate anatomist was Gulielmo Varignana, who was
professor of Medicine in Bologna, and is recorded as having opened for
judicial purposes, on February 15, 1302, the corpse of one alleged to
have been poisoned. See Michele Medici, op. cit. The investigation is
referred to above.
[157] Dr. Craigie in his excellent account of the History of Anatomy,
in the ninth and subsequent editions of the _Encyclopaedia Britannica_.
[158] ‘Mundinus quem omnis studentium universitas colit ut deum’, J.
Adelphus in his edition of Mondino, Strassburg, 1513.
[159] _Editio princeps_, Lyons, 1478.
[160] Pietro de Argellata, _Cirurgia_, ‘Incipit liber primus cirurgie
magistri Petri de la Cerlata’ (!), Venice, 1492. Quotation from lib.
v, tract. 12, chap. 3. An earlier edition which we have not seen was
printed in Venice in 1480.
[161] The ‘pomegranate’ sometimes also means the xiphisternum. It is
not clear which is implied here.
[162] Giovanni da Concoreggio, _Lucidarium et Flos Medicinae_, Giunta,
Florence, 1521. It contains a few scattered anatomical points.
[163] De Zerbis, _Liber Anatomiae corporis humani et singulorum
membrorum illius_, Venice, 1502.
[164] Reprinted in the _Anatomia_ of Johannes Dryander, Marburg, 1537.
[165] Alessandro Achillini, _Annotationes anatomiae_, Bologna, 1520.
This work is also included in the 1502 edition of De Zerbis’ _Liber
Anatomiae_.
[166] _Carpi commentaria cum amplissimis additionibus super anatomia
mundini una cum textu eiusdem in pristinum et verum nitorem redacto_,
Bologna, 1521. An earlier and less important edition of Carpi was the
_Anathomia Mundini noviter impressa ac per Carpum castigata_ that
appeared at Bologna in 1514.
[167] The figures in Ketham and in the wretched productions of Johannes
Adelphus (J. A. Muelich), of Hundt, and of Peyligk can hardly be said
to illustrate the text of anatomical treatises.
[168] Albano Sorbelli, _Le Croniche Bolognesi del Secolo XIV_, Bologna,
1900; _La Signoria di Giovanni Visconti a Bologna_, Bologna, 1901;
Michele Medici, loc. cit., p. 4.
[169] Giovanni Fantuzzi, _Notizie degli scrittori bolognesi_, Tom. v,
p. 196, Bologna, 1786.
[170] Hastings Rashdall, _The Universities of Europe in the Middle
Ages_, 3 vols., Oxford, 1895, vol. i, p. 244.
[171] He is mentioned in this capacity by Niccolò Burzio, _Bononia
illustrata_, Bologna, 1494. We have been unable to consult this work,
which is quoted by Fantuzzi, loc. cit. See also Ferdinando Gabotto,
_Bartolomeo Manfredi e l’Astrologia alla Corte di Mantova_, Torino,
1891, p. 19.
[172] Manfredi’s University career is extracted from Umberto Dallari,
_I rotuli dei lettori legisti e artisti dello studio bolognese dal 1384
al 1799_, Bologna, vol. i, 1888, and Luigi Nardi and Emilio Orioli,
_Chartularium Studii Bononiensis_, Imola, vol. i, 1907.
[173] See also P. A. Orlandi, _Notizie degli scrittori bolognesi_,
Bologna, 1714.
[174] Johannes Franciscus Picus Mirandula, _Disputationes adversus
astrologos_, Lib. ii, cap. 9, Bologna, 1495. Our quotation is from
the original 1495 edition, not from the slightly variant _édition
contrefaite_.
[175] G. Fantuzzi, loc. cit., p. 197.
[176] U. Santini, ‘Cenni statistici sulla Popolazione del Quartiere
di S. Proclo in Bologna’, in _Atti e Memorie della R. Deputazione di
Storia Patria per le Provincie di Romagna_, series 3, vol. xxxiv,
pp. 366 and 367, Bologna, 1906.
[177] See map of the old University buildings of Bologna prefixed to
Francesco Cavazza, _Le Scuole dell’ antico studio bolognese_, Milan,
1896.
[178] The date 1462, clearly printed on this edition, is certainly
erroneous, since there was no printing-press at Bologna till 1471.
