I am not going to enter into the question of the atrocities. In the

Congo the tip has been given out from those higher up at Brussels to

"close up" the atrocities; and for the present the evil places in

the Tenderloin and along the Broadway of the Congo are tightly shut.

But at those lonely posts, distant a month to three months' march

from the capital, the cruelties still continue. I did not see them.

Neither, last year, did a great many people in the United States see

the massacre of blacks in Atlanta. But they have reason to believe

it occurred. And after one has talked with the men and women who

have seen the atrocities, has seen in the official reports that

those accused of the atrocities do not deny having committed them,

but point out that they were merely obeying orders, and after one

has seen that even at the capital of Boma all the conditions of

slavery exist, one is assured that in the jungle, away from the

sight of men, all things are possible. Merchants, missionaries, and

officials even in Leopold's service told me that if one could spare

a year and a half, or a year, to the work in the hinterland he would

be an eye-witness of as cruel treatment of the natives as any that

has gone before, and if I can trust myself to weigh testimony and

can believe my eyes and ears I have reason to know that what they

say is true. I am convinced that to-day a man, who feels that a year

and a half is little enough to give to the aid of twenty millions of

human beings, can accomplish in the Congo as great and good work as

that of the Abolitionists.

Three years ago atrocities here were open and above-board. For

instance. In the opinion of the State the soldiers, in killing game

for food, wasted the State cartridges, and in consequence the

soldiers, to show their officers that they did not expend the

cartridges extravagantly on antelope and wild boar, for each empty

cartridge brought in a human hand, the hand of a man, woman, or

child. These hands, drying in the sun, could be seen at the posts

along the river. They are no longer in evidence. Neither is the

flower-bed of Lieutenant Dom, which was bordered with human skulls.

A quaint conceit.

The man to blame for the atrocities, for each separate atrocity, is

Leopold. Had he shaken his head they would have ceased. When the hue

and cry in Europe grew too hot for him and he held up his hand they

did cease. At least along the main waterways. Years before he could

have stopped them. But these were the seven fallow years, when

millions of tons of red rubber were being dumped upon the wharf at

Antwerp; little, roughly rolled red balls, like pellets of

coagulated blood, which had cost their weight in blood, which would

pay Leopold their weight in gold.

He can not plead ignorance. Of all that goes on in his big

plantation no man has a better knowledge. Without their personal

honesty, he follows every detail of the "business" of his rubber

farm with the same diligence that made rich men of George Boldt and

Marshall Field. Leopold's knowledge is gained through many spies, by

voluminous reports, by following up the expenditure of each centime,

of each arm's-length of blue cloth. Of every Belgian employed on

his farm, and ninety-five per cent. are Belgians, he holds the

_dossier_; he knows how many kilos a month the agent whips out of

his villages, how many bottles of absinthe he smuggles from the

French side, whether he lives with one black woman or five, why his

white wife in Belgium left him, why he left Belgium, why he dare not

return. The agent knows that Leopold, King of the Belgians, knows,

and that he has shared that knowledge with the agent's employer, the

man who by bribes of rich bonuses incites him to crime, the man who

could throw him into a Belgian jail, Leopold, King of the Congo.

The agent decides for him it is best to please both Leopolds, and

Leopold makes no secret of what best pleases him. For not only is he

responsible for the atrocities, in that he does not try to suppress

them, but he is doubly guilty in that he has encouraged them. This

he has done with cynical, callous publicity, without effort at

concealment, without shame. Men who, in obtaining rubber, committed

unspeakable crimes, the memory of which makes other men

uncomfortable in their presence, Leopold rewarded with rich

bonuses, pensions, higher office, gilt badges of shame, and rapid

advancement. To those whom even his own judges sentenced to many

years' imprisonment he promptly granted the royal pardon, promoted,

and sent back to work in the vineyard.

"That is the sort of man for _me_," his action seemed to say. "See

how I value that good and faithful servant. That man collected much

rubber. You observe I do not ask how he got it. I will not ask you.

All you need do is to collect rubber. Use our improved methods. Gum

copal rubbed in the kinky hair of the chief and then set on fire

burns, so my agents tell me, like vitriol. For collecting rubber the

chief is no longer valuable, but to his successor it is an

object-lesson. Let me recommend also the _chicotte_, the torture

tower, the 'hostage' house, and the crucifix. Many other stimulants

to labor will no doubt suggest themselves to you and to your

cannibal 'sentries.' Help to make me rich, and don't fear the

'State.' '_L'Etat, c'est moi!_' Go as far as you like!"

