was quickly ebbing. He became worse, and, on July 25, left Spa for home.
He died at Wilton on August 2. "To the last," wrote his sister to Miss
Nightingale, "he had the same charm, that dear winning smile, that
almost playful, pretty way of saying everything." But among his last
articulate words were these: "Poor Florence! Poor Florence! Our joint
work unfinished."
II
The death of Sidney Herbert was a heavy blow to Miss Nightingale--the
heaviest, perhaps, which she ever had to suffer. It meant not only the
loss of an old friend and companion, in whose society she had constantly
lived and moved for five years. It meant also the interruption of their
joint work, which was more to her than life itself. She felt in the
severance of their alliance the true bitterness of death:--
(_Miss Nightingale to her Father._) HAMPSTEAD, _Aug._ 21 [1861].
DEAR PAPA--Indeed your sympathy is very dear to me. So few people
know in the least what I have lost in my dear master. Indeed I know
no one but myself who had it to lose. For no two people pursue
together the same object, as I did with him. And when they lose
their companion by death, they have in fact lost no companionship.
Now he takes my life with him. My work, the object of my life, the
means to do it, all in one, depart with him. "Grief fills the room
up of my absent" master. I cannot say it "walks up and down" with
me. For I don't walk up and down. But it "eats" and sleeps and
wakes with me. Yet I can truly say that I see it is better that God
should not work a miracle to save Sidney Herbert, altho' his death
involves the misfortune, moral and physical, of five hundred
thousand men, and altho' it would have been but to set aside a few
trifling physical laws to save him.... "The righteous perisheth and
no man layeth it to heart." The Scripture goes on to say "none
considering that he is taken away from the evil to come." _I_ say
"none considering that he is taken away from the good he might have
done." Now not one man remains (that I can call a man) of all those
whom I began work with, five years ago. And I alone, of all men
"most deject and wretched," survive them all. I am sure I meant to
have died.... Ever, dear Papa, your loving child, F.
Her grief was accompanied and intensified by some remorse:--
(_Miss Nightingale to Harriet Martineau._) HAMPSTEAD, _Sept._ 24
[1861].... And I, too, was hard upon him. I told him that Cavour's
death was a blow to European liberty, but that a greater blow was
that Sidney Herbert should be beaten on his own ground by a
bureaucracy. I told him that no man in my day had thrown away so
noble a game with all the winning cards in his hands. And his
angelic temper with me, at the same time that he felt what I said
was true, I shall never forget. I wish people to know that what was
done was done by a man struggling with death--to know that he
thought so much more of what he had not done than of what he had
done--to know that all his latter suffering years were filled not
by a selfish desire for his own salvation--far less for his own
ambition (he hated office, his was the purest ambition I have ever
known), but by the struggle of exertion for our benefit.
Happily for her peace of mind there came to her an almost immediate call
to be up and doing in the service of her "dear master," as in her
letters of this time she constantly named Sidney Herbert.
The newspapers had at first been somewhat grudging in their obituary
notices of him. He had been thought of in connection more with the
defects of the War Office during the early months of the Crimean War,
than with his services as a reformer. His family and his friends were
pained, and on their behalf Mr. Gladstone applied to Miss Nightingale.
She did not feel well enough to see him, and, on August 6, he wrote
explaining the case, "taking the liberty of intruding upon her for aid
and counsel," and asking "the assistance of her superior knowledge and
judgment in a matter which so much interests our feelings." Miss
Nightingale instantly set to work and wrote a Memorandum on Sidney
Herbert's work as an Army Reformer. She wrote quickly, but with her
usual care in giving chapter and verse for every statement. The
Memorandum was anonymous, and was marked "Private and Confidential"; but
she had it printed, and circulated it among Lord Herbert's friends and
various publicists. Among those who saw it was Abraham Hayward who, when
a memorial to Lord Herbert was being mooted a few weeks later, strongly
urged that she should be asked to publish the Paper. "No one," he wrote,
"could or would misconstrue her motives. Nothing has been more
remarkable in her beneficent and self-sacrificing career than its
unobtrusiveness. It has only become famous because its results were too
great and good to be shrouded in silence and retirement. Admirably as
she writes, she is obviously never thinking about her style; which, for
that very reason, is most impressive; and I feel quite sure that the
Paper in question would suggest no thought or feeling beyond conviction
and sympathy."[294]
[294] Letter (Nov. 20) to Count Strzelechi, for whom see below, p. 410.
The Memorandum, in so far as it relates to what Sidney Herbert did, has
been described and quoted above; but at the end of it, Miss Nightingale
was careful to touch upon what he had meant to do and what remained for
others to do. "He died before his work was done." The work on which his
heart was set was the preservation of the health, physical and moral, of
the British soldiers. "This is the work of his which ought to bear fruit
in all future time, and which his death has committed to the
guardianship of his country."
Having finished her Memorandum, Miss Nightingale sent it to Mr.
Gladstone. She knew how warm had been the friendship between him and
Sidney Herbert. She thought that in the friend who remained the saying
might perchance come true: _uno avulso non deficit alter_. At any rate
it was her duty to throw out the hint. So she underlined, as it were,
the closing words of her Paper by offering to talk with Mr. Gladstone
about the unfinished work which, as she knew, was nearest to Sidney
Herbert's heart. To this overture, Mr. Gladstone replied in a letter,
giving account of his friend's funeral:
(_W. E. Gladstone to Florence Nightingale._) 11 CARLTON HOUSE
TERRACE, _Aug._ 10 [1861]. The funeral was very sad but very
soothing. Simplicity itself in point of form, it was most
remarkable from the number of people gathered together, and
especially from their demeanour. Many _men_ were weeping: not one
unconcerned face among several thousands could be seen. But it all
brings home more and more the immense void that he has left for all
who loved, that is for all who knew, him.... I read last night with
profound interest your important paper. I see at once that the
matter is too high for me to handle. Like you I know that too much
would distress him, too little would not. I am in truth ignorant of
military administration: and my impressions are distant and vague.
It is your knowledge and authority more than that of any living
creature that can do him justice, at the proper time, whenever that
may be--do him justice, as he would like it, without exaggeration,
without defrauding others. I shall return the paper to you: but of
it I venture to keep a copy....
With respect to your making known to me the "three subjects" I will
beg you to exercise your own discretion after simply saying this
much; my duty is to watch and control on the part of the Treasury
rather than to promote officially departmental reforms. To him I
could personally suggest: I am not sure that I should be justified
in taking the same liberty with Sir G. Lewis, especially new to his
work. On the other hand, my desire to promote Herbert's wishes, as
his wishes, was not stronger than my confidence in his judgment as
an administrator. (If I now seem reluctant to touch that subject it
is for fear I should spoil it.) In the conduct of a department he
seemed to me very nearly if not quite the first of his
generation.--I remain, dear Miss Nightingale, Very sincerely yours,
W. E. GLADSTONE.
On the afternoon of November 28, in Willis's Rooms--in the same place
where, in the same month six years before, Mr. Herbert had spoken in
support of a memorial to Miss Nightingale's honour, a public meeting was
held to promote a memorial to him. "I think you would have been
satisfied," wrote Mr. Gladstone to her on the same evening, "even if a
fastidious judge, with the tone and feeling of the meeting to-day. I
mean as regards Herbert. As respects yourself, you might have cared
little, but could not have been otherwise than pleased. I made no
allusion to you in connection with the paper you kindly sent me,
although I made some use of the materials. I acted thus after conference
with Count Strzelechi,[295] and with his approval. I thought that if I
mentioned you along with that paper, I should seem guilty of the
assumption to constitute myself your organ." Miss Nightingale's Paper,
summarizing Lord Herbert's services to the health and comfort of the
British Army, formed, indeed, the staple of more than one of the
speeches,[296] and the long alliance between them in that cause, which
has been the subject of preceding chapters in this Memoir, was
frequently referred to at the meeting. General Sir John Burgoyne said
breezily that Lord Herbert's "hobby was to promote the health and
comfort of the soldier, and his pet was Miss Nightingale, who had for
many years devoted herself to the same pursuit." Mr. Gladstone mentioned
as Lord Herbert's "fellow-labourer" the "name of Miss Nightingale, a
name that had become a talisman to all her fellow-countrymen." And Lord
Palmerston, the Prime Minister, in associating the Commander-in-Chief
with the late Minister for War, added that "they did not labour alone.
They were not the only two; there was a third engaged in those
honourable exertions, and Miss Nightingale, though a volunteer in the
service, acted with all the zeal of a volunteer, and was greatly
assistant, as I am sure your Royal Highness will bear witness, to the
labours of your Royal Highness and Lord Herbert."
[295] Sir Paul Edmund de Strzelechi, K.C.M.G., C.B., known as Count
Strzelechi, Australian explorer, of Polish descent, though a
naturalized Englishman, was a great friend of Lord and Lady
Herbert, whom he had accompanied on their last journey abroad.
He took a prominent part in organizing the Herbert Memorial.
[296] They are collected in a pamphlet (August 1867) entitled _Memorial
to the Late Lord Herbert_.
III
The alliance which was dissolved by Lord Herbert's death is probably
unique in the history of politics and of friendship. "As for his
friendship and mine," said Miss Nightingale, "I doubt whether the same
could ever occur again."[297] For five years the politician in the
public eye, and this woman behind the scenes, were in active
co-operation; often seeing each other daily, at all times in
uninterrupted communication. There have been other instances in which
the same thing has happened, but happened with many differences. There
have been statesmen who have made confidantes of their wives, and who
have found in them wise counsellors and helpful supporters. Sidney
Herbert himself received much help in his public work from his wife, to
whom he was devotedly attached. In some pencilled jottings about her
friends, Miss Nightingale records a beautiful trait; Sidney Herbert made
it a rule, she says, to mark each anniversary of his wedding-day by
beginning some new work of kindness towards others. Yet there was room
in the ordering of his life, during the five years following the Crimean
War, for taking constant counsel from another woman--so constant as,
perhaps, in the days of his illness and over-work to cause his wife some
anxiety. Yet Miss Nightingale was as dear to the wife as she was helpful
to the husband, and affectionate friendship between her and Mrs. Herbert
was not impaired. There have been many statesmen, again, and many other
eminent men, who have found inspiration or support, no less than solace
or pleasure, in the friendship of women. But Sidney Herbert's attraction
to Miss Nightingale, and hers to him, were on a plane by themselves.
She, indeed, was susceptible, as was every man and every woman who knew
him, to Sidney Herbert's singular charm and courtesy; she admired the
brilliance of his conversation; she felt pleasure in his presence. And
he, with his quick perception, must have enjoyed the ready humour which
played around Miss Nightingale's wisdom. But they were also comrades or
colleagues even as men are. "A woman once told me," Miss Nightingale
said to an old friend, "that my character would be more sympathized with
by men than by women. In one sense I don't choose to have that said.
Sidney Herbert and I were together exactly like two men--exactly like
him and Gladstone."[298]
[297] Letter to Harriet Martineau, September 24, 1861.
[298] Letter to Madame Mohl, Dec. 13, 1861.
The secret of this rare friendship between Sidney Herbert and Miss
Nightingale is to be found, first, in the fact that the character and
gifts of the one were precisely complementary to those of the other.