A. E. Nordenskiöld (_Facsimile Atlas till Kartografiens äldesta
Historia_, Stockholm, 1889, p. 12) consider that 1472 is the true date,
but the point is not yet finally settled. See J. A. J. de Villiers,
‘Famous Maps in the British Museum’, in _Geographical Journal_, vol.
liv, London, August 1914, p. 173. Albano Sorbelli, in his authoritative
_I Primordi della Stampa in Bologna_, Bologna, 1908, does not mention
Manfredi’s edition of Ptolemy among the earliest printed Bolognese
works (1471-5).
[179] Albrecht von Haller, _Bibliotheca anatomica_, Zürich, 1774-7,
vol. ii, p. 738.
[180] Michele Medici, _Compendio storico della Scuola anatomica di
Bologna dal Rinascimento delle Scienze e delle Lettere a tutto il
Secolo XVIII_, Bologna, 1857, folio.
[181] G. Martinotti, ‘L’insegnamento dell’ anatomia in Bologna prima
del secolo XIX’, in _Studi e Memorie per la Storia dell’ Università di
Bologna_, vol. ii. Bologna, 1911.
[182] Mazzatinti, _Inventari dei Manoscritti delle Biblioteche
d’Italia_, Forli & Firenze, 1890-1915, vols. i to xxiii, in progress.
[183] Lino Sighinolfi, _L’Architettura Bentivolesca in Bologna e il
Palazzo del Podestà_, Bologna, 1909.
[184] Several short sketches or tractates on anatomy in the vernacular
are however known. Thus a Provençal anatomical tractate of the
thirteenth century has been published by K. Sudhoff in his _Beitrag zur
Gesch. der Anatomie im Mittelalter_, Leipzig, 1908.
[185] Cf. Galen, _De usu partium corporis humani_, Lib. x, chap. 12.
[186] Cf. Rhazes, _Almansur_, i. 4.
[187] Manfredi here follows Mondino, who confuses Galen’s fourth pair
with Galen’s sixth pair of nerves.
[188] See P. de Koning, _Trois Traités d’Anatomie arabes_, Leyden,
1903, p. 47.
[189] See J. Wiberg, ‘The Anatomy of the Brain in the Works of Galen
and ‘Ali ‘Abbas; a comparative historical-anatomical study’, _Janus_,
vol. xix, p. 17 and p. 84, Leyden, January and March, 1914.
[190] See A. Schneider, ‘Die Psychologie Alberts des Grossen’, p. 160,
in _Beiträge zur Geschichte der Philosophie des Mittelalters_, Band iv,
Heft 5, Munich, 1903.
[191] Constantine Africanus, _De communibus medico cognitu necessariis
locis_, Lib. iii, cap. 11, Edition Henricus Petrus, Basel, 1541.
[192] _Practica Petrocelli Salernitani. Epistola. Quot annis latuit
medicina_. S. de Renzi, _Collectio Salernitana_. Naples, 1852-9, vol.
iv, p. 189.
[193] A very elaborate study of the doctrine of the three vesicles of
the brain has recently been made by Walther Sudhoff, ‘Die Lehre von den
Hirnventrikeln’, in the _Archiv für Gesch. der Med._, Leipzig, 1914,
vol. vii, p. 149.
[194] See F. G. A. Stumpff, _Historia nervorum cerebralium ab
antiquissimis temporibus usque ad Willisium nec non Vieussensium.
Dissertatio inauguralis_, Berlin, 1841; C. Daremberg, _Œuvres
anatomiques, physiologiques et médicales de Galien_, Paris, 1854,
p. 583, &c.; G. Helmreich, ΓΑΛΗΝΟΥ, περὶ χρείας μορίων, Leipzig, 1909;
and Theodor Beck, ‘Die Galenischen Hirnnerven in moderner Beleuchtung’,
in _Arch. für Gesch. der Med_., vol. iii, p. 110, Leipzig, 1910.
[195] Galen, _De usu partium_, ix. 4; _De Hippocratis et Platonis
decretis_, vii. 3.
[196] The first edition of the work appeared in 1496.
[197] The so-called _Anatomia Richardi Anglici_, which has been printed
by Robert Ritter von Töply (Vienna, 1902), is really the same as the
pseudo-Galenic _Anatomia vivorum_, to which Richard’s name was not
attached until the fourteenth century. See Christoph Ferckel, _Archiv
für die Gesch. der Naturwissenschaften und der Technik_, vol. vi,
p. 78, Leipzig, 1912, and K. Sudhoff, _Archiv für Gesch. der Medizin_,
vol. viii, p. 71, Leipzig, 1915.
[198] E. Nicaise, _La Grande Chirurgie de Guy de Chauliac_, p. 45,
Paris, 1890.