I said the degradations and tortures practised by the men "working

on commission" for Leopold are unprintable, but they have been

printed, and those who wish to read a calmly compiled, careful, and

correct record of their deeds will find it in the "Red Rubber" of

Mr. E.R. Morel. An even better book by the same authority, on the

whole history of the State, is his "King Leopold's Rule in the

Congo." Mr. Morel has many enemies. So, early in the nineteenth

century, had the English Abolitionists, Wilberforce and Granville

Sharp. After they were dead they were buried in the Abbey, and their

portraits were placed in the National Gallery. People who wish to

assist in freeing twenty millions of human beings should to-day

support Mr. Morel. It will be of more service to the blacks than,

after he is dead, burying him in Westminster Abbey.

Mr. Morel, the American and English missionaries, and the English

Consul, Roger Casement, and other men, in Belgium, have made a

magnificent fight against Leopold; but the Powers to whom they have

appealed have been silent. Taking courage of this silence, Leopold

has divided the Congo into several great territories in which the

sole right to work rubber is conceded to certain persons. To those

who protested that no one in the Congo "Free" State but the King

could trade in rubber, Leopold, as an answer, pointed with pride at

the preserves of these foreigners. And he may well point at them

with pride, for in some of those companies he owns a third, and in

most of them he holds a half, or a controlling interest. The

directors of the foreign companies are his cronies, members of his

royal household, his brokers, bankers. You have only to read the

names published in the lists of the Brussels Stock Exchange to see

that these "trading companies," under different aliases, are

Leopold. Having, then, "conceded" the greater part of the Congo to

himself, Leopold set aside the best part of it, so far as rubber is

concerned, as a _Domaine Privé_. Officially the receipts of this pay

for running the government, and for schools, roads and wharfs, for

which taxes were levied, but for which, after twenty years, one

looks in vain. Leopold claims that through the Congo he is out of

pocket; that this carrying the banner of civilization in Africa

does not pay. Through his press bureaus he tells that his sympathy

for his black brother, his desire to see the commerce of the world

busy along the Congo, alone prevents him giving up what is for him a

losing business. There are several answers to this. One is that in

the Kasai Company alone Leopold owns 2,010 shares of stock. Worth

originally $50 a share, the value of each share rose to $3,100,

making at one time his total shares worth $5,421,000. In the

A.B.I.R. Concession he owns 1,000 shares, originally worth $100

each, later worth $940. In the "vintage year" of 1900 each of these

shares was worth $5,050, and the 1,000 shares thus rose to the value

of $5,050,000.

These are only two companies. In most of the others half the shares

are owned by the King.

As published in the "State Bulletin," the money received in eight

years for rubber and ivory gathered in the _Domaine Privé_ differs

from the amount given for it in the market at Antwerp. The official

estimates show a loss to the government. The actual sales show that

the government, over and above its own estimate of its expenses,

instead of losing, made from the _Domaine Privé_ alone $10,000,000.

We are left wondering to whom went that unaccounted-for $10,000,000.

Certainly the King would not take it, for, to reimburse himself for

his efforts, he early in the game reserved for himself another tract

of territory known as the _Domaine de la Couronne_. For years he

denied that this existed. He knew nothing of Crown Lands. But, at

last, in the Belgian Chamber, it was publicly charged that for years

from this private source, which he had said did not exist, Leopold

had been drawing an income of $15,000,000. Since then the truth of

this statement has been denied, but at the time in the Chamber it

was not contradicted.