Though of a sanguine temperament, Sidney Herbert had the politician's
caution. Miss Nightingale, though of an eminently practical genius, was
eager and full of impelling force. She supplied inspiration which he had
the means of translating into political action. Sidney Herbert had the
political mind; Miss Nightingale, the administrative. Not indeed that he
was deficient in some of the administrative gifts, or she in political
instinct. But what was peculiarly characteristic of her was the
combination of a firm grasp of general principles with a complete
command of detail; and in the particular work in which they were
engaged, her experience supplied what he lacked. "I supplied the
detail," she said herself; "the knowledge of the actual working of an
army, in which official men are so deficient; he supplied the political
weight."[299] Each was thus indispensable to the other. And they were
united by perfect sympathy in the service of high ideals. "He," wrote
Miss Nightingale of Sidney Herbert, "with every possession which God
could bestow to make him idly enjoy life, yet ran like a race-horse his
noble course, till he fell--and up to the very day fortnight of his
death struggled on doing good, not for the love of power or place (he
did not care for it), but for the love of mankind and of God."[300] He
was, "in the best sense," she wrote elsewhere, "a saver of men."[301] In
that honourable record Miss Nightingale deserves an equal place with her
friend.
[299] Letter to Harriet Martineau, Sept. 24, 1861.
[300] _Dublin_ (Bibliography A., No. 28), p. 8.
[301] _Herbert_ (Bibliography A., No. 29), p. 3.
PART IV
HOSPITALS AND NURSING
(1858-1861)
The everyday management of a large ward, let alone of a hospital,
the knowing what are the laws of life and death for men, and what
the laws of health for wards (and wards are healthy or unhealthy
mainly according to the knowledge or ignorance of the nurse), are
not these matters of sufficient importance and difficulty to
require learning by experience and careful inquiry, just as much as
any other art?--FLORENCE NIGHTINGALE: _Notes on Nursing_.
CHAPTER I
THE HOSPITAL REFORMER
(1858-1861)
It may seem a strange principle to enunciate as the very first
requirement in a Hospital that it should do the sick no harm. It is
quite necessary, nevertheless, to lay down such a principle,
because the actual mortality _in_ hospitals, especially in those of
large crowded cities, is very much higher than any calculation
founded on the mortality of the same class of diseases among
patients treated _out of_ hospitals would lead us to
expect.--FLORENCE NIGHTINGALE (1863).
The work for the health of the soldiers, which has been described in the
preceding Part, filled the larger part of Miss Nightingale's life during
the five years after her return from the Crimean War; and in 1856, 1857,
1858 it occupied nearly the whole of her time. The work lasted for
almost exactly five years, from the day of her return from Scutari
(August 1856) to the day of Lord Herbert's death (August 1861). But into
those strenuous years Miss Nightingale had crowded much other work
besides. It has been necessary, for the sake of clearness and coherence,
to treat the subject of Army sanitary reform consecutively in a single
Part. In the present Part the other main occupations of Miss
Nightingale's life during the same period, and more especially during
the years 1859, 1860, and 1861, will be described.
The story of her life and work may be divided for convenience into
separate Parts; but in her own mind each of the branches of effort into
which successively she threw herself were connected parts of a larger
whole. Her experiences in the Crimean War, and the emotions which grew
out of them, had caused her to throw her first efforts into the cause of
reform in the interest of her "children," the British soldiers. But all
the time she saw with entire clearness that the health of the Army was
only part of a larger question; namely, the health of the whole
population from which the soldiers are drawn. She had made her
reputation by work in military hospitals, and her first effort was to
improve them, but she saw that the condition of civil hospitals was the
larger and the more important matter. And she saw further still that
hospitals are at best only a necessary evil; a necessity, as some one
has said, in an intermediate stage of civilization. The secret of
national health is to be found in the homes of the people. If in a
particular town or quarter, for instance, there was excessive infant
mortality, the remedy, as she said, was not to be found in building more
children's hospitals there. She was famous throughout the world as a
war-nurse; but she knew that the difficulties which she had encountered
in that sphere were due to the fact that the art of nursing was so ill
understood at home. Her vision took wider scope, and her efforts to
improve the well-being of the people embraced, as we shall hear, both
India and the Colonies. Mr. Disraeli, in a famous speech[302] delivered
the saying _Sanitas sanitatum, omnia Sanitas_, but that was in 1864; it
was Miss Nightingale's motto many years before. When the extent of her
range and the depth of her influence are considered, the claim made for
her by an American writer will not seem exaggerated: she was "the
foremost sanitarian of her age."[303] Our immediate concern is with her
life and work, first, as a Hospital Reformer (Chaps. I., II.), and then
as the founder of Modern Nursing (Chaps. III., IV.).
[302] At Aylesbury, Sept. 21, 1864.
[303] _Nutting_, vol. ii. pp. 207-8.
* * * * *
Miss Nightingale's authority on the subject of Hospitals ruled paramount
in the years following the Crimean War--as the reference of the Netley
plans to her has already indicated. Popularity and prestige were
confirmed by a practical experience which at the time was probably
unique. "Have you," she was asked by the Royal Commission of 1857,
"devoted attention to the organization of civil and military hospitals?"
"Yes," she replied, "for thirteen years. I have visited all the
hospitals in London, Dublin, and Edinburgh, many county hospitals, some
of the naval and military hospitals in England; all the hospitals in
Paris, and studied with the 's[oe]urs de charité'; the Institution of
Protestant Deaconesses at Kaiserswerth, on the Rhine, where I was twice
in training as a nurse; the hospitals at Berlin, and many others in
Germany, at Lyons, Rome, Alexandria, Constantinople, Brussels; also the
war hospitals of the French and Sardinians." Her authority on the
subject was strengthened yet more when her Papers, already
mentioned,[304] which were read at Liverpool in October 1858, were,
early in the following year, published, with additional matter, as a
book. "It appears to me," wrote Sir James Paget, in acknowledging a copy
of the book, _Notes on Hospitals_, "to be the most valuable contribution
to sanitary science in application to medical institutions that I have
ever read." The book has not been reprinted since 1863, and is now,
perhaps, forgotten; but, if so, that is the necessary fate of many a
notable book. The pioneers of one generation are forgotten when their
work has passed into the accepted doctrine and practice of another. In
its day Miss Nightingale's _Notes on Hospitals_ revolutionized many
ideas, and gave a new direction to hospital construction.
[304] Above, p. 383.
Sir James Paget's words accurately suggest the nature of Miss
Nightingale's work in this field. Before she wrote, there was sad need
of the application of sanitary science to many of our hospitals. The
rate of mortality in them was terribly high. Hospitals created almost as
many diseases as they cured; there was hospital gangrene, hospital
pyæmia, hospital erysipelas, hospital fever, and so forth. It was even
questioned whether great hospitals were not, and must not necessarily
be, producers of disease. Miss Nightingale showed that there was no such
necessity. By the light of sanitary science, she traced back the
excessive mortality in hospitals to its true causes, in original defects
in the site, in the agglomeration of a large number of sick under the
same roof, in deficiency of space, deficiency of ventilation, deficiency
of light. In a second section of her book, going more into detail, she
enumerated "Sixteen Sanitary Defects in the Construction of Hospital
Wards," adding to the statement of each defect precise suggestions of a
remedy. She added a series of equally detailed hints on hospital
construction, illustrating them by careful plans, exterior and interior,
of some of the best modern hospitals and of the worst old ones. Some of
my readers may be acquainted only with modern hospitals, and it will be
well perhaps to describe the defects in the old style of hospital. Many
of the hospitals and infirmaries, as they existed when Miss Nightingale
started her crusade, had been built with no consideration for the
sub-soil, and the drainage of them was very imperfect. The wards were
sadly overcrowded, often as much as three or four times over, tried by
the present standard of the number of cubic feet desirable per bed.
Ventilation was defective. The wards were often low. There were
frequently more than two beds between the windows. Little attention had
been given to the supreme importance of having floors, walls, and
ceilings which were non-absorbent. The furniture of the wards, and the
utensils, were such as would be condemned to-day as hopelessly
insanitary. Miss Nightingale found it necessary to enter in some detail
upon the desirability of _iron_ bedsteads, _hair_ mattresses, and
_glass_ or _earthenware_ cups, etc. (instead of tin); as also upon that
of sanitary forethought in the construction of sinks and other places.
Hospital kitchens and laundries at home were not quite so bad as at
Scutari; but many of the kitchens were still very primitive, and many of
the laundries inspected by Miss Nightingale were "small, dark, wet,
unventilated, overcrowded, so full of steam loaded with organic matter
that it is hardly possible to see across the room." All this is now, for
the most part, a thing of the past; and the passing of it is due, in
large measure, to Miss Nightingale. Coinciding, as her book did, with a
movement for increased hospital accommodation, and coming with the
prestige of a popular heroine, her _Notes on Hospitals_ opened a new era
in hospital reform. There had, it is true, been improvement before her
time; and she was not the one and only discoverer of the simple
principles which she enunciated, and which are now the A B C of the
subject. But the general level of thought or practice does not always
rise to the height of the better opinion; it depends too often upon the
average opinion of the day. Moreover, in some matters, there was, at the
time when she wrote, a conflict of principles, in which the victory was
generally given to the wrong side. The beneficial effect of fresh air
was not always denied; but the advantage of securing warmth by shutting
the windows, and relying upon artificial methods of ventilation, was in
practice considered paramount. Miss Nightingale was a pioneer in the
consistent emphasis which she gave to the supreme necessity of fresh
air, and to the importance of "direct sunlight, not only daylight,
except perhaps in certain ophthalmic and a small number of other cases."
She based her contention in these matters on scientific principles; she
supported it from her experience and observation in the Crimean War and
in foreign hospitals. In many quarters her ideas were new and
revolutionary. We have heard already what "a bitter pill" it was to one
eminent medical official of her day to swallow the idea of "pavilions"
in hospital construction.[305] Lord Palmerston explained in the House of
Commons in 1858 that, "strange as it might appear, considering the
progress of science in every department, it was only within a few years
that mankind has found out that oxygen and pure air were conducive to
the well-being of the body."[306] And in the matter of the curative
effect of light, Miss Nightingale cited from an official publication the
case of a well-known London physician, who "whenever he enters a
sick-room, takes care that the bed shall be turned away from the light."
"An acquaintance of ours," she added, "passing a barrack one day, saw
the windows on the sunny side boarded up in a fashion peculiar to
prisons and penitentiaries. He said to a friend who accompanied him, 'I
was not aware that you had a penitentiary in this neighbourhood.' 'Oh,'
said he, 'it is not a penitentiary, it is a military hospital.'"[307]
Miss Nightingale's general principles commanded the hearty support of
the better medical opinion, and to many medical men her details, drawn
from observation in the best foreign hospitals, afforded new and useful
hints; while at the same time she commanded in a singular degree the ear
of the general public, including town councillors, guardians, and
benevolent persons. It was in this way that her book did so much to
improve the level of hospital construction and hospital arrangement in
this country.
[305] Above, p. 342.
[306] Speech on Lord Ebrington's Resolutions, May 11, 1858.
[307] _Notes on Hospitals_, 1859, pp. 100, 108.
Upon the construction of military hospitals--whether general or attached
to particular barracks--Miss Nightingale was consulted constantly and as
a matter of course. In 1859, it will be remembered, Mr. Herbert became
Secretary for War; and in 1860 Captain Galton was appointed temporary
assistant inspector-general of "Fortifications"--a department which
included works for barracks and hospitals. She respected Captain
Galton's abilities, and liked him personally very much. He and Mr.
Herbert took her advice upon all works within her province, and the
plans of the new General Hospital at Woolwich in particular owed much to
her suggestive ingenuity. She even drew up the heads of the
specifications for it. Even where she was not directly consulted or
concerned, her influence and the standard she had set up in her book had
an effect. Medical officers and military governors sought leave to be
able to quote her approval of hospitals under their charge. It would, as
one naïvely wrote to her, improve their chances of promotion.