[199] J. Pagel, _Die Anatomie des Heinrich von Mondeville_, Berlin,
1889, p. 37.
[200] For the whole question of early figures of the eye consult K.
Sudhoff, ‘Augenanatomiebilder im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert’ in his
_Illustrationen medizinischer Handschriften und Frühdrucke_. Leipzig,
1907; and the same writer’s recent article on ‘Augendurchschnittsbilder
aus Abendland und Morgenland’ in _Archiv für Gesch. der Medizin_, vol.
viii, p. 1, Leipzig, 1915.
[201] Our figure from the _Margarita philosophiae_ has been taken from
the 1503 edition, the earliest to which we have had access. A figure in
the _Philosophiae naturalis compendium_ of K. Peyligk, dated Leipzig,
1489, is so inferior as to be negligible in this connexion.
[202] W. Harvey, _Prelectiones anatomiae universalis_, reproduced in
facsimile from the author’s MS. notes, London, 1886, folio 72 recto.
[203] W. Harvey, _Exercitatio anatomica de motu cordis et sanguinis_,
Frankfort, 1628. The opening passage of the dedication to Charles I may
be translated as follows: ‘Most serene king, the heart of animals is
the basis of their life, the sun of their microcosm, that from which
all strength proceeds. The king is in like manner the basis of his
kingdom, the sun of his world, the heart of the commonwealth, whence
all power derives, all grace appears.’
[204] _Historia animalium_, vi. 3.
[205] _Historia animalium_, ii. 11; _De Partibus animalium_, iii. 4.
[206] _Historia animalium_, i. 14 and iii. 3; _De Partibus animalium_,
iii. 4. The question of the identity of these chambers is a difficult
one. We have followed T. E. Lones, _Aristotle’s Researches in Natural
Science_, London, 1912, p. 137, where the conflicting views are
summarized.
[207] Galen, Περὶ ἀνατομικω̑ν ἐγχειρήσεων, Book 7 (157); καὶ θαυμαστὸν
οὐδέν, ἄλλα τε πολλὰ κατὰ τὰς ἀνατομὰς ᾽Αριστοτέλη διαμαρτει̑ν, καὶ
ἡγει̑σθαι τρει̑ς ἔχειν κοιλίας ἐπὶ τω̑ν μεγάλων ζώων τὴν καρδίαν, Kühn,
ii. 62.
[208] Haly Abbas expressly denies its existence, chap. 21.
[209] P. Koning, _Trois traités d’anatomie arabes_, Leyden, 1903, 687,
renders the passage as follows: ‘Dans le cœur il y a trois cavités,
deux grandes et une autre qui se trouve pour ainsi dire au milieu,
afin que le cœur ait un dépôt pour la nourriture avec laquelle il se
nourrit, nourriture épaisse et forte, semblable à la substance du cœur,
ensuite un endroit où se forme un pneuma qui y est engendré d’un sang
subtil et enfin un canal entre ces deux.’
[210] _Pantechni, Theorice_, lib. iii, cap. 22. Here, however, only
two _concauitates_ are described and between them a _foramen: quod a
quibusdam vocatur tertia concauitas: sed non est ita_.
[211] The MS. Roncioni 99, reproduced by K. Sudhoff in _Archiv für
Gesch. der Med._, vol. vii, Tafel XIV, Leipzig, 1914.
[212] The passage in the _Editio princeps_ of Gerard of Cremona’s
translation runs as follows (folio 96 recto): ‘Et in ipso sunt
tres ventres, scilicet duo ventres magni et venter quasi medius
quem Galienus nominavit foveam aut meatum non ventrem, ut sit ei
receptaculum nutrimenti quo nutriatur spissum forte simile substantiae
ipsius & minera spiritus generati in ipso a sanguine subtili. Et inter
ambos sunt viae ut meatus.’
[213] J. L. Pagel, _Die Chirurgie des Heinrich von Mondeville_, Berlin,
1892, p. 45.
[214] Bartholomaeus Anglicus, _De Proprietatibus Rerum_, London, 1535,
Our quotation is from p. liiii.
[215] Leonardo da Vinci, _Quaderni d’anatomia ... Pubblicati da O. C.
L. Vangensten, A. Fonahn, H. Hopstock_, Christiania, 1911.
[216] Hans von Gersdorff, _Feldt und Stattbüch bewerter Wundartznei_,
edition Frankfurt, 1556.
