Act V. Sc. III.

THE

MEDICAL ASPECTS

OF

DEATH,

AND

THE MEDICAL ASPECTS

OF THE

HUMAN MIND.

BY JAMES BOWER HARRISON,

M.R.C.S.L. ETC.

FORMERLY ONE OF THE RESIDENT MEDICAL OFFICERS OF

THE MANCHESTER ROYAL INFIRMARY,

AND SURGEON TO THE ARDWICK AND ANCOATS DISPENSARY,

ETC.

LONDON:

LONGMAN, BROWN, GREEN, AND LONGMANS.

1852.

LONDON:

SPOTTISWOODES and SHAW,

New-street-Square.

PREFACE.

In youth it is not common to think much about death. A person would

be considered to be of a very serious turn of mind who gave attention

to such a subject in the earlier periods of his life. There comes a

time, however, sooner or later, in which it is perceived that there is

a reality in the meaning of the speeches we have so long unthinkingly

made or heard others make. We wake up to the conviction that we are

ourselves no exception to the rule; in fact, to the conviction that

we shall die. Already we find ourselves in the middle period of life;

already the scene is shifting, and we begin to perceive that it will

shift still more. It wants no great exhortation, then, to see that

every one is individually interested in all that relates to death. A

person must be wanting in reflection if he does not consider, at least

when he has made some progress in life, that he will very soon find

himself at his journey’s end. It is natural then to have a curiosity

about death; and it is partly with a view to satisfy this curiosity,

and partly with a view to fill up the intervals left by more arduous

professional studies, that I have written what follows.

But some will say the subject is a distasteful one, and, like Hotspur’s

fop, be offended that a slovenly, unhandsome corse should be brought

between the wind and their nobility. The true nobility of the mind does

not, however, shrink from contemplating human nature in all its phases,

untricked out with ornament or disguised by forms. I am sure the reader

who has the curiosity to look at these pages will not be wanting in

such nobility of mind.

In order to relieve the subject, I have purposely introduced more

collateral matter than might be absolutely necessary for its

elucidation.

I have never thought it essential that a book should be dry in order to

be useful.

* * * * *

The second paper in this volume I have been induced to reprint from the

Psychological Journal, because it has received the approbation of many

friends in whose judgment I am pleased to confide. I am aware that it

contains remarks to which some may take exception; but I write not to

echo the sentiments of others, but to make known my own. I regret that

at the time I wrote it I had not had the advantage of reading the very

able remarks of Dr. Conolly, in his Croonian lectures delivered before

the College of Physicians. The fearless and humane character of these

lectures deserves a higher praise than it is in the author’s power to

bestow.

_Higher Broughton, Manchester_,

1851.

CONTENTS.

Page

THE MEDICAL ASPECTS OF DEATH 1

THE MEDICAL ASPECTS OF THE HUMAN MIND 113

THE

MEDICAL ASPECTS OF DEATH.

_Hamlet._ Pr’ythee, Horatio, tell me one thing.

_Hor._ What’s that, my lord?

_Ham._ Dost thou think Alexander looked o’ this fashion i’ the earth?

_Hor._ Even so.

_Ham._ And smelt so? pah!

_Hor._ Even so, my lord.

SHAKSPEARE.

THE

MEDICAL ASPECTS OF DEATH.

“Dost thou think Alexander looked o’ this fashion i’ the earth?”

How pregnant is such a question with meaning,--the noble dust of

Alexander like the corrupting skull of the king’s jester! How natural

to ask ourselves the question, Shall we also look o’ this fashion

i’ the earth?--we want no Horatio to answer, “Even so.” But though

it is common to speak of death, I do not think it is very common to

_consider_ it. We are, in truth, too much afraid to look at it in

its physical aspects. The subject may seem repulsive, but it is one

which a rational being should not altogether disregard, because many

practical advantages arise from making it an object of study. It must

be remembered that it is a privilege peculiar to human nature, to

preconsider the last moments of existence. But I am not one of those

who would wish to throw a gloom upon life, and carry the skull round at

the feast--I would rather throw the light of reason, as far as it will

shine, on the mysteries of the grave.