A more direct result of the publication of _Notes on Hospitals_ was to
bring in upon Miss Nightingale copious requests for advice from the
committees or officials of civic hospitals and infirmaries throughout
the country. To all such requests she readily responded. Writing was
with her a means to action; and when she was given any chance of
translating "Notes" into deeds, no trouble was too great for her. She
had decided views of her own, but in particular cases she often
consulted other experts. Dr. Sutherland, one of the leading authorities
in such matters, was, as we have seen, constantly with her. To her
kinsman by marriage, Captain Galton, she frequently referred; and she
sometimes engaged Sir Robert Rawlinson professionally to prepare plans
and specifications for her to submit to those who asked her advice. He
on his part often consulted her in regard to hospitals and infirmaries
on which he had been called in to advise. Her advice was sought both by
those who were actually projecting new hospital buildings and by those
who were leading crusades for the reconstruction of their local
institutions. Among her papers there is a mass of correspondence,
specifications, plans, memoranda of all sorts, referring to such
matters. Technical details are often relieved by touches of Miss
Nightingale's humour. Here are two examples from her letters to Captain
Galton--(March 24, 1861): "I understand that Baring[308] won't ventilate
the Barracks in summer because the grates are not hot enough in winter.
Why are the men to die of foul air in August because they are too cold
at Christmas? I think Baring must be an army doctor." (June 20, 1861):
"Is the Architect's ideal the profile of a revolver pistol? If you look
at the block plan in this point of view, it is very good. But as he asks
my opinion, it is that I would much rather be shot outside than in. As
Hospital principles are beginning to be well known, it would be quite
enough to engrave this plan on the card of solicitation to stop all
subscriptions. No patient will ever get well there. And as I don't
approve of the principle of Lock Hospitals, I had much better let it go
on." The correspondence about hospital plans ranges in place and scale
from Glasgow, from which city she was asked to advise upon cement for
the walls of the Infirmary wards, to Lisbon, where a new institution was
to be built according to her ideas. In 1859 the King of Portugal asked
Miss Nightingale through the Prince Consort to advise and report upon
the plans for a hospital which he desired to build in memory of his
wife, the Princess Stephanie of Hohenzollern. This affair occupied some
of her attention during two years, and caused her not a little
impatience. With Dr. Sutherland's help, she went laboriously through the
plans submitted by the King's architect on the assumption that the
hospital was intended for adults. It then appeared that what the King
wanted was a Children's Hospital. The Prince Consort, through Colonel
Phipps, was deeply grieved at "the waste of Miss Nightingale's time and
of her strength, so precious." Dom Pedro V., taking an easier view, did
not see that it mattered. A hospital, constructed for adults, but
intended for children, would, His Majesty pleasantly suggested, "only
give the children more room and more air." The King had to be given a
lesson in the niceties of hospital construction. The architect and Miss
Nightingale set to work again on amended plans. Her suggestions were
warmly approved, on the Prince Consort's behalf, by Sir James Clark, and
Dom Pedro sent her a cordial letter of thanks.
[308] Under-Secretary for War, when Mr. Herbert was made a Peer.
At home she took similar pains with plans for the Bucks County Infirmary
at Aylesbury; but here it was easier sailing, for the chairman of the
Committee was her brother-in-law, Sir Harry Verney, and it was promptly
decided (1860) to rebuild the Infirmary "in accordance with the
requirements specified in Miss Nightingale's _Notes on Hospitals_." In
another county hospital, that at Winchester, she took the more interest,
because one of her father's properties (Embley) was in the county. There
is a specially voluminous correspondence on the subject, largely with
Sir William Heathcote (chairman of the Governors),[309] extending over
several years. The old hospital was admittedly bad, but the first idea
was to patch it up. Miss Nightingale took infinite pains in working up
the case against this course. She studied the report which Sir Robert
Rawlinson, the sanitary engineer, had sent in; and she tabulated the
statistics of mortality, comparing them with those of well-appointed
hospitals on healthy sites. Thus armed, she told the Committee roundly
that they were proposing to sink money in patching up a "pest-house,
where a number of people are exposed to the risk of fatal illness from a
special hospital disease." Was Hampshire eager, she asked, to emulate
the evil fame of Scutari? Then she tackled the financial problem. She
compared the estimated cost of "adaptation" with that of building a new
hospital on a better site. She submitted plans and details of her
estimate. She promised the advice of Dr. Sutherland in the choice of a
new site. "I understand," she wrote, "that Lord Ashburton will give
£1000 towards a new hospital, if built upon a new site; if not,
nothing." As Lady Ashburton was one of her dearest friends, this
condition was probably not unprompted. On the same condition, she
promised contributions from herself and her father. She collected and
sent in the opinions of eminent experts--civil engineers and medical
officers--on the question. She prodded friends possessing local
influence: "Would you please," she wrote to Captain Galton (Feb. 10,
1861), "devote the first day of every week until further notice in
driving nails into Jack Bonham Carter,[310] M.P., about the Winchester
Infirmary?" In the end she carried her point, and a new hospital was
built by Mr. Butterfield on a higher and healthier site. "It is the
greatest pleasure," the architect wrote to her (Dec. 1863), "to try and
work out the views of one who is ably and earnestly endeavouring to make
a reformation." Among other institutions upon which she advised, in this
(1860) or immediately ensuing years, were the Birkenhead Hospital, the
Chorlton Union Infirmary, the Coventry Hospital, the Guildford (Surrey
County) Hospital, the Leeds Infirmary, the Malta (Incurables) Hospital,
the Putney Royal Hospital for Incurables, the North Staffordshire
Infirmary, and the Swansea Infirmary. Correspondence from foreign
countries, and a collection of tracts upon Hospital Construction (1863)
sent to her from France and Belgium, show that the "reformation" was
widespread. In India also her book was found useful. "It arrived in the
nick of time," wrote Sir Charles Trevelyan, the Governor of Madras (Aug.
10, 1859), "as you will see by the accompanying note from Major Horsley,
the engineer entrusted with the preparation of the plan of the addition
to our General Hospital."
[309] Mr. Nightingale bought Embley from the Heathcote family.
[310] Eldest son of the John Bonham Carter mentioned above (p. 29); M.P.
for Winchester; first cousin of Miss Nightingale and of Mrs.
Galton.
II
Like other reformers, Miss Nightingale encountered an occasional defeat.
One was at Manchester in a cause wherein she was enlisted by a friend of
Cobden, Mr. Joseph Adshead. He saw something of Miss Nightingale during
these years, and corresponded voluminously with her. He is the subject
of one of her clever and vivid character-sketches--a sketch which throws
interesting side-lights on her own character too:--
(_Miss Nightingale to Samuel Smith._) BURLINGTON, _Feb._ 25,
[1861]. DEAR UNCLE SAM--Adshead of Manchester is dead--my best
pupil.... How often I have called him my "dear old Addle-head," and
now he is dead. He was a man who could hardly write or speak the
Queen's English; I believe he raised himself, and was now a kind of
manufacturer's agent in Manchester. He was a man of very ordinary
abilities and commonplace appearance--vulgar, but never
unbusiness-like, which is, I think, the worst kind of vulgarity.
Having made "a competency," he did not give up business, but
devoted himself to good works for Manchester. And there is scarcely
a good thing in Manchester, of which he has not been the
main-stay or the source--schools, infirmary, paving and draining,
water-supply, etc., etc. At 60, he takes up an entirely new subject,
Hospital Construction, fired by my book, and determines to master it.
This is what I think is peculiarly Anglo-Saxon. He writes to me
whether I will teach him (this is about 18 months ago), and composes
some plans for a Convalescent Hospital _out of_ Manchester, to become
their main Hospital if the wind is favourable. He comes up to London
to see me about these. The working plans passed eight times thro' my
hands and gave me more trouble than anything I ever did. Because
Adshead would not employ a proper builder, but would do them himself--
which is part of the same character, I believe. The plans are now
quite ready, but nothing more. He meant to _beg in person_ all over
Lancashire, and had already some promises of large sums. He had been
asking for about a year, but never intermitted anything. I don't know
whether you remember that I had a three-months' correspondence with
him (and oh! the immense trouble he took) about the transplantation of
the Spitalfields and Coventry weavers to Manchester, Preston,
Burnley, etc.[311] ... It never came to anything.... He was 61 when
he died. This is the character which I believe is quite peculiar to
our race--a man, a common tradesman, who--instead of "retiring from
the world" to "make his salvation," or giving himself up to science
or to his family in his old age, or founding an Order, or building
a housewill patiently (at 60) learn new dodges and new-fangled
ideas in order to benefit his native city.... How I do feel that it
is the strength of our country and worth all the R. Catholic
"Orders" put together. I hate an "Order," and am so glad I was
never "let in" to form one....
[311] Miss Sellon had called her attention to the sad plight through
unemployment of the Spitalfields weavers, as had Mr. and Mrs.
Bracebridge to that of those at Coventry. Miss Nightingale, with
help from Mr. Bracebridge, enlisted Mr. Adshead in a scheme for
migrating them to Lancashire. He and she took infinite pains in
the matter, but the scheme came to little. When it reached the
point, Miss Sellon's friends were not ready to go.
Mr. Adshead had taken a prominent part in a movement to get the
Manchester Royal Infirmary condemned as insanitary, and to rebuild it in
better air outside the city boundaries. Miss Nightingale, though she did
not join publicly in the controversy, plied Mr. Adshead with powder and
shot. But they were defeated. Manchester decided to patch and not to
rebuild.
In the case of St. Thomas's Hospital in London, which was confronted
from a different cause with the same choice, she was successful.
Hospital officials, when in difficulty, not infrequently "went to Miss
Nightingale." This was the case with Mr. Whitfield, the Resident Medical
Officer of St. Thomas's (then on its ancient site in the Borough), when
the future of the Hospital was threatened by the projected extension of
the South-Eastern Railway from London Bridge to Charing Cross. The
Railway Company sought powers to take some of the Hospital's land, and
the opinion of the Governors was likely to be divided on the policy to
be pursued. Mr. Whitfield was from the first in favour of the course
which ultimately prevailed; the Railway Company should be compelled to
buy all the Hospital's land or none, and in the former event the
Hospital should be rebuilt on a healthier site and on an improved plan.
But there were others who were disposed to take the line of least
resistance, and to be content with rebuilding on the old or an adjacent
site so much as the railway works made necessary. Mr. Whitfield opened
the case to Miss Nightingale in February 1859, and besought her aid; she
entirely agreed with him, and threw herself whole-heartedly into the
matter. Among the Governors of the Hospital was the Prince Consort, to
whom she sent a careful memorandum. The Prince went into the case with
his usual thoroughness, and ultimately concurred in Miss Nightingale's
views. He was scrupulous, as the correspondence shows, to avoid any
interference with the parliamentary side of the case, but he let it be
known, among his colleagues on the Board of Governors, what his opinion
was upon the best policy for the Hospital to pursue, in the event of
Parliament leaving it any option. "Your intervention with Prince
Albert," wrote Mr. Whitfield presently to Miss Nightingale, "has wrought
wonders." But there were still two opinions. There was a strong party
which attached more importance to retaining the Hospital on its old
site, "in the midst of the people whom it served," than to removing it
to one which might be more salubrious, but must be more distant. This is
a controversy which continually recurs. Miss Nightingale took immense
pains in working up the case for removal. She resorted, as usual, to a
statistical method. She analysed the place of origin of all the cases
received; tabulated the percentages in various radii; and showed that
the removal of the hospital to such and such distances would affect a
far smaller percentage of patients than was commonly supposed. Then she
made out sums in proportion, setting, on the one side, so much
inconvenience and conceivable danger in making a smaller number of
patients take a little longer time in reaching the Hospital; and, on the
other, the greater convenience and larger chance of recovery which all
the patients alike would have in better surroundings. At the end of 1860
the critical moment arrived. The Railway Company had served the Hospital
with notice to decide within twenty-one days. Mr. Whitfield wrote to
Miss Nightingale in a state of considerable flurry. He was by no means
certain how the voting would go; every vote and every influence were
important; could she not whisper once more in the Prince Consort's ear?