[217] Ancient views on the cardiac system, including those of Mondino,
are admirably reviewed by J. C. Dalton in his _Doctrines of the
Circulation_, Philadelphia, 1884.
[218] Manfredi here follows Mondino, who confuses Galen’s fourth pair
with Galen’s sixth pair of nerves.
[219] These four words are very indistinct. The last is half erased and
scia is written _siᷗa_.
ᷛᷛᷗᷛ
[220] Life of St. Edward.
[221] British Museum MS. Cotton. Claud. A. viii, ff. 32, 33, and
_Archaeol. Journal_, London, June, 1864.
[222] MS. Ee. iii. 59.
[223] _History of the Garter_, vol. i.
[224] MS. 9986.
[225] p. 36.
[226] Vol. iii.
[227] p. 334.
[228] _Gent’s. Mag._, N.S., vol. i; British Museum MS. Cotton Nero C.
viii. f. 209.
[229] MS. Cotton Nero C. viii, ff. 212, 213b, and _Gent’s. Mag._, N.S.,
vol. i.
[230] loc. cit.
[231] Record Office, Exchqr. Tr. of R., Mis. Book 203, pp. 150-3.
[232] Record Office, Exchqr. Q. R., Accounts 403/10.
[233] British Museum Harleian MS. 319: Household Accounts of Henry IV,
1405-6.
[234] See R. Crawfurd, _King’s Evil_, p. 45, Oxford, 1911.
[235] Lib. i, chap. 8.
[236] _Bury Wills_, p. 35, Camden Soc., ed. Tymms.
[237] _Archaeol. Journal_, London, vol. iv, p. 78.
[238] British Museum MS. Arundel, fol. 23b, and _Gent’s. Mag_., N.S.,
vol. i, p. 49.
[239] _Gent’s. Mag._, 1794.
[240] Brand, _Pop. Antiq._, ii. 598.
[241] _Gent’s. Mag._, N.S., vol. i, p. 49.
[242] _Cloister Life of Charles V_, p. 109.
[243] Brewer, _State Papers; Budaei Epistolae_, June 10, 1518, 4223.
[244] _Gent’s. Mag._, loc. cit., and British Museum MS. Cotton Calig.
B. ii, fol. 112.
[245] Burnet, _Hist. of Reformation_, part ii, book ii, record 24.
[246] _Hist. of Reformation_, part ii, book ii.
[247] A.D. 1534.
[248] _Lisle Papers_ and _Notes and Queries_, 5th series, vol. ix,
p. 514.
[249] _Lisle Papers_, xi. 15.
[250] _Lisle Papers_, xi. 111.
[251] _Ibid._, xii. 43.
[252] _Ibid._, xii. 58.
[253] _Ibid._, xii. 60.
[254] Registry of Wills, Archdeaconry of Norwich.
[255] Burnet, _Hist. of Reformation_, part ii, book i, § 12.
[256] British Museum Additional MS. 35184, Household Account, 1553.
[257] Series i, vol. ii, p. 292.
[258] Ed. 1622, p. 219.
[259] _Troilus_, book iii, 1069.
[260] _Julius Caesar_, I. ii.
[261] _Tempest_, I. ii.
[262] _All’s Well that Ends Well_, IV. iii.
[263] _Tempest_, IV. i.
[264] _As You Like It_, IV. i.
[265] _Dr. Johann Weyer, der erster Bekämpfer des Hexenwahns_, Bonn,
1885, 2nd ed., Berlin, 1896. Also J. Geffcken, ‘Dr. Johann Weyer’
in _Monatshefte der Comenius Gesellschaft_ 3, 1904; J. Janssen and
L. Pastor, _Geschichte des deutschen Volkes_, 8 vols., Freiburg im
Breisgau, 1898-1903, viii. 600 ff.
[266] Jean Hardouin (Harduinus), _Collectio regia maxima conciliorum
graecorum et latinorum_, 12 vols., Paris, 1715, i. 1506; H. C. Lea,
_History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages_, 2nd ed., 3 vols.,
London, 1906, iii. 494; W. G. Soldan and H. Heppe, _Geschichte der
Hexenprocesse_, 2 vols., Stuttgart, 1880, i. 132.
[267] Lea, loc. cit., iii. 414.
[268] Soldan and Heppe, loc. cit., i. 128, 139.
[269] See also Lea, loc. cit., iii. 434, on this mildness of the Church
up to the fourteenth century.
[270] Soldan and Heppe, loc. cit., i. 136.
[271] Lea, loc. cit., i. 91.