How interesting are our first impressions of death!--when we first

looked timidly at the familiar features of a dear parent stiffened and

pinched with the hand of death! Who cannot recall to mind that cold

apartment which had so lately been the scene of anxious watching and

tender solicitude,--the formal sheeted corse,--the appalling stillness

of the compressed lip and icy coldness of that last kiss? It is at such

times that the feelings rise to the noblest sentiments of our nature,

and we see the littleness of human ambition, and the emptiness of

our fondest wishes;--at these periods alone can we perceive the real

significance of life, for then the hurry of business is suspended, and

there is a pause in the drama of events.

It would be curious to trace the forms and ceremonies which surviving

friends have adopted to show their respect for the dead. The custom of

strewing flowers on the tomb is, perhaps, one of the most simple and

touching. This custom is beautifully alluded to in “Cymbeline”:--

“With fairest flowers,

Whilst summer lasts and I live here, Fidele,

I’ll sweeten thy sad grave: thou shalt not lack

The flower that’s like thy face, pale primrose, nor

The azure hare-bell like thy veins; no nor

The leaf of eglantine, whom not to slander,

Outsweeten’d not thy breath.”

I shall not stop, however, to dwell on these topics, nor describe the

“trappings and suits of woe,” which are not always the accompaniments

of real grief. The nodding plumes and lengthened processions of

the great only betray how little wealth and rank can rescue their

possessors from the common fate of human kind.

In how many cases might we not say, with Byron,--

“Of all

The fools who flock’d to swell or see the show,

Who cared about the corpse? the funeral

Made the attraction, and the black the woe.”[1]

The _Signs_ of death are important in a medical point of view; for

though the extinction of life is generally too apparent to admit of

question, there can be no doubt but that occasional errors have arisen.

In most of these cases, it is certain that undue haste and culpable

carelessness have contributed to the result; but we all feel so deeply

the horror of such mistakes, that some fear is excusable, even when we

have no apprehension of such carelessness on the part of those who may

have to do the last offices for ourselves. In all periods the subject

of premature interment has excited great interest, and the very fears

which have been entertained have been the occasion of many stories

equally marvellous and horrible.

In order to provide against premature interment, the Romans are said

to have waited seven days before they interred the dead; those who had

charge of the corpse calling the name of the deceased many times in a

loud voice. It was this custom which constituted the _Conclamatio_.

Just before the body was finally buried, the name was again loudly

called; and then it was considered proper to enter on the funeral

ceremonies.

Terence makes allusion to this custom when he says,

“Desine,--jam conclamatum est.”

If we are to believe French writers, it would seem that, formerly,

premature interments were very common in France. It is to be hoped,

however, that many of their statements are exaggerated or incorrect.

Bruhier has collected together upwards of 180 cases, in which mistakes

were made as to the signs of death: of these, 52 were interred alive, 4

opened before death, 53 recovered spontaneously after having been shut

up in the coffin (renfermées dans le cerceuil), 72 reputed dead without

being so. At the same time that we are happy to think that Bruhier must

have greatly indulged his imagination, it is probable that the French

hospitals may have been the scene of many culpable errors.

Louis, in his more able letter on the Signs of Death, which was

published in 1752, relates the case of a young woman, _en couches_, who

left the Hôtel-Dieu on account of the prevalence of an epidemic, and

sought refuge at the Hôpital de la Salpétrière. On her way she fainted

twice, and again on her arrival fell into a fainting fit. She was

thought by the sisters of charity to be dead, and remained two hours

exposed in the court to a rigorous cold. She was then carried into the

_salle des morts_ (dead-house). Some time afterwards, a pupil hearing

groans, came affrighted to inform Louis. Louis went to the spot, but

found her already dead; though she had made efforts to get extricated

from the winding sheet in which she was enveloped, and had one foot

on the ground, out of the litter, and an arm leaning on the bar of

the trestle of a dissecting table, by the side of which she had been

placed.[2]

Many of the stories told of persons being buried alive, partake too

much of the marvellous, to meet with unqualified acceptance. In periods

of great mortality, and when epidemics have raged, there can be little

doubt, however, that such instances have occurred. The philanthropic

Howard, in his work on Prisons, says:--“I have known instances where

persons, supposed to be dead of the gaol fever and brought out for

burial, on being washed with cold water, have shown signs of life, and

soon afterwards recovered.” I have myself frequently heard people

express their fears of being interred alive. I remember a young lady

who, on her death-bed, made a solemn appeal to her father, that her

body might be thrown into the sea as soon as it should be known that

she was dead. Her father properly and ingeniously opposed her wish, in

expressing his desire that her remains should rest in the same grave

with his own. A lady in Manchester had so strong a fear of being buried

alive, that she left a sum of money, the interest of which was to be

received only on conditions that her body was kept above ground. The

body was bound over closely like a mummy, and was deposited in the

Natural History Museum, where, I believe, it may still be seen by the

curious.