She wrote to the Palace forthwith; and the Prince communicated his views
to the Court of Governors on her side. And not only on her side. "You
will find in the Prince's letter," she was told by one of those behind
the scenes, "your own arguments and sometimes even your own words
embodied." Ultimately the Governors decided as Miss Nightingale wished.
The Railway Company was required to take all or none of the Hospital's
land. It took all and, as usually happens in railway cases, the price
was not suffered to err on the side of moderation. St. Thomas's Hospital
was removed to temporary buildings on the old Surrey Gardens, and there
remained till the present Hospital was completed in 1871.
A fair American visitor, taking tea upon the terrace of the Houses of
Parliament, and looking across the river to the sevenfold splendours
opposite, is said to have inquired, "Are those the mansions of your
aristocracy?" They are only instances of the reform which Miss
Nightingale introduced in Hospital construction, being the "pavilions"
of St. Thomas's. But Miss Nightingale was never consulted, I feel sure,
upon the architectural ornament of the parapets. Her sense of humour
would have made short work of the urns which, as some one has suggested,
seem waiting for the ashes of the patients inside.
CHAPTER II
THE PASSIONATE STATISTICIAN
(1859-1861)
Full and minute statistical details are to the lawgiver, as the
chart, the compass, and the lead to the navigator.--LORD BROUGHAM.
I remember hearing the first Lord Goschen make a speech in Whitechapel
many years ago, in which he avowed that for his part he was "a
passionate statistician." "Go with me," he said, "into the study of
statistics, and I will make you all enthusiasts in statistics." Mr.
_Punch_ parodied Marlowe thereupon, and invited his readers to "all the
pleasures prove That facts and figures can supply Unto the Statist's
ravished eye." I do not know whether any large response to the
invitation was forthcoming from Lord Goschen's hearers or Mr. _Punch's_
readers; though, since the day when Lord Goschen spoke, social reformers
have more and more guided their schemes by the chart and compass of
statistics. If Miss Nightingale saw the speech, it fell upon eyes long
ago opened. A fondness for statistical method, a belief in its almost
illimitable efficacy, was one of her marked characteristics.
* * * * *
Few books made a greater impression on Miss Nightingale than those of
Adolphe Quetelet, the Belgian astronomer, meteorologist, and
statistician; and she had few friends whom she valued more highly than
Dr. William Farr, the leading statistician of her day in this country.
From his meteorological studies, Quetelet deduced a law of the flowering
of plants. One of his cases was the lilac. The common lilac flowers,
according to Quetelet's law, when the sum of the squares of the mean
daily temperatures, counted from the end of the frosts, equals 4264°
_centigrade_. Miss Nightingale was greatly interested in such
calculations, and the lilac had a special place in her year. Lady
Verney's birthday was April 19, and a branch of flowering lilac was
Florence's regular birthday present to her sister. Miss Nightingale used
to talk of Quetelet's law with great delight, and commended it to
gardening friends for verification in their Naturalist's Diaries. But
this is a lighter example of Quetelet's researches. What fascinated Miss
Nightingale most was his _Essai de physique sociale_ (first published in
1835), in which he showed the possibility of applying the statistical
method to social dynamics, and deduced from such method various
conclusions with regard to the physical and intellectual qualities of
man. In regard to sanitation, we have heard already of the reforms which
Miss Nightingale was instrumental in carrying out in Army Medical
Statistics. She turned next to the question of Hospital Statistics,
where improvement seemed desirable both for the surer advance of medical
knowledge and in the interests of good administration.
Miss Nightingale had been painfully impressed during the Crimean War
with the statistical carelessness which prevailed in the military
hospitals. Even the number of deaths was not accurately recorded. "At
Scutari," she said, "three separate registers were kept. First, the
Adjutant's daily Head-roll of soldiers' burials, on which it may be
presumed no one was entered who was not buried, although it is possible
that some may have been buried who were not entered. Second, the Medical
Officers' Return, in regard to which it is quite certain that hundreds
of men were buried who never appeared upon it. Third, the return made in
the Orderly Room, which is only remarkable as giving a totally different
account of the deaths from either of the others."[312] When Miss
Nightingale came home, and began examining Hospital Statistics in
London, she found, not indeed such glaring carelessness as this, but a
complete lack of scientific co-ordination. The statistics of hospitals
were kept on no uniform plan. Each hospital followed its own
nomenclature and classification of diseases. There had been no reduction
on any uniform model of the vast amount of observations which had been
made. "So far as relates," she said, "either to medical or to sanitary
science, these observations in their present state bear exactly the same
relation as an indefinite number of astronomical observations made
without concert, and reduced to no common standard, would bear to the
progress of astronomy."[313]
[312] _A Contribution_, p. 3 (Bibliography A, No. 14).
[313] _Hospital Statistics_ (Bibliography A, No. 28).
Miss Nightingale set herself to remedy this defect. With assistance from
friendly doctors on the medical side, and of Dr. Farr, of the
Registrar-General's Office, on the statistical, she prepared (1) a
standard list, under various Classes and Orders, of diseases, and (2)
model Hospital Statistical Forms. The general adoption of her Forms
would, as she wrote, "enable us to ascertain the relative mortality in
different hospitals, as well as of different diseases and injuries at
the same and at different ages, the relative frequency of different
diseases and injuries among the classes which enter hospitals in
different countries, and in different districts of the same countries."
Then, again, the relation of the duration of cases to the general
utility of a hospital had never been shown. Miss Nightingale's proposed
forms "would enable the mortality in hospitals, and also the mortality
from particular diseases, injuries, and operations, to be ascertained
with accuracy; and these facts, together with the duration of cases,
would enable the value of particular methods of treatment and of special
operations to be brought to statistical proof. The sanitary state of the
hospital itself could likewise be ascertained."[314] Having formed her
plan, Miss Nightingale proceeded with her usual resourcefulness to
action. She had her Model Forms printed (1859), and she persuaded some
of the London hospitals to adopt them experimentally. Sir James Paget at
St. Bartholomew's was particularly helpful; St. Mary's, St. Thomas's,
and University College also agreed to use the Forms. She and Dr. Farr
studied the results, which were sufficient to show how large a field for
statistical analysis and inquiry would be opened by the general adoption
of her Forms.
[314] _Hospital Statistics_. Of course the statistics would have to be
interpreted.
The case was now ready for a further move. Dr. Farr was one of the
General Secretaries of the International Statistical Congress which was
to meet in London in the summer of 1860. He and Miss Nightingale drew up
the programme for the Second Section of the Congress (Sanitary
Statistics), and her scheme for Uniform Hospital Statistics was the
principal subject of discussion. Her Model Forms were printed, with an
explanatory memorandum; the Section discussed and approved them, and a
resolution was passed that her proposals should be communicated to all
the Governments represented at the Congress. She took a keen interest in
all the proceedings, and gave a series of breakfast-parties, presided
over by her cousin Hilary, to the delegates, some of whom were
afterwards admitted to the presence of their hostess upstairs. The
foreign delegates much appreciated this courtesy, as their spokesman
said at the closing meeting of the Congress; "all the world knows the
name of Miss Nightingale," and it was an honour to be received by "the
illustrious invalid, the Providence of the English Army." The written
instructions sent by "the Providence" to her cousin for the
entertainment of the guests show her care for little things and her
knowledge of the weaknesses of great men: "Take care that the cream for
breakfast is not turned." "Put back Dr. X.'s big book where he can see
it when drinking his tea." Miss Nightingale also induced her friend Mrs.
Herbert to invite the statisticians to an evening party. The feast of
statistics acted upon her as a tonic. "She has been more than usually
ill for the last four or five weeks," wrote her cousin Hilary (July 12);
"now I cannot help thinking that her strength is rallying a little; she
is much interested in the Statistical Congress." Congresses, like wars,
are sometimes "muddled through" by our country, and Miss Nightingale was
able here and there to smooth ruffled plumes. A distinguished friend of
hers, though his name had been printed as one of the secretaries of a
Section, had not received so much as an intimation of the place of
meeting; he was disgusted at so unbusiness-like an omission, and was
half inclined to sulk in his tents. Miss Nightingale's letter on the
subject is characteristic:--
(_Miss Nightingale to Dr. T. Graham Balfour._) 30 OLD BURLINGTON ST.,
_July_ 12 [1860]. You are quite right in what you say. We are
all of us in the same boat. And, if it were not that England _would
not be_ the mercantile nation she _is_, if she had not business
habits somewhere, I should wonder from my experience where they
are. Certain of us, who were asked to do business for the
Statistical Congress, had it all ready since December last--and
were not able to get it out of the Registrar-General's Office till
this week. Certain of us were asked to do business this morning,
and to have it ready by to-night, which, if _not_ done, would
arrest the proceedings of the Congress, and, _if_ done, must be the
fruit of only five hours' consideration, when five months might
just as well have been granted for it. I don't say that this is so
bad as the treatment of you who are Secretary. But still it is
provoking to see a great International business worked in this way.
What I want now is to put a good face upon it before the
foreigners. Let _them_ not see our short-comings and disunions. Many
countries, far behind us in political business, are far before us in
organization-power. If any one has ever been behind the scenes, living
in the interior, of the Maison Mère of the "Sisters of Charity" at
Paris, as I have--and seen their Counting House and Office, all worked
by women,--an Office which has twelve thousand Officials (all women)
scattered all over the known world--an office to compare with which,
in business habits, I have never seen any, either Government or
private, in England--they will think, like me, that it is this mere
business-power which keeps these enormous religious "orders" going.
I hope that you will try to impress these foreign Delegates, then,
with a sense of _our_ "enormous business-power" (in which I don't
believe one bit), and to keep the Congress going. Many thanks for
all your papers. I trust you will settle some sectional business
with the Delegates here to-morrow morning. And I trust I shall be
able to see you, if not to-morrow morning, soon.
Mind, I don't mean anything against _your_ Office by this tirade.
On the contrary, I believe it is one of the few efficient ones now
in existence.
Having received the _imprimatur_ of an International Congress, Miss
Nightingale circulated her paper on Hospital Statistics widely among
medical men and hospital officials. Thereby she produced immediate
effect. She printed large quantities of her Model Forms, and supplied
them, on request, to hospitals in various parts of the country. Through
the good offices of M. Mohl, she also worked upon public opinion in
France. "Some months ago," she wrote to Dr. Farr (Oct. 20, 1860), "I got
inserted into the leading medical journals of Paris an article on the
proposed Hospital Registers; and you see they are at work." The London
Hospitals took the matter up. Guy's printed a statistical analysis of
its cases from 1854 to 1861; St. Thomas's, of its from 1857 to 1860; St.
Bartholomew's, a table of its cases for 1860. With regard to the future,
a meeting was held at Guy's Hospital on June 21, 1861, and it was
unanimously agreed--by delegates from Guy's, St. Bartholomew's, St.