To-day, grown insolent by the apathy of the Powers, Leopold finds

disguising himself as a company, as a laborer worthy of his hire,

irksome. He now decrees that as "Sovereign" over the Congo all of

the Congo belongs to him. It is as much his property as is a

pheasant drive, as is a staked-out mining claim, as your hat is your

property. And the twenty millions of people who inhabit it are there

only on his sufferance. They are his "tenants." He permits each

the hut in which he lives, and the garden adjoining that hut, but

his work must be for Leopold, and everything else, animal, mineral,

or vegetable, belongs to Leopold. The natives not only may not sell

ivory or rubber to independent traders, but if it is found in their

possession it is seized; and if you and I bought a tusk of ivory

here it would be taken from us and we could be prosecuted. This is

the law. Other men rule over territories more vast even than the

Congo. The King of England rules an empire upon which the sun never

sets. But he makes no claim to own it. Against the wishes of even

the humblest crofter, the King would not, because he knows he could

not, enter his cottage. Nor can we imagine even Kaiser William going

into the palm-leaf hut of a charcoal-burner in German East Africa

and saying: "This is my palm-leaf hut. This is my charcoal. You must

not sell it to the English, or the French, or the American. If they

buy from you they are 'receivers of stolen goods.' To feed my

soldiers you must drag my river for my fish. For me, in my swamp and

in my jungle, you must toil twenty-four days of each month to

gather my rubber. You must not hunt the elephants, for they are my

elephants. Those tusks that fifty years ago your grandfather, with

his naked spear, cut from an elephant, and which you have tried to

hide from me under the floor of this hut, are my ivory. Because that

elephant, running wild through the jungle fifty years ago, belonged

to me. And you yourself are mine, your time is mine, your labor is

mine, your wife, your children, all are mine. They belong to me."

[Illustration: "Tenants" of Leopold, Who Claims that the Congo

Belongs to Him, and that These Native People Are There Only as His

Tenants.]

This, then, is the "open door" as I find it to-day in the Congo. It

is an incredible state of affairs, so insolent, so magnificent in

its impertinence, that it would be humorous, were it not for its

background of misery and suffering, for its hostage houses, its

chain gangs, its _chicottes_, its nameless crimes against the human

body, its baskets of dried hands held up in tribute to the Belgian

blackguard.

III

THE CAPITAL OF THE CONGO

Leopold's "shop" has its front door at Banana. Its house flag is a

golden star on a blue background. Banana is the port of entry to the

Congo. You have, no doubt, seen many ports of Europe--Antwerp,

Hamburg, Boulogne, Lisbon, Genoa, Marseilles. Banana is the port of

entry to a country as large as Western Europe, and while the imports

and exports of Europe trickle through all these cities, the commerce

of the Congo enters and departs entirely at Banana. You can then

picture the busy harbor, the jungle of masts, the white bridges and

awnings of the steamers. By the fat funnels and the flags you can

distinguish the English tramps, the German merchantmen, the French,

Dutch, Italian, Portuguese traders, the smart "liners" from

Liverpool, even the Arab dhows with bird-wing sails, even the steel,

four-masted schooners out of Boston, U.S.A. You can imagine the

toiling lighters, the slap-dash tenders, the launches with shrieking

whistles.

Of course, you suspect it is not a bit like that. But were it for

fourteen countries the "open door" to twenty millions of people,

that is how it might look.

Instead, it is the private entrance to the preserves of a private

individual. So what you really see is, on the one hand, islands of

mangrove bushes, with their roots in the muddy water; on the other,

Banana, a strip of sand and palm trees without a wharf, quay,

landing stage, without a pier to which you could make fast anything

larger than a rowboat.

In a canoe naked natives paddle alongside to sell fish; a peevish

little man in a sun hat, who, in order to save Leopold three

salaries, holds four port offices, is being rowed to the gangway; on

shore the only other visible inhabitant of Banana, a man with no

nerves, is disturbing the brooding, sweating silence by knocking the

rust off the plates of a stranded mud-scow. Welcome to our city!

Welcome to busy, bustling Banana, the port of entry of the Congo

Free State.

[Illustration: The Facilities for Landing at Banana, the Port of

Entry to the Congo, Are Limited.]

In a canoe we were paddled to the back yard of the café of Madame

Samuel, and from that bower of warm beer and sardine tins trudged

through the sun up one side of Banana and down the other. In between

the two paths were the bungalows and gardens of forty white men and

two white women. Many of the gardens, as was most of Banana, were

neglected, untidy, littered with condensed-milk tins. Others, more

carefully tended, were laid out in rigid lines. With all tropical

nature to draw upon, nothing had been imagined. The most ambitious

efforts were designs in whitewashed shells and protruding beer

bottles. We could not help remembering the gardens in Japan, of the

poorest and the most ignorant coolies. Do I seem to find fault with

Banana out of all proportion to its importance? It is because

Banana, the Congo's most advanced post of civilization, is typical

of all that lies beyond.