Perhaps this feeling had been induced by some circumstances in her

life, which had rendered her extremely fearful of such mistakes.

Dr. Paris tells us, “that the daughter of Henry Laurens, the first

president of the American Congress, when an infant, was laid out as

dead of the smallpox; upon which the window of the apartment, that had

been carefully closed during the progress of the disease, was thrown

open to ventilate the chamber, when the fresh air revived the supposed

corpse, and restored her to her family: this circumstance occasioned in

her father so powerful a dread of living interment, that he directed by

will that his body should be burnt, and enjoined on his children the

performance of this wish as a sacred duty.”[3]

Amongst the ordinary signs of death the absence of respiration is

that which is most popular, but at the same time the most likely to

deceive. To ascertain whether the breathing be entirely suspended, it

is a common practice to hold a looking-glass to the face, that the

respiration may be indicated by the mist on its surface.

In King Lear we have the passage--

“Lend me a looking glass;

If that her breath will mist or stain the stone,

Why, then she lives.”

Act V. Sc. III.

For the same reason the stirring of any light substance, such as

down, which may rest about the mouth, has been regarded as a fine

indication of the act of respiration; but this, like the mist on the

looking-glass, is but a deceptive or inaccurate method; and Shakspeare

accordingly represented Prince Henry as having been deceived, when he

carried off the crown from his father’s pillow--

“By his gates of breath

There lies a downy feather which stirs not;

Did he suspire, that light and weightless down

Perchance must move.”[4]

If the observance of the respiration be taken as the indication of

life, and its absence as a proof of death, the exposure of the naked

chest and abdomen would enable the spectator to form a much more

accurate appreciation of it, especially if it be made carefully and for

a sufficient length of time.

One indication of death is found in the Rigidity of the corpse. It is

true that persons in some nervous diseases have been represented as

closely assimilating the dead, even with respect to the stiffness of

the body. The professional man could scarcely, however, be deceived

by such cases. The stiffness of death is often not fairly established

until the body is already cold[5], and, when overcome by pressure, does

not return, as the contractions which arise from nervous causes. Some

cases of catalepsy have been related which are indeed very astonishing,

but, as I have said, they could only deceive unprofessional people, and

those not familiar with the appearances of a corpse.

The rigidity of death appears to come on with various degrees of

rapidity, and its duration is also various. It usually commences in

about seven hours[6], but it may be deferred considerably longer,

even to twenty or thirty hours. When the body is greatly weakened by

disease, the rigidity comes on much sooner, but is more evanescent. It

has been known to arise in fifteen or twenty minutes. Again, in its

duration there is much variety; ordinarily it exists from twenty-four

to thirty-six hours, but may continue many days. Much may be supposed

to depend on the humidity and warmth of the atmosphere.

There is something singular in this stiffening of the body. It seems

like the final act of life, and has been supposed to be the last

effort of muscular power. Every one must be struck with the analogy

it presents to the coagulation of the blood; and, indeed, it has been

imagined by some physiologists that it was dependent on that cause.

This does not appear in reality to be the case; but there are still

many interesting points of similarity between these phenomena, and they

are both probably dependent on the last efforts of life.

The rigidity of the corpse is, perhaps, never entirely wanting, though

it may be brief in particular cases.

It does not seem to be confined to the external muscles of the body,

but is also evident, and indeed particularly manifested, in the heart

and great blood-vessels. The walls of the heart contract forcibly

after the external signs of death, and the arteries also contract, and

propel their contents into the veins. Before this circumstance was

properly understood, it was common to suppose that this contracted

state of the heart was the result of disease; and even in modern times

this error has been made. In the same way the ancients were misled

by this contraction; for, as they found the arteries void of blood,

they regarded them as tubes for the conveyance of air; and in this way

arose the term artery (ἀὴρ, air; τηρέω, to keep), improperly used to

indicate a blood-vessel.