Thomas's, the London, St. George's, King's College, the Middlesex, and
St. Mary's--that the Metropolitan Hospitals should adopt one uniform
system of Registration of Patients; that each hospital should publish
its Statistics annually, and that Miss Nightingale's Model Forms should
as far as possible be adopted. She called further attention to her
scheme in a paper sent to the Social Science Congress at Dublin in
August 1861,[315] and incorporated it in a later edition of her _Notes
on Hospitals_. The statistics of the various hospitals which had
accepted her Forms were published in the _Journal of the Statistical
Society_ for September 1862, but I do not find that the experiment has
been continued. So far from there being any uniform hospital statistics,
of the kind contemplated by Miss Nightingale, even in London some of the
hospitals do not keep, or at any rate do not publish, any at all. The
laboriousness, and therefore the costliness, of the work of compilation,
the difficulty of securing actual, as well as apparent, uniformity, and
a consequent doubt as to the value of conclusions deduced from the
figures are presumably among the causes which have defeated Miss
Nightingale's scheme. Some limited portion of her object is perhaps
attained by the statistical data which the administration of King's
Hospital Fund demands, but even here there are possibilities of
misleading comparison. There is probably no department of human inquiry
in which the art of cooking statistics is unknown, and there are
sceptics who have substituted "statistics" for "expert witnesses" in
the well-known saying about classes of false statements. Miss
Nightingale's scheme for Uniform Hospital Statistics seems to require
for its realization a more diffused passion for statistics and a greater
delicacy of statistical conscience than a voluntary and competitive
system of hospitals is likely to create.
[315] See Bibliography A, No. 28.
At the time she was full of hope, and, having obtained a start with
medical statistics, she next pursued the subject in relation to surgical
operations. Sir James Paget had been in communication with her on this
point. "We want," he had written (Feb. 18, 1861), "a much more exact
account and a more particular record of each case. Thus in some returns
we have about 40 per cent of the deaths ascribed to 'exhaustion,' in
others, referring to the same [kind of] operations, about 3 per cent or
less; the truth being that in nearly all cases of 'exhaustion' there was
some cause of death which more accurate inquiry would have ascertained."
Miss Nightingale (May 1, 1861) congratulated him on "St. Bartholomew's
having the credit of the first Statistical Report worth having," but the
table of operations was still, she thought, most unsatisfactory. "It
would be most desirable that an uniform Table should be adopted in all
Hospitals, including all the elements of age, sex, accident, habit of
body, nature of operation, after-accidents, etc., etc. Could you come in
to-morrow between 2 and 4, and bring your list of the causes of death
after operations? It would be invaluable, coming from such an authority,
for constructing a Form." She consulted other surgeons, civil and
military, and wrote a paper, with Model Forms, for the International
Statistical Congress held at Berlin in September 1863. These also were
included in a revised edition of _Notes on Hospitals_. The Royal College
of Surgeons referred the subject to a Committee, which, however,
reported adversely upon Miss Nightingale's Forms.
II
Before the International Congress at London in 1860 separated, Miss
Nightingale addressed a letter to Lord Shaftesbury (President of the
Second Section), which was read to the whole Congress, and adopted by it
as a resolution. The point of it was to impress upon Governments the
importance of publishing more numerous abstracts of the large amount of
statistical information in their possession. She gave various instances
in which useful lessons might thus be enforced upon the public mind, and
cited Guizot's words: "Valuable reports, replete with facts and
suggestions drawn up by committees, inspectors, directors, and prefects,
remain unknown to the public. Government ought to take care to make
itself acquainted with, and promote the diffusion of all good methods,
to watch all endeavours, to encourage every improvement. With our habits
and institutions, there is but one instrument endowed with energy and
power sufficient to secure this salutary influence--that instrument is
the press." With Miss Nightingale statistics were a passion and not
merely a hobby. They did, indeed, please her, as congenial to the nature
of her mind. Her correspondence with Dr. Balfour and Dr. Farr shows how
she revelled in them. "I have a New Year's Gift for you," wrote Dr. Farr
(Jan. 1860); "it is in the shape of Tables, as you will conjecture." "I
am exceedingly anxious," she replied, "as you may suppose, to see your
charming Gift, especially those Returns showing the deaths, admissions,
diseases," etc., etc. But she loved statistics, not for their own sake,
but for their practical uses. It was by the statistical method that she
had driven home the lessons of the Crimean hospitals. It was the study
of statistics that had opened her eyes to the preventable mortality
among the Army at home, and that had thus enabled her to work for the
health of the British soldier. She was already engaged on similar
studies in relation to India. She was in very serious, and even in
bitter, earnest a "passionate statistician." And the passion, as will
appear in a later chapter,[316] was even a religious passion.
[316] See below, p. 480.
Miss Nightingale made a valiant attempt to extend the scope of the
Census of 1861 in the interest of collecting statistical data for
sanitary improvements. There were two directions in which she desired to
extend the questions. One was to enumerate the numbers of sick and
infirm on the Census day. For sanitary purposes it would be extremely
useful to determine the proportion of sick in the different parts of the
country. To those who said that it could not be done, because the people
would not give the information, the answer was that it had been done in
Ireland. The other point was to obtain full information about house
accommodation; facts which, as would now be considered obvious, have a
vital bearing on the sanitary and social conditions of the people. This
point also had been covered in the Irish Census. Dr. Farr entirely
agreed with Miss Nightingale, but he could not persuade Sir George
Lewis, the Home Secretary, to include these provisions in the Census
Bill (1860). Miss Nightingale thereupon drew up a memorandum on the
subject, and, through Mr. Lowe (Vice-President of the Council),
submitted it to the Home Secretary. Mr. Lowe may have agreed with her,
but he failed to persuade his colleague. "Whenever I have power," wrote
Mr. Lowe (May 9), "you can always command me, but official omnipotence
is circumscribed in the narrow limits of its own department." Sir George
Lewis replied that "both of Miss Nightingale's points had been duly
considered before the Census Bill was introduced. It was thought that
the question of health or sickness was too indeterminate." "With regard
to an enumeration of houses, it was thought that this is not a proper
subject to be included in a Census of population." A very official
answer! But Sir George added that he did not see how the result of such
enumeration could be "peculiarly instructive"--an avowal which he also
made in the House of Commons. The cleverest of men are sometimes dense;
and this remark of Sir George Lewis, added to his subsequent conduct of
the War Office, earned for him, in Miss Nightingale's familiar
correspondence, the sobriquet of "The Muff." In communicating the result
of her first attempt to Dr. Farr, she said, "If you think that anything
more can be done, pray say so. I'm your man." But she had not waited to
be spurred on. She had already bethought herself of a second string in
the House of Lords. Lord Shaftesbury, to whom she had appealed, promised
to do all he could. Lord Grey did the same, and asked her to send Dr.
Farr to coach him. She began to "thank God we have a House of Lords":--
(_Miss Nightingale to Robert Lowe._) OLD BURLINGTON ST., _May_ 10
[1860]. I cannot forbear thanking you for your letter and for your
exertions in our favour. Sir George Lewis's letter, _being
interpreted_, means: "Mr. Waddington does not choose to take the
trouble." It is a letter such as I have scores of in my possession,
from Airey, Filder, and alas! from Lord Raglan, from Sir John Hall
(the doctor) and from Andrew Smith. It is a true "Horse Guards"
letter.
They are the very same arguments that Lord John used against the
feasibility of registering the "cause of death" in '37--which has now
been the law of the land for 23 years. He was beaten in the Lords. And
we are now going to fight Sir George Lewis in the Lords. And we hope
to beat him too. It is mere child's play to tell us that what every
man of the millions who belong to Friendly Societies does every day of
his life, as to registering himself sick or well, cannot be done in
the Census. It is mere childishness to tell us that it is not
important to know what houses the people live in. The French Census
does it. The Irish Census tells us of the great diminution of mud
cabins between '41 and '51. The connection between the _health_ and
the _dwellings_ of the population is one of the most important that
exists. The "diseases" can be obtained approximately also. In all the
more important--such as smallpox, fevers, measles, heart-disease,
etc.--all those which affect the _national_ health, there will be
very little error. (About ladies' nervous diseases there will be a
great deal.) Where there is error in these things, the error is
uniform, as is proved by the Friendly Societies; and corrects
itself....
The passionate statisticians were, however, hopelessly out-voted in the
House of Commons. Mr. Caird moved in her sense on the subject of fuller
detail about house-accommodation, and in sending her the printed notice
of his amendment, said that "his position would be greatly strengthened
with the House if he could obtain Miss Nightingale's permission to quote
her name in favour of the usefulness of such an inquiry." I do not know
whether she gave permission; the debate is reported very briefly in
Hansard. But in any case Mr. Caird's amendment was promptly negatived.
As for the House of Lords, Miss Nightingale's reliance upon a better
love of statistics in that assembly was cruelly falsified. The Census
Bill came up late in the session, and I do not find that either Lord
Grey or Lord Shaftesbury said a word upon the subject. The only critical
contribution made to the debate proceeded from Lord Ellenborough, who,
so far from wanting the Census Bill to include provision for more
statistical data, proposed to exclude most of those that were already
in. He could not for the life of him see what was the use of asking
people so many questions.[317] Here, then, Miss Nightingale was in
advance of the time; in one case, by a generation, in the other, by two
generations. Recent Censuses have included more particulars of the
housing of the people, though still not so many as she wanted. Official
statistics of the local distribution of sickness will presently be
obtained, I suppose, in a different way, through the machinery of the
National Health Insurance Act.
[317] Lords' debate, July 24; principal Commons' debate, July 12, 1860.
* * * * *
Deprived by the recalcitrance of the Home Secretary and Parliament of a
fuller feast of statistics at home, Miss Nightingale turned to the
Colonies and Dependencies. The Secretary for the Colonies gave her
facilities for collecting much curious and instructive information; and
the Secretary for India accepted her aid in collecting and tabulating
facts and figures which were the foundation of some of the most notable
and beneficent of her labours. But, though she was already (1860-1)
engaged in these inquiries, they belong in the main to a later period;
and we must now turn to another side of Miss Nightingale's work for the
improvement of the National Health.
CHAPTER III
THE FOUNDER OF MODERN NURSING
(1860)
Where is the woman who shall be the Clara or the Teresa of Protestant
England, labouring for the certain benefit of her sex with their
ardour, but without their delusion?--SOUTHEY'S _Colloquies_ (1829).
The nineteenth century produced three famous persons in this country who
contributed more than any of their contemporaries to the relief of human
suffering in disease: Simpson, the introducer of chloroform; Lister, the
inventor of antiseptic surgery; and Florence Nightingale, the founder of
modern nursing. The second of the great discoveries completed the
beneficent work of the first. The third development--the creation of
nursing as a trained profession--has co-operated powerfully with the
other two, and would have been beneficent even if the use of anæsthetics
and antiseptics had not been discovered. The contribution of Florence
Nightingale to the healing art was less original than that of either
Simpson or Lister; but perhaps, from its wider range, it has saved as
many lives, and relieved as much, if not so acute, suffering as either
of the other two.
* * * * *
The profession of nursing is at once very old and very new; and the
place of Miss Nightingale in the history of it has not always been
rightly understood. Nursing--and even nursing by educated women--is very
old. "She herself nursed the unhappy, emaciated victims of hunger and
disease. How often have I seen her wash wounds whose fetid odour
prevented every one else from even looking at them! She fed the sick
with her own hands, and revived the dying with small and frequent
portions of nourishment. I know that many wealthy persons cannot
overcome the repugnance caused by such works of charity. I do not judge
them; but, if I had a hundred tongues and a clarion voice, I could not
enumerate the number of patients for whom she provided solace and care."