[272] The Paulicians were accused of teaching that the devil created
this world, but seem merely to have taken such texts as John xii.
31, xiv. 30; 2 Cor. iv. 4 ‘in their plain and obvious sense’. F. C.
Conybeare, _Key of Truth, A Manual of the Paulician Church of Armenia_,
Oxford, 1898, 46.
[273] The term ‘Cathari’ was said to come ‘from their kissing Lucifer
under the tail in the shape of a cat’. Lea, loc. cit., iii. 495.
[274] Lea, loc. cit., i. 105, ii. 334, &c. The main evidence is Conrad
of Marburg’s report to Pope Gregory XI, 1233: ‘A tissue of inventions’,
but ‘apparently doubted by no one’.
[275] Quodlibet, xi. 10; Soldan and Heppe, loc. cit., i. 143; Lea, loc.
cit., iii. 415.
[276] H. Institoris and J. Sprenger, _Malleus Maleficarum_, editio
princeps, Cologne, 1486, and frequently reprinted until the end of the
seventeenth century. See especially pars 1, quaestio 2.
[277] J. Diefenbach, _Der Hexenwahn_, Mainz, 1886, p. 299.
[278] The story of Elinor Shaw and Mary Philips, as well as many other
accounts of witchcraft, may be read in two volumes entitled _Rare
and Curious Tracts illustrative of the History of Northamptonshire_,
Northampton, 1876 and 1881.
[279] F. Hutchinson, _Historical Essay_, London, 1718, cap. iv.
[280] _Daemonolatriae libri tres_, Lyons, 1595.
[281] Trèves, 1595.
[282] _Civ. Dei_, xv. 23.
[283] Peter Binsfeld. _Tractatus de confessionibus maleficorum_,
Trèves, 1595, pp. 37-44, 230, &c. Binsfeld often refers to this case as
proving the reality of disputed forms of witchcraft and the soul-saving
work of the witch-hunters.
[284] L. Meyer, _Die Periode der Hexenprocesse_, Hannover, 1882.
[285] K. Kiesewetter, _Die Geheimwissenschaften_, Leipzig, 1895, p. 579
f.
[286] Op. cit., ii. 2 (p. 200).
[287] _Malleus_, pars i, quaestio 1, p. 6, edit. 1596.
[288] By H. Institoris and J. Sprenger. Between 1486 and 1596 several
editions were printed in specially small form ‘that inquisitors might
carry it in their pockets and read it under the table’.
[289] iii. 1 (p. 337 f.).
[290] _Malleus_, iii. 4, p. 344.
[291] iii. 10.
[292] iii. 14.
[293] iii. 16.
[294] iii. 14.
[295] iii. 29-31, repeated with slight variations.
[296] _Von Zauberei und Zauberern_, p. 211; Soldan and Heppe, i. 347.
[297] The Lindheim cases are recorded by G. C. Horst, afterwards pastor
of the place, in his _Dämonomagie_, 2 vols., Frankfort, 1818, and
_Zauberbibliothek_, 6 vols., Mainz, 1821-6. See also O. Glaubrecht,
_Die Schreckensjahre von Lindheim_, 1886.
[298] _Cautio Criminalis_, Rinteln, 1631, Dubium xix (p. 128). He calls
himself ‘Sacerdos quidam’.
[299] Dubium xx (p. 153).
[300] Horst, _Zauberbibliothek_, ii. 374, and _Dämonomagie_, ii. 412.
[301] Soldan and Heppe, ii. 209.
[302] Soldan and Heppe, ii. 130.
[303] J. H. Böhmer, _Ius ecclesiasticum_, 5 vols., Halle, 1738-43, v.
35.
[304] Horst, _Dämonomagie_, ii. 377.
[305] _Malleus_, iii. 14 (p. 370).
[306] Father Spee gives a long list of these dilemmas, _Cautio
Criminalis_, Dubium li.
[307] _De sagarum natura et potestate, deque his recte cognoscendis et
puniendis deque purgatione earum per aquam frigidam epistola_, Lemgo,
1583. Also in Sawr, _Theatrum de Veneficiis_, 1856.
[308] Lea, iii. 549.
[309] Haas, _Die Hexenprocesse_, Tübingen, 1865.
[310] Soldan and Heppe, ii. 46, and elsewhere.
[311] _Beiträge zur Geschichte des Hexenwesens in Franken_, Bamberg,
1883.
[312] 48 ff.
[313] Official report, given by Leitschuh in appendix.