The rapidity with which the body cools after death, must be very

dependent on the circumstances in which it is placed, and the manner in

which it is clothed. According to Dr. Taylor, the average time is about

fifteen or sixteen hours when not much clad, and when the temperature

is about 60°. He has known a body keep warm thirty or forty hours; and

as he remarks, the heat would obviously remain the longest, when the

death was violent and the person robust. There is always, however, some

uncertainty in judging of the period of death by the warmth of the

body.[7]

It is a curious fact in relation to the temperature of the body, that

in cases of Asiatic cholera, the body, previously quite cold, has

become warm immediately before, or even after death.[8]

The effects of Stimulants in producing muscular contractions soon

after the cessation of all outward signs of vitality, are curious

and interesting. When punctures are made in the limbs or heart,

contractions follow, and in some cases alternate contractions and

relaxations continue for some time. The most astonishing experiments of

this kind are, however, those made by the agency of galvanism on the

human body. The appearances produced by it are of the most frightful

nature, and awaken horrible fancies on the mind of the spectator;--the

eyes roll wildly, and the countenance is distorted with ghastly grins,

whilst the limbs move in forcible and convulsive actions. The most

successful effort to resuscitate by galvanism, was that made on the

body of John White, who was executed for a murder at Louisville.

The particulars are given in the Annals of Electricity. The body, after

hanging twenty-five minutes, was cut down, and, whilst yet warm, and

even trembling, was subjected to the stimulus of galvanism. The man

suddenly rose from his bench to a sitting posture, afterwards stood

on his feet, opened his eyes, and gave a terrific screech. His chest

worked as if in respiration. One of the surgeons present exclaimed that

he was alive. On another shock being given, he jumped up with a sudden

bound, disengaged himself from the wires, and ran into a corner of

the room. He frequently opened his eyes, and the breathing became so

regular, that many addressed him, but he made no sign of understanding.

Nevertheless, by the assistance of a medical student, he took a few

steps on the floor, and seated himself in an arm-chair. He seemed like

a man intoxicated, and overcome with the exertion he had made. Every

effort was put in practice to equalise the circulation; but congestion

of the brain eventually came on, and terminated his existence. A man

of the name of Clydesdale, who was executed for murder at Glasgow, was

also made the subject of a similar experiment.

In respect to the application of stimulants, it is not likely that the

more powerful, such as electricity or galvanism, will be made use of by

any other than medical men; and this mode of testing the continuance

of life is therefore more interesting in a physiological point of

view, than useful in its practical application. Cold water to the face

and sinapisms to the feet are often employed in the last moments of

life,--if not to test the existence of vitality, at least to act as

curative agents.

When Putrefaction commences, there can, of course, be no longer any

doubt of the departure of life,--premising, that the putrefaction is

general, and not of a local kind. There is nothing more appalling and

humiliating than the decomposition of the dead;

“Before Decay’s effacing fingers

Have swept the lines where Beauty lingers,”

we may, indeed, persuade ourselves, that the dead are only silent and

unmovable; but when changes gradually manifest themselves, and we can

no longer recognise the familiar features we have so often looked

upon, we see the greatness of that alteration, and feel what it is to

die.

Shall we “look upon those lips that we have kissed we know not how

oft,” pale, cold, and repulsive, and not experience the immensity of

this change!

The peculiar cadaverous odour of the body is well known to most people,

and the appearances of incipient putrefaction need no explanation.

The finer changes are, perhaps, best indicated by the flaccidity

of the cornea, and the loss of transparency in the eye. These can

seldom be mistaken by medical men, though death may undoubtedly take

place before they are strikingly apparent. Amongst other indications

of decomposition, the gravitation and transudation of the blood

to the surface on which the body lies, are important subjects for

consideration, because they have been mistaken by persons ignorant

of such matters for indications of injuries and bruises. They often

present very singular lines and marks, and have certainly a very close

resemblance to the extravasations produced by blows. These marks have

been termed sugillations,--the term sugillation is rather an awkward

word, but it is derived from the Latin _sugillatio_, which signifies a

black mark. Several instances are recorded of their being mistaken for

the ecchymoses produced by blows.