From what I had read of the Congo I expected a broad sweep of muddy,

malaria-breeding water, lined by low-lying swamp lands, gloomy,

monotonous, depressing.

But on the way to Boma and, later, when I travelled on the Upper

Congo, I thought the river more beautiful than any great river I had

ever seen. It was full of wonderful surprises. Sometimes it ran

between palm-covered banks of yellow sand as low as those of the

Mississippi or the Nile; and again, in half an hour, the banks were

rock and as heavily wooded as the mountains of Montana, or as white

and bold as the cliffs of Dover, or we passed between great hills,

covered with what looked like giant oaks, and with their peaks

hidden in the clouds. I found it like no other river, because in

some one particular it was like them all. Between Banana and Boma

the banks first screened us in with the tangled jungle of the

tropics, and then opened up great wind-swept plateaux, leading to

hills that suggested--of all places--England, and, at that,

cultivated England. The contour of the hills, the shape of the

trees, the shade of their green contrasted with the green of the

grass, were like only the cliffs above Plymouth. One did not look

for native kraals and the wild antelope, but for the square,

ivy-topped tower of the village church, the loaf-shaped hayricks,

slow-moving masses of sheep. But this that looks like a pasture

land is only coarse limestone covered with bitter, unnutritious

grass, which benefits neither beast nor man.

At sunset we anchored in the current three miles from Boma, and at

daybreak we tied up to the iron wharf. As the capital of the

government Boma contains the residence and gardens of the governor,

who is the personal representative of Leopold, both as a shopkeeper

and as a king by divine right. He is a figurehead. The real

administrator is M. Vandamme, the Secrétaire-Général, the

ubiquitous, the mysterious, whose name before you leave Southampton

is in the air, of whom all men, whether they speak in French or

English, speak well. It is from Boma that M. Vandamme sends

collectors of rubber, politely labeled inspecteurs, directeurs,

judges, capitaines, and sous-lieutenants to their posts, and

distributes them over one million square miles.

Boma is the capital of a country which is as large as six nations of

the European continent. For twenty-five years it has been the

capital. Therefore, the reader already guesses that Boma has only

one wharf, and at that wharf there is no custom-house, no warehouse,

not even a canvas awning under which, during the six months of rainy

season, one might seek shelter for himself and his baggage.

Our debarkation reminded me of a landing of filibusters. A wharf

forty yards long led from the steamer to the bank. Down this marched

the officers of the army, the clerks, the bookkeepers, and on the

bank and in the street each dumped his boxes, his sword, his

camp-bed, his full-dress helmet. It looked as though a huge eviction

had taken place, as though a retreating army, having gained the

river's edge, were waiting for a transport. It was not as though to

the government the coming of these gentlemen was a complete

surprise; regularly every three weeks at that exact spot a like

number disembark. But in years the State has not found it worth

while to erect for them even an open zinc shed. The cargo invoiced

to the State is given equal consideration.

"Prisoners of the State," each wearing round his neck a steel ring

from which a chain stretches to the ring of another "prisoner,"

carried the cargo to the open street, where lay the luggage of the

officers, and there dropped it. Mingled with steamer chairs, tin

bathtubs, gun-cases, were great crates of sheet iron, green boxes of

gin, bags of Teneriffe potatoes, boilers of an engine. Upon the

scene the sun beat with vicious, cruel persistence. Those officers

who had already served in the Congo dropped their belongings under

the shadow of a solitary tree. Those who for the first time were

seeing the capital of the country they had sworn to serve sank upon

their boxes and, with dismay in their eyes, mopped their red and

dripping brows.

[Illustration: "Prisoners" of the State in Chains at Matadi.]

Boma is built at the foot of a hill of red soil. It is a town of

scattered buildings made of wood and sheet-iron plates, sent out in

crates, and held together with screws. To Boma nature has been

considerate. She has contributed many trees, two or three long

avenues of palms, and in the many gardens caused flowers to blossom

and flourish. In the report of the "Commission of Enquiry" which

Leopold was forced to send out in 1904 to investigate the

atrocities, and each member of which, for his four months' work,

received $20,000, Boma is described as possessing "the daintiness

and _chic_ of a European watering-place."

Boma really is like a seaport of one of the Central American republics.

It has a temporary sufficient-to-the-day-for-to-morrow-we-die air.

It looks like a military post that at any moment might be abandoned.