[314] Maria Hollin at Nördlingen (1593) withstood fifty-six repetitions
of torture, and was finally ‘dismissed’ on the terms mentioned
(Janssen, op. cit., viii. 719).
[315] The Nördlingen authorities acquired an evil eminence in this
frightfulness, which they termed ‘eine heilsame Tortur’ (Soldan, ii.
470).
[316] Lea, iii. 545, and references there given.
[317] _De praestigiis_, &c., ii. 5.
[318] The privilege for publication is dated November 4, 1562; three
editions appeared before the end of 1564, and a sixth in 1583.
[319] Op. cit., ii. 1.
[320] Op. cit., ii. 4.
[321] iii. 6.
[322] iii. 18.
[323] iii. 21.
[324] iii. 23.
[325] iv. 1.
[326] iv. 2.
[327] iv. 3.
[328] iv. 23.
[329] iv. 10.
[330] Op. cit., v. 34.
[331] v. 35.
[332] vi. 4.
[333] vi. 9.
[334] ‘Mossel-scolp nostratibus dicitur.’
[335] Op. cit., vi. 15.
[336] vi. 16.
[337] vi. 16.
[338] Diefenbach, p. 241.
[339] _Cautio Criminalis_, Dubium xlviii.
[340] U. Molitor, _Tractatus de lamiis_, 1561, p. 27.
[341] Hutchinson, _Historical Essay concerning Witchcraft_, London,
1718, pp. 40, 118, 120.
[342] Op. cit., Preludium, i.
[343] Preludium, vi.
[344] J. M. Robertson, _Letters on Reasoning_, London, 1905, cap. vi.
[345] See (_a_) H. Haeser, _Geschichte der Medizin_, Jena, 1875-82,
vol. i, p. 596; (_b_) A. Hirsch, _Biographisches Lexicon der
hervorragenden Aerzte_, Leipzig, 1884, art. ‘Maimonides’, vol. i,
p. 178 f.; (c) K. Brockelmann, _Geschichte der arabischen Litteratur_,
Weimar, 1897-1902, vol. i, p. 490.
[346] = No. 1211 in Zotenberg’s Catalogue, Paris, 1866.
[347] Vol. i, p. 40, Cod. 411.
[348] في السموم. Translated into Latin by Armengaud de Blaise of
Montpellier; into French by J. M. Rabbinowicz, _Traité des Poisons de
Maimonide_, Paris, 1865, and into German by M. Steinschneider, _Gifte
und ihre Heilung, eine Abhandlung des Moses Maimonides_. Virchow’s
_Archiv_, LVII, vol. i, pp. 92-109.
[349] في الربو. Unprinted. We hope shortly to issue this work.
[350] في تدبير الصحة otherwise رسالة الافضليّة. ‘Letter to [the Sultan]
al Afḍal.’ Printed in Latin at Florence, n.d.; Venice, 1514, 1521, &c.;
Leyden, 1535; in the Hebrew translation of Moses ibn Tibbon edited by
Jacob Saphir ben Levi, Jerusalem, 1885; and in German by Winternitz,
_Diätetisches Sendschreiben des Maimonides_, &c., Vienna, 1843.
[351] Printed in the Latin edition [Venice, 1514] of the _de Regimine
Sanitatis_ as Tractatus V of that work.
[352] See L. Leclerc, _Histoire de la médecine arabe_, Paris, 1876,
vol. ii, p. 60, and M. Steinschneider, _Die hebräischen Uebersetzungen
des Mittelalters und die Juden als Dolmetscher_, Berlin, 1893, pp. 767,
772, 773.
[353] رسالة الافضليّة.
[354] في اسباب الاعراض and also في بيان الاعراض = on the diagnosis of
accidents.
[355] See note 4.
[356] Op. cit., vol. ii, p. 61.
[357] See Steinschneider, _Hebräische Uebersetzungen_, p. 770, and
his _Catologus Librorum Hebraeorum in Bibl. Bodl._, Berlin (1852-60),
p. 1921. In the _Zeitschrift der Morgenländischen Gesellsch._, vol.
xxx, p. 145, he makes the bare statement that the _Tractatus de Causis
et Indiciis Morborum_--the _Hauptwerk_ of Maimonides, as it is called
by Haeser--rests upon an error. In his catalogue of Bodleian books
(p. 1926) he puts the book down as a bookseller’s fraud after what is
obviously only a cursory glance. He says ‘fraude bibliopolae ex variis
opp. imperfectis confictus est, in quibus an Nostri sit aliquid non
facile eruendum est’.