Belloc relates an instance where a woman, who was pregnant, was

ill-treated by her husband, who kicked her on the thigh and abdomen.

She subsequently fell ill of the smallpox, and died. The second day

of the fever she had an abundant hæmorrhage from the nose, the blood

being _dissolved and black_ (_dissous et très noir_). She died covered

with sugillations, and some traces of the smallpox. It then became a

question, whether she had died from violence. The body was exhumed for

the purpose of inspection, but the medical men who made the examination

concluded that her death was the result of the epidemic smallpox.[9]

Beck, in a note, quotes a case from Phillips’s Law of Evidence, of

a John Stringer, who was tried for the murder of his wife, in the

year 1765. It appeared that they had often quarrelled; and a young

surgeon gave it as his opinion that the marks found on the body had

the appearances of mortification produced by bruises. The man was

found guilty; but a Mr. Carsan, an eminent surgeon, who had from

mere curiosity also examined the body, was convinced that the marks

were those of incipient putrefaction; and on the case being fairly

represented to the Archbishop of Canterbury, a complete pardon was

eventually obtained.[10]

Sugillations may be distinguished from ecchymoses, by their being

found only on the more dependent parts of the body, or those which

_have_ already been dependent, and from their not being accompanied

by corresponding _subcutaneous extravasations_. In the case of

sugillations, therefore, if the skin be fairly divided, the livid

appearance will not be found traceable to any more deeply-seated cause.

The blood, too, in the case of sugillations is thin and fluid from its

decomposition; whereas, in the lividity from blows, clots are commonly

found beneath the spot indicated. But the effects of gravitation are

not only to be taken into consideration in estimating the external

appearances of the body, but also in considering the internal parts;

and this is of great consequence in the appreciation of the appearances

supposed to be the result of disease.

Sometimes discolourations of the body after death assume the appearance

of stripes, as if the subject had been previously beaten. The term

_Vibices_ (_vibex_, a stripe) has been adopted to express this

appearance. Certainly, any one not previously aware that such marks are

common, would be strongly tempted to suppose that they were produced by

flagellation. It seems that these marks are caused by the dress and

wrappings of the corpse causing the transudation of the blood to be

determined to particular parts.

In the year 1837, Μ. P. Manni, professor in the University of Rome,

offered to the Academy of Sciences, to place at its disposal the sum

of 1500 francs, to be given to the author of the best memoir on the

question of apparent death. In the same year the Academy proposed

the following questions on the subject for a prize: 1. What are the

distinctive characters of apparent death? 2. What are the means to

prevent premature interment?

It was not until the year 1846 that any memoir appeared which was

considered worthy of the prize; and it was then adjudicated to Μ.

Bouchut, whose treatise is now before the public.[11]

It appears from Μ. Bouchut’s able researches, that the _sounds_ of the

heart, as indicated by the stethoscope, are never entirely wanting,

except in real death; and that the longest interval between the last

beats of the heart is about six or seven seconds. These, therefore,

are very important points in ascertaining the departure of life at the

earliest possible period. The remarks of Μ. Bouchut are indeed such

as must naturally recommend themselves to our reason; but he is the

first who has fairly made the state of the heart in apparent death the

subject of direct observation and experiment.

Μ. Bouchut further insisted on the complete dilatation of the pupil as

a corroborative sign of death, remarking that, though contracted in the

death struggle, it afterwards and speedily becomes dilated; so truly

may we say that, “la pupille est la fenêtre de l’ame.”

It would seem, then, that the indications of death are sufficiently

marked to render it improbable that premature interment can often

take place; and whenever this occurs, it must be the result of great

carelessness, ignorance, and haste.

Even the alterations which take place after the body is committed to

the grave, have engaged the attention of medical inquirers, and Μ.

Orfila, in his treatise on Judicial Exhumations, has brought forward

much curious matter respecting them. It is not very probable that the

features of the dead can be recognized after fourteen or fifteen days’

interment; and in three or four months all vestiges of the face are

destroyed.