To remove this impression the State has certain exhibits which seem

to point to a stable and good government. There is a well-conducted

hospital and clean, well-built barracks; for the amusement of the

black soldiers even a theatre, and for the higher officials

attractive bungalows, a bandstand, where twice a week a negro band

plays by ear, and plays exceedingly well. There is even a

lawn-tennis court, where the infrequent visitor to the Congo is

welcomed, and, by the courteous Mr. Vandamme, who plays tennis as

well as he does every thing else, entertained. Boma is the shop

window of Leopold's big store. The good features of Boma are like

those attractive articles one sometimes sees in a shop window, but

which in the shop one fails to find--at least, I did not find them

in the shop. Outside of Boma I looked in vain for a school

conducted by the State, like the one at Boma, such as those the

United States Government gave by the hundred to the Philippines. I

found not one. And I looked for such a hospital as the one I saw at

Boma, such as our government has placed for its employes along, and

at both ends of, the Isthmus of Panama, and, except for the one at

Leopoldville, I saw none.

In spite of the fact that Boma is a "European watering-place," all

the servants of the State with whom I talked wanted to get away from

it, especially those who already had served in the interior. To

appreciate what Boma lacks one has only to visit the neighboring

seaports on the same coast; the English towns of Sierra Leone and

Calabar, the French town of Libreville in the French Congo, the

German seaport Duala in the Cameroons, but especially Calabar in

Southern Nigeria. In actual existence the new Calabar is eight years

younger than Boma, and in its municipal government, its

street-making, cleaning, and lighting, wharfs, barracks, prisons,

hospitals, it is a hundred years in advance. Boma is not a capital;

it is the distributing factory for a huge trading concern, and a

particularly selfish one. There is, as I have said, only one wharf,

and at that wharf, without paying the State, only State boats may

discharge cargo, so the English, Dutch, and German boats are forced

to "tie up" along the river front. There the grass is eight feet

high and breeds mosquitoes and malaria, and conceals the wary

crocodile. At night, from the deck of the steamer, all one can see

of this capital is a fringe of this high grass in the light from the

air ports, and on shore three gas-lamps. No cafés are open, no

sailors carouse, no lighted window suggests that some one is giving

a dinner, that some one is playing bridge. Darkness, gloom, silence

mark this "European watering-place."

"You ask me," demanded a Belgian lieutenant one night as we stood

together by the rail, "whether I like better the bush, where there

is no white man in a hundred miles, or to be stationed at Boma?"

He threw out his hands at the gas-lamps, rapidly he pointed at each

of them in turn.

"Voilà, Boma!" he said.

From Boma we steamed six hours farther up the river to Matadi. On

the way we stopped at Noqui, the home of Portuguese traders on the

Portuguese bank, which, as one goes up-stream, lies to starboard.

Here the current runs at from four to five miles an hour, and has so

sharply cut away the bank that we are able to run as near to it with

the stern of our big ship as though she were a canoe. To one used

more to ocean than to Congo traffic it was somewhat bewildering to

see the five-thousand-ton steamer make fast to a tree, a sand-bank

looming up three fathoms off her quarter, and the blades of her

propeller, as though they were the knives of a lawn-mower, cutting

the eel-grass.

At Matadi the Congo makes one of her lightning changes. Her banks,

which have been low and woody, with, on the Portuguese side,

glimpses of boundless plateaux, become towering hills of rock. At

Matadi the cataracts and rapids begin, and for two hundred miles

continue to Stanley Pool, which is the beginning of the Upper Congo.

Leopoldville is situated on Stanley Pool, just to the right of where

the rapids start their race to the south. With Leopoldville above

and Boma below, still nearer the mouth of the river, Matadi makes a

centre link in the chain of the three important towns of the Lower

Congo.

When Henry M. Stanley was halted by the cataracts and forced to

leave the river he disembarked his expedition on the bank opposite

Matadi, and a mile farther up-stream. It was from this point he

dragged and hauled his boats, until he again reached smooth water at

Stanley Pool. The wagons on which he carried the boats still can be

seen lying on the bank, broken and rusty. Like the sight of old gun

carriages and dismantled cannon, they give one a distinct thrill.

Now, on the bank opposite from where they lie, the railroad runs

from Matadi to Leopoldville.

The Congo and Coasts of Africa · 第 2 / 9 段