[358] H. F. Wüstenfeld, _Geschichte d. arabischen Aerzte_, Göttingen,
1840, § 198, No. 7.
[359] _Bibliothecae Bodleianae codicum manuscriptorum Orientalium ...
catalogus a Joanne Uri confectus_, Oxford, 1787, vol. i, p. 140, No.
594.
[360] Also known as الاخلاطى (of Akhlat) or التبريزي (of Tibriz) and as
ابن هبل (Ibn Hubal).
[361] Ibn Abi ‛Uṣaibia wrote an invaluable dictionary of the lives of
the most noted physicians, entitled كتاب عيون الأنباء قي طبقات الأطباء
(= The book of the sources of information concerning the various
classes of physicians). It is especially full on the lives of Arab
physicians. See the edition of A. Müller, Königsberg, 1884, vol. i,
pp. 304-6.
[362] C. Rieu, _Supplement to the Arabic MSS. in the Brit. Mus._,
London, 1894, No. 796, II.
[363] Vol. iii, p. 242 of the Catalogue of Arabic MSS. compiled by P.
de Jong and M. J. de Goeje, Leyden, 1865-6.
[364] Abu’l Faraj Gregory, Bar Hebraeus (Wüstenfeld, op. cit., No. 240).
[365] In his work entitled تاربخ مختمر في الدول, ‘Compendious History
of the Dynasties’ (edited and translated by E. Pocock, Oxford, 1663),
p. 457 f. of the Arabic and p. 300 of the Latin. Beyrout edition, 1890,
p. 420.
[366] Two MSS. of the work are mentioned in the Catalogue of the
Khedive’s library, فهرست كتابخانه خديوية, vol. vi, p. 38. For
further references concerning Muhaḏḏib ed Din and his works, see
(_a_) Wüstenfeld, op. cit., § 202; (_b_) Brockelmann, op. cit, vol.
i, p. 490; (_c_) P. de Koning, _Traité sur le calcul_, Leyden,
pp. 186-228. The more important Arab authors other than Ibn Abi
‘Uṣaibia are: (_d_) Bar Hebraeus, Pocock’s edition, p. 457 of the
Arabic part and p. 300 of the Latin part, Beyrout edition, p. 420;
(_e_) Haji Khalfa, G. Fluegel’s edition, Leipzig and London, 1835-58,
vol. v, p. 436, No. 11584.
[367] See J. Pagel, ‘Maimuni als medizinischer Schriftsteller’, in the
volume of studies on ‘Moses ben Maimon’ edited by W. Bacher and others,
Leipzig, 1908, vol. i, p. 232.
[368] Op. cit., vol. ii, p. 117.
[369] طبقات الحكماء واصحاب النجوم والأطباء in MS. at British Museum
(see Catalogue of Oriental MSS. at the British Museum, London, 1846,
part II, No. 1503, p. 684), Leyden, Berlin, Escurial, and elsewhere.
See Brockelmann, op. cit., vol. i, p. 325.
[370] See Leclerc, op. cit., vol. i, p. 5.
[371] See W. D. Macray, _Annals of the Bodleian_, Oxford, 1890. p. 270.
[372] See Macray’s _Annals of the Bodleian_, p. 271, and the _Dict. of
National Biography_.
[373] _Bibliothecae Bodleianae codicum manuscriptorum ... catalogus_,
vol. ii, ed. A. Nicoll and E. B. Pusey, Oxford, 1835, p. iv.
[374] ‘Praeter errores enim quos ipse admiserit Urius, deprehendi
omnibus fere horum librorum emptoribus, uno Pocockio excepto, libros
supposititios pro veris subinde venditasse vafros Orientales. Codices
ergo fere universos Arabicos, quos recensuit Urius (vulgatioribus
quibusdam exceptis) oculis perlustravi, quo certius scirem titulisne
responderent an non. Quo facto varias errorum formas deprehendi,
titulis nunc charta coopertis, nunc atramento oblitis, nunc cultro
paene abrasis; auctorum porro nominibus paullulum immutatis quo notiora
quaedam referrent, numeris etiam quibus singula volumina signata sunt
permutatis, quo quis opus imperfectum pro integro habeat, paginis
denique pauculis operi alieno a fronte assutis.’