In cases, however, where pains are taken to exclude the air, the

preservation may be wonderfully protracted; and on this point I may

add some very interesting particulars relative to the posthumous

examination of the body of Charles I.

Until a recent period, doubt had been entertained as to the precise

spot where the remains of Charles I. were buried.

In the progress of some alterations which were made in connexion with

the tomb-house of St. George’s Chapel, an aperture was accidentally

made in Henry VIII.’s vault, through which the workmen saw two coffins,

supposed to contain the bodies of Henry VIII. and Jane Seymour, and

a third covered with a black velvet pall which, from Mr. Herbert’s

narrative (Athenæ Oxonienses), was conjectured to contain the body of

Charles I.

By the desire of the Prince Regent, and in his presence, an examination

of this latter was made on the 1st of April, 1813. On removing the

pall a plain leaden coffin was discovered, on which were inscribed, in

large letters, King Charles, 1648. A square opening was made into the

upper part of the lid, and through this a wooden coffin was seen, very

much decayed, inclosing the body, carefully wrapped up in cere-cloth.

It appeared that a quantity of greasy and resinous matter had been

melted into the coffin so as to fill it completely, and exclude the

air. It was not an easy matter to detach the cere-cloth from the body,

except at such parts as were covered with unctuous matter, and these

presented a correct impression of the features to which they had been

applied.

When the face was at length uncovered, it presented a dark discoloured

appearance, but the forehead and temples had lost nothing of their

muscular substance, and the face was long and oval. The cartilage of

the nose was gone; the left eye was open and full when first exposed,

but it rapidly vanished. The pointed beard, so characteristic of

this period, was perfect. Many of the teeth remained, and the left

ear was found entire. It was impossible not to perceive the likeness

which still remained to the coins and busts, and especially the

pictures of the king by Vandyke. When the cere-cloth was sufficiently

disengaged, the head was found loose and detached from the body; the

hair was thick at the back part of the neck, and had been apparently

cut short for the convenience of the executioner. At first it seemed

black, but when cleaned and dried, presented a beautiful brown colour.

The fourth cervical vertebra was cut transversely and smoothly, as

if from a heavy blow of a sharp instrument. The examination having

proceeded thus far, was thought to be sufficient to identify the

body, and the head was immediately restored, and the coffin soldered

up again. The other coffins were not disturbed; but the larger one,

which is believed to have contained Henry VIII., and was six feet ten

inches in length, was beaten in, as if by violence, and its outer

wooden covering was decayed, and in small fragments. Through the

opening the skeleton of the king might be perceived, but there was

nothing found of a discriminative character, and no inscription on

the coffin. It is supposed, that the coffin of King Henry had been

injured by the precipitous introduction of that of King Charles, at

a period when little respect was paid to the remains of monarchs. It

may be interesting to add, that a very small mahogany coffin, covered

with crimson velvet, lay on the pall which covered King Charles, and

contained the still-born child of the Princess George of Denmark,

afterwards Queen Anne.[12]

If the fear of premature interment be not unnatural, the fear of death

itself is obviously less so.

In some cases, however, illness gradually removes this dread, and the

change is welcomed, and even earnestly desired; the sufferer has ceased

to take an interest in the things around him: they have lost all the

charms they borrowed from hope and anticipation, and he has no future

earthly prospect but the grave.

But even where the act of dying is dreaded, there are many who would

not altogether be ignorant of the change. I have known people express

a strange fear of dying whilst they are asleep. I was once earnestly

asked by a patient who was on her death bed to awaken her if I thought

she was dying. I should imagine that this fear was not uncommon;

for I have heard it named more than once in my own experience.

In a very interesting memoir of Mr. Edgeworth, a part of which is

autobiographical, the writer states that his wife expressed this dread;

but, alas! the sleep of death is one from which we cannot awaken our

dearest friends!

“Three days before she died,” says Mr. Edgeworth, “I was suddenly

called up to her room. I found her in violent convulsions. Youth,

beauty, grace, charms of person and accomplishments of mind, reduced

to the extreme of human misery, must have wrung the most obdurate

heart. What must her husband feel at such a moment? I felt her pulse,

and whispered, ‘You are not dying;’ she looked at me with an effort of

resolution and kindness to thank me.