This passage, which is not unlike some of the panegyrics showered upon
Florence Nightingale's work during the Crimean War, was written, nearly
fifteen centuries earlier, by St. Jerome in describing the work of
Fabiola, a lady of patrician rank, who in 390 A.D. built a hospital at
Rome, where she devoted herself to the care of the sick. Female nursing
is as old as Christianity, and for centuries the religious Orders had
sent cultivated women into the hospitals. The very name of "Sister," now
applied to a rank in the nursing profession in general, recalls its
historical origin in religious enthusiasm. Nor was there anything novel
in the mere fact, though there was much that was novel in the method, of
Miss Nightingale's service as a war-nurse. It was novel in the case of
the British Army, but in that of other countries Sisters had already
accompanied armies to the field. And, again, it was not an original
conception on Miss Nightingale's part that nurses should be trained for
their work. Her master, Theodor Fliedner, had shown the way in Germany;
and in our own country Mrs. Fry's Institute of Nursing was established
in 1840, and the St. John's House in 1848, Miss Nightingale's, at St.
Thomas's, not till 1860.
Nevertheless, though not the founder of nursing, Florence Nightingale
was the founder of modern nursing. It is not always realized how modern
is the institution of nursing, on any large scale as a distinct and
trained calling. I have indicated above the three lines of
influence--religion, war, and science--along which the development of
sick-nursing has proceeded. Miss Nightingale came at the psychological
moment to give it a vast impetus upon each of those lines. Religion was
tending to become less abstract, and more closely allied to the service
of man. Miss Nightingale was the St. Clara or the St. Teresa of the new
order, for whom Southey had called. She was prepared, by her experience,
by the character of her mind, by the drift of her philosophical
speculations, not to imitate old forms, but to create a new order, an
order of nurses who should, indeed, be devoted to their calling, but
should be organized on a secular basis. The deeply religious bent of
Miss Nightingale's character, the single-mindedness of her purpose, and
her constant appeal to high ideals, enabled her to give to (or at any
rate to require from) the Seculars of the new order something of the
devotion possessed by the religious Regulars. The Crimean War, in which
Miss Nightingale was one of the central figures, gave further force to a
movement for increasing the number and improving the qualification of
nurses. It enlisted sentiment in the cause. The American Civil War (in
which, as we shall hear presently, Miss Nightingale's example played a
great part) extended the movement to the United States, and the Red
Cross organization may also be considered as an outcome of her work in
the Crimea. The progress of science was tending in a like direction.
Medicine and surgery were on the eve of receiving great developments.
Sanitary science was already making advance. At the time when Florence
Nightingale was in training at Kaiserswerth, Joseph Lister was a medical
student at University College. Cohn, the founder of bacteriology, was
only eight years her junior. Parkes, one of the founders of modern
hygiene, was almost exactly her contemporary. It was inevitable that
nursing also should be developed in a scientific spirit, and no one was
better qualified than Miss Nightingale to take the lead in such a
movement. Her experience in the East had filled her with a passionate
conviction of the importance of sanitary science. She was the centre of
a circle of earnest and devoted men who were devoting themselves to it.
She was personally acquainted with many of the leading physicians and
surgeons of the day. And there was yet a fourth line upon which Miss
Nightingale might seem to be predestined for this special work. What is
called the "woman's movement" was beginning. "There is an old legend,"
wrote Miss Nightingale, at the beginning of her pamphlet on
Kaiserswerth, "that the nineteenth century is to be the 'century of
women.'" At the time when she wrote (1851), the century, she added, had
not yet been theirs. But there was a spirit stirring the waters. Other
notable women were at work, claiming for their sex a place in the sun
of the world's work. Miss Nightingale was not wholly sympathetic to what
she called "woman's missionariness." But the circumstances of her own
life, as the First Part of this Memoir has shown, made her intensely
interested in claiming that a woman should not be debarred from entering
a walk of life to which she is fitted simply because she is a woman; and
of such walks of life, nursing is obviously one. Controversy is
perennial between those who ascribe the course of political or social
history mainly to great men, and those who ascribe it rather to streams
of tendency. It is less open to controversy to say that the great men
who leave the more permanent mark upon history are those whose genius
conforms to the spirit of their time, but who are yet a little in
advance of their age. Among such "great men" the founder of modern
nursing is to be reckoned.
II
In what precise respect, it may be asked, did Florence Nightingale
"found" modern nursing? The answer to this question may, I think, be
disentangled without much difficulty from a good deal of conflicting
statement. I have referred already, in connection with the fettering
scruples of Miss Nightingale's parents,[318] to a conflict of evidence
upon the morals of hospitals and hospital nurses in the middle of the
nineteenth century. Her own opinion at that time (and she did not
express it without much inquiry and observation) is given in the
pamphlet, above mentioned, where she says that hospitals were "a school,
it may almost be said, for immorality and impropriety--inevitable where
women of bad character are admitted as nurses, to become worse by their
contact with male patients and young surgeons.... We see the nurses
drinking, we see the neglect at night owing to their falling
asleep."[319] Such statements were indignantly denied by other
authorities, equally well qualified to form a correct judgment.
Controversy broke out upon the subject a few years later in connection
with the Nightingale Memorial Fund. A correspondent of the _Times_, who
signed himself "One who has walked a good many Hospitals," gave in
1857[320] the same kind of account that Miss Nightingale had given in
1851. He was answered, and his statements were hotly denied.[321]
Obviously there were hospitals and hospitals, and still more there were
nurses and nurses, and no _general_ indictment was just on the point of
morals. Upon the question of drinking among nurses, both in hospitals
and in private service, there is less room for doubt. Dickens was a
caricaturist, but he was an effective caricaturist; and no caricature is
effective in its day unless it bears considerable resemblance to the
truth. In his preface he spoke of Mrs. Gamp as a fair representation, at
the time _Martin Chuzzlewit_ was published, of the hired attendant on
the poor; and he might have added, says his biographer, that the rich
were no better off, for the original of Mrs. Gamp "was in reality a
person hired by a most distinguished friend of his own a lady, to take
charge of an invalid very dear to her."[322] This one can the more
readily understand in the light of a remark by Lady Palmerston quoted
above.[323] "'Mrs. Gamp,' said Mrs. Harris, 'if ever there was a sober
creetur to be got at eighteen pence a day for working people, and three
and six for gentlefolks, you are that inwallable person.'" Great ladies
clearly thought that such persons existed only, and could only be
expected to exist, in the world of imagination and of Mrs. Harris. In
1854, Miss Mary Stanley, or a friend of hers, sent out a circular, very
possibly with the knowledge of Miss Nightingale, to various persons
connected with hospitals and infirmaries, of which the object was to
suggest that nurses should be instructed, on the Kaiserswerth plan, in
the art of administering religious comfort to patients. The replies
which were subsequently printed[324] throw much light upon the position
of nurses at the time. "If I can but obtain a sober set," wrote a doctor
in the North, "it is as much as I can hope for." "I enquired for Dr.
X.," said another reply, "about the character of the nurses, and he
says they always engage them without any character, as no respectable
person would undertake so disagreeable an office. He says the duties
they have to perform are most unpleasant, and that it is little wonder
that many of them drink, as they require something to keep up the
stimulus." The ordinary wages were £14 to £16 a year. It should be
remembered, further, that hospital nurses had, as a rule, in the middle
of the last century no uniform dress, and cooked their own food (which
they bought for themselves), eating their meals in the ward kitchens or
scullery: "If the sister happened to be partial to red herrings for
breakfast, or onion-stew for dinner, or toasted cheese for supper, the
consequent state of the ward may be imagined. The assistant nurses had
to do all the scrubbing and cleaning of the wards, and to cook for the
other nurses and themselves."[325] A side-light is thrown on the
slovenliness of the arrangements by the account of what happened at
King's College Hospital when the nursing was taken over in 1856 by
trained nurses from St. John's House under Miss Mary Jones. "By the end
of the day the new-comers, who had arrived in clean and dainty uniforms,
were like a set of sweeps or char-women, in such an appalling state of
disorder had they found their wards."[326] There were some excellent
nurses under the old régime (apart from those trained at St. John's
House), as Sir James Paget testified[327]; though it may be noted that
even amongst his model Sisters, one was "not seldom rather tipsy." But
"the greater part of them," he says, "were rough, dull, unobservant,
untaught." The stoutest defender of the old system, the most stubborn
opponent of Miss Nightingale's reforms, gives unconsciously equal
support to Sir James Paget's statement that "in the department of
nursing there is the greatest and happiest contrast of all." Mr. South
was of opinion that all was for the best, before Miss Nightingale began
to interfere, in the best of all possible nursing worlds. But his
conception of the ideal nurse is this: "As regards the nurses or
ward-maids, these are in much the same position as housemaids, and
require little teaching beyond that of poultice-making."[328]
[318] Above, p. 60.
[319] _Kaiserswerth_, p. 15.
[320] _Times_, April 15, 1857.
[321] In a pamphlet by Mr. J. F. South, referred to below, p. 445.
[322] Forster's _Life of Dickens_, vol. ii. p. 30.
[323] Above, pp. 272-3.
[324] _Hospitals and Sisterhoods_. London, John Murray, 1854 (2nd ed.,
1855). Anonymous, but known to be the work of Miss Mary Stanley.
[325] "Report on the Nursing Arrangements of the London Hospitals" (at
the time and twenty years before) in the _British Medical Journal_,
Feb. 28, 1874.
[326] _St. John's House: a Record_, p. 10.
[327] See his Address to the Abernethian Society in 1885 given in his
_Memoir and Letters_, 1901, p. 351.
[328] _Facts relating to Hospital Nurses.... Also Observations on
Training Establishments for Hospitals_, 1857, pp. 11, 16.
From all this, facts emerge which will clearly explain wherein Miss
Nightingale's work as the founder of modern nursing consisted. She was
not entirely alone, nor was she in point of time the first, in the
field; and there were exceptional cases to which the following
statements do not apply. But she was able to do on a larger scale, and
on a scale and in a form which attracted general imitation, what others
had attempted. And speaking generally, we may say that before Miss
Nightingale appeared on the scene, nursing was, and was regarded as, a
menial occupation which did not attract women of character; that it was
ill-paid and little respected; that no high standard of efficiency was
expected; and that no training was organized: the women picked up their
knowledge in the wards. They were, as the correspondent of the _Times_
said, "meek, pious, saucy, careless, drunken, or unchaste, according to
circumstances or temperament, mostly attentive, and rarely unkind"; but,
with very few exceptions, they were untrained. "A poor woman is left a
widow with two or three children. What is she to do? She would starve on
needlework; she is unfit for domestic service; she knows nobody to give
her charring, and has no money to buy a mangle. So she gets a
recommendation from a clergyman, and is engaged as a Hospital Nurse."
The change which has come about since Miss Nightingale's work took
effect is strikingly illustrated in the Census. In 1861 there were
27,618 nurses "in hospitals, or nurses not apparently domestic
servants," and they were enumerated, in the tables of Occupations of the
People, under the head of "Domestic." In 1901 there were 64,214 nurses,
and they were enumerated under the head of "Medicine." Miss Nightingale
was the founder of modern nursing because she made public opinion
perceive, and act upon the perception, that nursing was an art, and must
be raised to the status of a trained profession. That was the essence
of the matter. Other things, such as the opening of nursing to higher
social strata, the better payment of nurses, etc., though important and
interesting, were only results.
III
The means by which Miss Nightingale achieved this great work were three.
She brought to bear upon it the force, successively, of her Example, her
Precept, and her Practice. The first two of these aspects of her work
will be considered in the remainder of the present chapter; the third is
the subject of the next chapter.