[375] Steinschneider (_Cat. Libr. Hebr. in Bibl. Bodl._, p. 1926)
says this title is invented and no doubt suggested by the name of Al
Tamimi al Muqaddasi (the Jerusalemite), a doctor of the tenth century
(Wüstenfeld, § 112) often praised by Maimonides in the Aphorisms, e.g.
at the end of chap. 20. Pusey’s only note on Uri’s entry in the MS.
is concerned with this title (vol. ii, p. 588): ‘Translator in Cod.
appellatur Alsheikh Soleiman Alhabashi, notus in terra Hierosolymitana
nomine Ibn Hubaish. Opus autem A.D. 1363 ex Hebraico transtulit.’
[376] From the text of the Aphorisms as given in the Bodleian MS.
Pocock 319.
[377] Omitted from the MS. obviously by accident.
[378] No doubt for הרתב.
[379] See p. 227.
[380] = A.D. 1363. The numerals which accompany the written figures are
equivalent to 6,527 and are meaningless.
[381] Published by Macmillans, 1912.
[382] Cf. Mr. H. W. B. Joseph’s _Logic_^2, p. 548.
[383] Cf. §§ 10, 28.
[384] _Post. Anal._ i. 2. 71 b 20.
[385] i.e. truth-claim.
[386] Cf. _Formal Logic_, p. 173.
[387] Mr. Alfred Sidgwick has been pointing out for the past twenty
years how fatal this difficulty is to the traditional notion of formal
validity; nor has any logician confuted his argument, or even shown
that he apprehended its meaning and scope. It would seem, therefore,
that the condition of formal logic is so precarious that its only
chance of survival lies in hushing up all the vital objections to its
stereotyped doctrines. But is not the policy of ignoring unanswerable
objections the sure mark of a pseudo-science?
[388] The latest I have noticed occurs in Abercrombie’s _Inquiries
concerning the Intellectual Powers_ (1830); it reads very strangely now.
[389] Controversially the criticism of ‘self-evidence’ has been met in
the same way as that of the ‘validity’ of the syllogism, i.e. by total
silence.
[390] _Anal. Post._ i. 34.
[391] It may be suggested that there is a similar confusion on this
question: when history is called a science, it is often forgotten that
its data are essentially such that they can only occur once, while the
material of the other sciences is such that cases of ‘the same’ may
always be found in it. But neither need it be denied on this account
that history can, and should, be written in a scientific spirit.
[392] _Science et Méthode_, ch. iii, L’Invention mathématique.
[393] _Republic_, 511 c.
[394] _Anal. Post._ i. 1.
[395] Diogenes Laertius, ix. 51.
[396] Cf. § 3.
[397] Or more difficult, if the indetermination is conceived as limited.
[398] This we saw (§ 4) is really a mistake: mathematical proofs are
really hypothetical, and deduced from the initial postulates and
definitions. They hold of the ideal objects of mathematics, but that
they can be advantageously applied to reality is merely an empirical
fact, and it is not inconceivable that the world should grow _more_
recalcitrant to mathematical treatment, though actually it has grown
_less_ so.
[399] In _Republic_ vi his whole argument for the existence of
metaphysical truth, culminating in a supreme ‘Idea of the Good’,
depends on the assumption that the ‘hypotheses’ of the sciences,
being insecure originally, remain so until they are deduced from a
(self-proving) ‘unhypothetical principle’. This assumes, of course,
that they cannot be confirmed empirically by the results of their
working, and exhibits the _lacuna_ of logic in a typical way.
[400] _Formal Logic_, ch. xxi, § 7.
[401] e.g. the ‘accidental’ distribution of variations in biology, for
which see _Humanism_, pp. 146-50, and the postulates of causality and
determinism in science generally (_Formal Logic_, ch. xx, § 6, and
_Studies in Humanism_, ch. xviii, § 4).
[402] Cf. § 8 and _Formal Logic_, ch. x.
[403] The ‘novelty’ which is claimed for the conclusion of a syllogism
is only one case of this: in the traditional interpretation it is
hopelessly at variance with the demand that it shall also follow from
its premisses of necessity. Cf. _Formal Logic_, ch. xvi, §§ 8-10.
[404] Usually, but wrongly, called ‘dispassionate’ or ‘disinterested’.
What is wanted is, not that the inquiring mind should take no interest
in the conclusions it considers, but that, though it cares keenly
and even passionately for one of them, it should yet be capable of
sufficient self-control to consider fairly the case _against_ the
conclusion it favours. This mental attitude is probably best secured
by caring more for truth than for a party victory, and is denominated
a ‘disinterested love of truth for its own sake’. But even so we love
what we deem the truth, because it is the _best_ thing to believe,
and better (on the whole and in the end) than anything else that is
propounded.