* * * * *

“She soon fell asleep, and awakened smiling. ‘I am smiling,’ said she,

‘at my asking you to sit beside me as a sort of protection, and at my

being afraid to _die in my sleep_, when I never felt afraid of dying

when awake.’”

Sometimes consciousness remains to the last moment of existence, and

even when the tongue refuses to speak, the wistful eye and wave of the

hand serve to impress the dying injunction. How beautifully and truly

is this pictured in the story of Lefevre, where the poor soldier looks

first at his son, and then at my Uncle Toby; “and the ligature, fine as

it is, was never broken!”

When death is inevitable, it becomes the duty of a medical man to

consider the propriety of informing his patient of his condition. The

subject is very ably treated in a paper by Sir H. Halford; and written

in his usual classical style. Sir Henry thinks it desirable that the

physician should make known his opinion rather to the friends than

to the patient, and allow the friends themselves to be the means of

communicating the intelligence to the sick. “They do so,” he says,

“without destroying his hopes, for the patient will still believe

that he has an appeal to his physician beyond their fears; whereas,

if the physician lay open his danger to him, however delicately he

may do this, he runs a risk of appearing to pronounce a sentence of

condemnation to death, against which there is no appeal.”[13] Sir H.

Halford goes on to say, “that in the case of his late majesty (alluding

to George IV., who died on the 25th of June, 1830), the Government

and the royal family were informed, on the 27th of April, that his

majesty’s disease was seated in his heart, and that an effusion of

water into the chest was soon to be expected. It was not, however,

until the latter end of May, when his majesty was so discouraged by

repeated attacks of embarrassment in his breathing, as to desire me to

explain to him the nature of his complaint, and to give him my candid

opinion of its probable termination, that the opportunity occurred of

acknowledging to his majesty the extent of my fears for his safety.

This communication was not necessary to suggest to the king the

propriety of religious offices, for his majesty had used them daily;

but it determined him, perhaps, to appoint an early day to receive the

sacrament. He did receive it with every appearance of the most fervent

piety and devotion, and acknowledged to me repeatedly afterwards, that

it had given him great consolation, true comfort. After this, when ‘he

had set his house in order,’ I thought myself at liberty to interpret

every new symptom, as it arose, in as favourable a light as I could,

for his majesty’s satisfaction; and we were enabled thereby to rally

his spirits in the intervals of his frightful attacks, to maintain

his confidence in his medical resources, and to spare him the pain of

contemplating approaching death, until a few minutes before his majesty

expired.”

The changes which immediately precede death are, of course, more or

less painful, according to their nature and severity; yet there can be

no doubt but that dissolution itself is the cessation of suffering. In

some instances the approach of death is betokened by strange and awful

sensations; and it is probable that where consciousness remains to the

last, the feelings are always peculiar and unmistakeable.

These premonitions of death often give rise to a degree of

restlessness, and a wish for change, which is odd and capricious in its

manifestations. Persons who have long remained tranquil will suddenly

express a desire to be dressed and go down stairs, or have their beds

moved to another position. Strange yearnings for particular places and

old scenes sometimes arise, which seem like the shadowing forth of dim

instincts, which have been concealed in the recesses of the mind. How

painfully must such longings have been felt when death has hovered over

the couch in the wild and inhospitable districts of the tropics, or the

frozen regions of the extreme north!

With the exception of those who are worn down by long illness, or

reduced to despair by mental anguish and misfortune, there are few who

can believe that they have accomplished all the purposes of life; and

we naturally look forward to the infirmities of old age to wean us from

the interests of the world. But even then we are reluctant to leave;

and it is only when deserted by friends, that we can say in the words

of the poet,--

“I have liv’d long enough; my way of life

Is fall’n into the sear--the yellow leaf.”

In speaking of others it is common to regard life as properly

terminating when usefulness, activity, and fortune are declining. When,

reverses succeed a happy and prosperous career, we say that existence

has been too protracted: it is on this account that the poets have

spoken of the happiest moment of life as the most proper time for

death; a notion certainly more poetical than rational. Thus, in Don

Juan, Byron says, speaking of his lovers,--

“Why did they

Then not die?--they had liv’d too long

Should an hour come to bid them breathe apart.”

The medical aspects of death, and the medical aspects of the human mind · 第 1 / 4 章