No woman, I suppose, who was not canonized or who had not worn (or been
deprived of) a crown, has ever excited among her sex so much passionate
and affectionate admiration, and set to so many an example, as Florence
Nightingale. I have tried in an earlier chapter, entitled "The Popular
Heroine," to describe the effect which her work in the Crimean War
produced upon the minds of her contemporaries. To get first-hand
impressions, the younger readers of to-day must go to their grandmothers
or great-aunts. It is they who can help us best to some imagination of
the thrill which the stories of her nursing in the Crimea excited
throughout the land, of the intensity of sympathetic admiration which
went out towards her, of the impulse towards a fuller and worthier life
which proceeded from her example. But old letters are of some assistance
too. From a packet of family letters here is one, from an aunt to a
niece: "_April_ 15, 1857. I fear from a line in one of the newspapers
that Florence Nightingale's life is approaching an end. I have been
deeply impressed by her life these last few days, which in respect of
mine forms but a fragment in regard of time, and what she has
accomplished! A high mission has been given her which has cost her her
life to fulfil."[329] In how many other minds, young and old alike, must
Florence Nightingale's example have stirred similar thoughts! A lady who
had attained high distinction as a Nightingale nurse was asked after
Miss Nightingale's death to record her recollections: "My first thoughts
of Miss Nightingale date back to that winter of frozen rivers, when
children, catching up the rumours of the street, ran about shouting
_Sebastopol's taken_; or danced, listening around the old weaver's wife
who had come to the door of her cottage to catch the last light, and
read aloud to her husband what 'Lord Raiglan' was doing and saying; or
later, in the hour before bed-time, sat at their father's feet while he
told of the frozen trenches, of the 'dreary corridors of pain,' and of
that 'ministering angel,' whose devotion was lightening a nation's
distress; or perhaps later still in sleep, dreamed children's dreams of
creeping amid sleeping Russians, stealing the golden crown from the
Czar's head, and escaping with it to Florence Nightingale! Such
experiences left indelibly impressed on the minds of the children of my
generation the gentle and heroic figure of Miss Nightingale." Often, no
doubt, the impulse was fleeting, and the broken purpose wasted in air.
And often, too, the impulse was vague, and resulted in no definite
action; yet not on that account, perhaps, to be cast aside as valueless.
"I have a belief of my own," says one of George Eliot's characters, "and
it comforts me--That by desiring what is perfectly good, even when we
don't quite know what it is, and cannot do what we would, we are part of
the divine power against evil." But often the force of Florence
Nightingale's example was direct and practical. Among those whom it
influenced in this way was Luise, the Grand Duchess of Baden, who in
1859 founded a Ladies' Society in Baden for the training of nurses. She
had never seen Miss Nightingale, but a letter filled the Grand Duchess
with enthusiastic gratitude. "I felt," she wrote (Sept. 1861), "that
both joy and strength had come to me from your dear letter. I may try
indeed to thank you for it, but I shall never succeed in expressing how
deeply and how highly I felt your kindness. If there is any progress in
the work I have so much at heart, it is greatly to your encouraging
support I owe it." Those who saw Miss Nightingale, and who were
sympathetic, felt thrilled in her presence. "She is so far more
delightful in herself," wrote Clara Novello, "than in one's
imagination." To nurses already engaged in work, Miss Nightingale's
personal influence was an inspiration. Miss Mary Jones, of King's
College Hospital, addressed her as "My beloved Friend and Mistress." "I
value your nosegay too much to part with any one flower even." "I look
on a visit to you as my one indulgence and greatest pleasure." But those
who never saw Miss Nightingale, nor even heard from her, felt the force
of her example. In what was publicly known of her career, there was, as
it were, a call and a challenge to women. Here was a woman, of high
ability and of social standing, who had forsaken all to be a nurse. She
sought to raise nursing to the rank of a High Art. She had already in
some measure done it by her example.
[329] _A Century of Family Letters_, vol. ii. p. 174.
IV
In every walk of life, however, there are those who seek the palm
without the dust. Miss Nightingale had seen already in the Crimea many
women who had followed her example, indeed, in desiring to nurse the
sick, but into whose heads it had never entered that nursing required
special gifts and careful training. Example had to be supplemented by
precept. Miss Nightingale's precepts upon the Art of Nursing were first
given to the world in 1859-60. Her _Notes on Nursing_--the best known,
and in some ways the best, of her books--was published in December 1859.
It was instantly recognized by the leaders in medical and sanitary
science as a work of first-rate importance; as one of those rare books
to which, within their range, the term epoch-making may rightly be
applied. "I am ashamed to find," wrote Sir James Paget, "how much I have
learnt from the _Notes_, more, I think, than from any other book of the
same size that I have ever read." "I am delighted with them," wrote Sir
James Clark. "They will do more to call attention to Household Hygiene
than anything that has ever been written." "This," wrote Harriet
Martineau, "is a work of genius if ever I saw one; and it will operate
accordingly. It is so real and so intense, that it will, I doubt not,
create an Order of Nurses before it has finished its work." This was a
true prediction. Miss Nightingale was the founder of a New Model, and
the _Notes on Nursing_ was its gospel.
The anticipations of her friends that the _Notes_ would be popular were
abundantly fulfilled. Here was a book by Florence Nightingale on the
very subject to which her fame was attached. The effect produced upon
many minds by _Notes upon Nursing_ was the greater because it came, as
it were, as a kind of resurrection of the popular heroine. The years
which had passed since Miss Nightingale's return from the Crimea were,
as we now know, years of ceaseless activity; years during which she had
done some of her greatest work. But it must be remembered that all this
was entirely unknown to most people at the time. The common belief was
that Miss Nightingale had retired into private life upon her return from
the Crimea; but now after a long interval she came before the public
again. And, though, as in all that she wrote for the public eye, there
was a conspicuous absence of self-advertisement, there was enough in the
book to connect many of its pages with scenes and episodes of the
Crimean War. An enthusiastic review in a paper not generally given to
enthusiasm pointed out the connection: "Hundreds of brave men attested
with their dying breath how nobly Miss Nightingale's self-imposed task
was fulfilled, and this little book would be almost enough to explain
her success. Its tone seems to tell of the solemn scenes from which
experience in such matters has to be gained. Its language is grave,
earnest, and impetuous, like that of a person who has lived among sad
realities, and has been face to face with almost every form of human
suffering."[330] Nor was it only the general tone of the book that was
suggestive of the heroine of the Crimean War. Here and there little
touches of personal experience were introduced, in which every one could
read the occasion between the lines. When the author talked of her
"sadly large experience of death-beds," the reader thought of the Lady
with the Lamp at Scutari; and when in her chapter on "Variety" she
recalled "the acute suffering produced from the patient (in a hut) not
being able to see out of window," the reader's mind went back to the
pictures of Miss Nightingale at Balaclava. "I shall never forget," she
wrote, "the rapture of fever patients over a bunch of bright-coloured
flowers." She was thinking again of the Crimea. The wild flowers there
are many and brilliant; and the nurses used to gather them in the early
morning walk which each took in turn.[331]
[330] _Saturday Review_, Jan. 21, 1860.
[331] _Hornby_, p. 306.
The book was not cheap at first; the price was 5s. But 15,000 copies
were sold in a month, and a cheaper edition at 2s. quickly followed. It
was read, sooner or later, by all sorts and conditions of people; in
palaces, in cottages, in factories. Queen Victoria "thanked Miss
Nightingale _very much_ for the book," and sent in return a print of
herself and the Prince Consort. From the Grand Duchess of Baden the book
called forth an overflowing tribute. "I will not attempt to describe to
you," she wrote (Oct. 9, 1860), "with how much interest and admiration I
read these pages, so beautiful in their simplicity, so admirable in
their true Christian spirit. Rarely has a book made so deep an
impression on me. I cannot refrain from expressing the real admiration I
feel for the noble English lady who has devoted so much of her life to
suffering mankind, and who has given to all her sisters an example never
to be forgotten." With further expressions of personal admiration, the
Grand Duchess added a very just characterization of the book: "The
gentle feelings of the woman are joined to experience, reflexion, and
science." Miss Nightingale was urged to prepare a popular sevenpenny
edition, and this appeared early in 1861 with the title _Notes on
Nursing for the Labouring Classes_, and with a new chapter called
"Minding Baby." "And now, girls," this chapter begins, "I have a word
for you. You and I have all had a great deal to do with 'minding baby,'
though 'baby' was not our own baby.[332] And we would all of us do a
great deal for baby, which we would not do for ourselves." "Did I tell
you," wrote Miss Nightingale to Madame Mohl (May 7, 1861), "what
prompted my little chapter on _Minding Baby_? A Peckham schoolmaster
asked me, saying he could always make the school-girls mind my book by
telling them it was 'for baby's sake.' And several opened their parents'
windows at night (greatly to the indignation of the parents, I am
thinking), and removed dung-hills before the doors in consequence." In
its cheap form, the book had a very large circulation. Mr. Chadwick
interested himself in getting it recommended for school-reading.
Benevolent persons distributed it gratuitously in villages and cities.
Edition after edition was rapidly called for. Among Miss Nightingale's
papers I find letters from correspondents reporting cases in which
office clerks and factory hands, after reading the book, voted the
windows open.
[332] "The chapter on Minding the Baby," wrote Mr. Jowett (Aug. 24,
1868), "is excellent. I particularly like the parenthesis ('though
he's not our baby') in which a world of morality is contained."
The book was read, not only by all sorts and conditions of people at
home, but also in many countries and in many tongues abroad. It had
instantly been reprinted in America. It was translated into German, into
French (with a preface by Miss Nightingale's old acquaintance, M.
Guizot),[333] and into most of the other European languages. If the book
be out of print, it ought to be included in one of the cheaper series of
the day. It can never be out of date, and no one who has read it has
ever found it dull.
[333] Bibliography A, No. 32.
V
Miss Nightingale was essentially a "man of action," not a writer. Yet
her writings are very characteristic of her work, and none is more
pleasantly so than _Notes on Nursing_. Not the whole of her nature
"breaks through language and escapes" into it, but this little book
alone would be enough to explain to an understanding reader several
characteristics of her mind and work. It is an incomparable treatise on
the art of nursing; but, as Sir James Paget indicated, it is more than
that: it is an alphabet of Household Hygiene. Miss Nightingale's
treatment of the subject reveals at the outset her philosophical grasp.
"Shall we begin," she says, "by taking it as a general principle that
all disease, at some period or other of its course, is more or less a
reparative process, not necessarily accompanied with suffering: an
effort of nature to remedy a process of poisoning or decay, which has
taken place weeks, months, sometimes years beforehand, unnoticed, the
termination of the disease being then, while the antecedent process was
going on, determined? If we are asked, Is such or such a disease a
reparative process? Can such an illness be unaccompanied by suffering?
Will any care prevent such a patient from suffering this or that?--I
humbly say, I do not know. But when you have done away with all that
pain and suffering, which in patients are the symptoms, not of their
disease, but of the absence of one or all of the essentials to the
success of Nature's reparative processes, we shall then know what are
the symptoms of, and the sufferings inseparable from, the disease." This
is, surely, sound philosophy; not overthrown by any later discoveries
about germs and microbes. It is the philosophy of eliminating the known
as a preliminary to investigating the unknown. It leads Miss Nightingale
to insist on the importance, as she calls it, of "nursing the well"
before they become the sick; or in other words, to the principles of
domestic hygiene--ventilation, warming, drains, light, cleanliness. In
all this her book had more originality than the younger readers of
to-day will realize without some effort of retrospective imagination.
The homes of the poor were in her day those that were not very much
caricatured by Dickens and Cruickshank. The schools of the poor, which
have taught some of the principles of hygiene directly, and have had a
yet wider influence indirectly by setting an example of airy rooms and
cleanliness, were still in the future. Working people in those days
could, moreover, hardly be reached by writings. It was the popular fame
of Florence Nightingale that won for her _Notes on Nursing_ an audience
from "the Labouring Classes." Nor is it only among those classes that
great changes in current ideas and practice about domestic hygiene have
been effected. At the time when Miss Nightingale wrote, stuffiness
characterized the most genteel interiors. She was a pioneer in
establishing the principles of modern hygiene; and perhaps even to-day
there is still room for a wider acceptance of her doctrine that "nursing
the well" is even more important than nursing the sick--preventive
hygiene, than curative medicine.
A characteristic of Miss Nightingale's mind, and of her methods in
action is, as has been noticed already, her combination of general
grasp with minute attention to detail, and this is particularly
remarkable in her _Notes on Nursing_. In the chapter dealing with
nursing, in the more common acceptance of the term, one is struck on
almost every page with this rare combination of gifts. Nothing is too
minute for her touch, but everything is referred to a general principle.
Her philosophy of "Noises," with the detailed injunctions which she
bases upon it, is alone enough to entitle her to the eternal gratitude
of invalids.
The book is no less remarkable for delicacy of observation and fineness
of sympathy. "Apprehension, uncertainty, waiting, expectation, fear of
surprise, do a patient more harm than any exertion. Remember, he is face
to face with his enemy all the time, internally wrestling with him,
having long imaginary conversations with him. You are thinking of
something else. Rid him of his adversary quickly is a first rule with
the sick." "People who think outside their heads, who tell everything
that led them towards this conclusion and away from that, ought never to
be with the sick." "A sick person intensely enjoys hearing of any
_material_ good, any positive or practical success of the right. Do,
instead of advising him with advice he has heard at least fifty times
before, tell him of one benevolent act which has really succeeded
practically--it is like a day's health to him. You have no idea what the
craving of the sick, with undiminished power of thinking but little
power of doing, is to hear of good practical action, when they can no
longer partake in it." The whole chapter, entitled "Chattering Hopes and
Advices," from which this last extract is taken, is full of wit and
wisdom. It could only have been written as the expression of an
understanding mind and a sympathetic heart; just as the following
chapter, "Observation of the Sick," with its directions in the finer
technique of nursing, could only have come from one of long and varied
experience in the practice of it.
Another of Miss Nightingale's characteristics--her taste for
epigrammatic and often pungent expression--is conspicuous in _Notes on
Nursing_. "Feverishness is generally supposed to be a symptom of fever;
in nine cases out of ten, it is a symptom of bedding." "No _man_, not
even a doctor, ever gives any other definition of what a nurse should
be than this--'devoted and obedient.' This definition would do just as
well for a porter. It might even do for a horse. It would not do for a
policeman." "Some 'obedient' nurses know no medium between 'Now no
fire,' 'Now fire,' as if they were volunteer riflemen." "It seems a
commonly received idea among men, and even among women themselves, that
it requires nothing but a disappointment in love, or incapacity in other
things, to turn a woman into a good nurse. This reminds one of the
parish where a stupid old man was set to be schoolmaster because he was
'past keeping the pigs.'" There is lively humour, too, in many of the
personal descriptions. Miss Nightingale quotes Lord Melbourne's saying:
"I would rather have men about me when I am ill; I think it requires
very strong health to put up with women."[334] "I am quite of his
opinion," she adds, and she gives some little word-pictures of the
female nurse (old style). "Compelled by her dress, every woman now
either shuffles or waddles--only a man can cross the floor of a sick
room without shaking it." She was writing in the days of crinolines, and
draws a picture of "respectable elderly women stooping forward," when
invested therein. Another picture is of the nurse who is supposed, "like
port-wine," to improve with age. We are not told the circumstances, but
we are assured that it was a "fact" that a nurse, when ordered to
administer brandy-and-water to a fainting patient, supplied the last
week's _Punch_. Then there is a description of the mincing nurse, with
"an affectedly sympathizing voice, like an undertaker's at a funeral."
All Miss Nightingale's pictures were drawn from life. "I wonder," wrote
one of her friends, "if the originals will recognise themselves."
[334] The saying is recorded in C. R. Leslie's _Autobiographical
Recollections_, vol. i. p. 169, as made to Lady Holland. "Oh!" said
the lady, tapping him with her fan, "you have lived among such a
rantipole set." "I happen to know," wrote Monckton Milnes to Miss
Nightingale, "who Lord Melbourne's nurse was."
No one, then, could read the _Notes on Nursing_ without perceiving that
the author was a woman of marked ability, of wisdom, and of true
goodness. The book does not of itself prove Miss Nightingale's power of
administration or resolute will; for a woman, or a man, may be decisive
of speech without being masterful in action; but with this exception the
reviewer was right who said that the book was "enough to explain the
success" which Miss Nightingale had attained. The book points even more
clearly to one of the main lines on which she was to work in the future.
No one could read it without perceiving that nursing, as explained and
taught by Miss Nightingale, must be a very delicate, and a very
difficult, art. It required a sound mastery of the laws of household
hygiene, some knowledge of medicine or surgery, and, above all, an acute
and sympathetic faculty of observation. "Merely looking at the sick is
not observing." It was obvious that if Miss Nightingale's ideal of
nursing was to be realized, the nurse required both training and
inspiration. Nursing was an art, and like any other art, "from a
shoemaker's to a sculptor's, needed in its votaries the sense of a
'calling,' and then a diligent apprenticeship." The way in which Miss
Nightingale translated her precepts into practice is the subject of the
next chapter. In _Notes on Nursing_, as in nearly everything that came
from her pen, what she wrote had direct reference to action.
In a characteristic appendix to her _Notes on Nursing_, Miss Nightingale
discusses "Some Errors in Novels," pointing out, among other things, the
untruth of death-bed scenes in works of fiction. "Shakespeare," she
says, "is the only author who has ever touched the subject with truth,
and his truth is only on the side of art." "The best definition of a
Nurse," she wrote elsewhere,[335] "can be found, as always, in
Shakespeare." It is in _Cymbeline_ that the ideal of a Nightingale nurse
was prefigured:--
So kind, so duteous, diligent,
So tender over his occasions, true,
So feat, so nurse-like.
[335] Reprint from Quain's _Dictionary_, p. 12.
CHAPTER IV
THE NIGHTINGALE NURSES
(1860-1861)
Life is short and the art of healing is long.--HIPPOCRATES.
"The value of Hospitals as schools of surgery and medicine is hardly
greater than is their usefulness as a training for nurses, and the field
is no less large. It is an employment suited to women. There has been an
astonishing change in this matter since Miss Nightingale volunteered.
This change is perhaps the best fruit the past half century has to
show."[336] So writes one who has devoted laborious years to the
"Condition of England question." If it be as Mr. Charles Booth says,
then June 24, 1860, is a memorable day in the history of the nineteenth
century[337]; for it is the day on which the Nightingale Training School
for Nurses was opened at St. Thomas's Hospital.
[336] _Life and Labour of the People in London._ Final volume, 1903,
p. 154.
[337] The 50th anniversary of the event, not noticed, I think, in
England, was celebrated in America: see Vol. II. p. 421.
This School was a direct outcome of Miss Nightingale's services in the
Crimean War. The Nightingale Fund, amounting to £44,000, was a tribute
from the British Empire to the Popular Heroine. The capital sum, after
defrayment of some expenses, was invested in the name of trustees, and a
Council[338] was nominated by Miss Nightingale for the administration of
the Trusts to enable her to establish "an Institution for the training,
sustenance, and protection of Nurses and Hospital attendants." She
intended, as we have heard,[339] to found or conduct such an
Institution on her own lines, and her first idea had been to become the
Superintendent of it herself.
[338] The Council consisted of Mr. Herbert, Mr. Bracebridge, Lord
Ellesmere, Sir Joshua Jebb, Sir James Clark, Dr. Bowman, the Dean
of Hereford, Sir John McNeill, and Dr. Bence Jones.
[339] Above, p. 269.
On returning from the East, however, Miss Nightingale was in weak
health, and she became absorbed in the large and manifold labours for
the British Army which have already been described. She saw no early
prospect of strength or time available for the superintendence of a new
Institution; she was unwilling that money subscribed for a public
purpose should longer lie idle. In March 1858 she wrote in this sense to
Mr. Sidney Herbert,[340] the Chairman of the Council, begging to be
relieved from further responsibility in the matter, and asking that the
Council should proceed to apply the Fund to such objects as it might
deem best. The Council, however, pointed out that the Fund was well
invested; that further delay would be partly compensated for by
accumulation of resources, and that the contributors were anxious that
Miss Nightingale's "mind and intention should animate the work." They,
therefore, begged her to postpone a final decision, and to this
suggestion she acceded. But Miss Nightingale's labours for the Army
continued, and her health did not improve. Her life indeed seemed to her
medical advisers to hang upon a slender thread; they thought that she
could only live for a few months. She became apprehensive lest death
should overtake her before she had impressed her mind and intention upon
any application of the Nightingale Fund. In 1859 she set on foot
preparations for doing something. A Sub-Committee of the Council was
appointed, consisting of Mr. Herbert, Sir John McNeill, Sir James Clark,
Dr. Bowman, and Sir Joshua Jebb, with Mr. A. H. Clough as Secretary.
[340] "Your letter strikes me," wrote Mr. Herbert (March 22), "as a
little too curt for the occasion." He suggested another form of
words to her which she adopted.
It was obvious to Miss Nightingale that it would be impossible for her,
in view of the state of her health, to found an entirely new Institution
under her own superintendence. She saw that she must work through
existing hospitals and the agency of other persons. It was this latter
consideration that settled her choice of the place at which to found
her Training School. She had naturally been besieged by suggestions from
officials of this hospital and of that, of this charity and the other,
each urging that his or hers was the one pre-eminently suited to
benefactions from the Nightingale Fund. Her choice fell, for the main
application of the Fund, upon St. Thomas's Hospital. The Resident
Medical Officer, Mr. R. G. Whitfield, was sympathetic. The Hospital was
large, rich, and well managed. But, above all, the Matron was a woman
after Miss Nightingale's own heart, strong, devoted to her work, devoid
of all self-seeking, full of decision and administrative ability. Of
this remarkable woman, Mrs. Wardroper, who for twenty-seven years was
superintendent of the Nightingale School, Miss Nightingale has left a
character-sketch:--
I saw her first in October 1854, when the expedition of nurses was
sent to the Crimean War. She had been then nine months matron of
the great hospital in London, of which for 33 years she remained
head and reformer of the nursing. Training was then unknown; the
only nurse worthy of the name that could be given to that
expedition, though several were supplied, was a "Sister" who had
been pensioned some time before, and who proved invaluable.[341] I
saw her next after the conclusion of the Crimean War. She had
already made her mark; she had weeded out the inefficient, morally
and technically; she had obtained better women as nurses; she had
put her finger on some of the most flagrant blots, such as the
night nursing, and where she laid her finger the blot was
diminished as far as possible, but no training had yet been thought
of....
Her power of organization or administration, her courage, and
discrimination in character, were alike remarkable. She was
straight-forward, true, upright. She was decided. Her judgment of
character came by intuition, at a flash, not the result of much
weighing and consideration; yet she rarely made a mistake, and she
would take the greatest pains in her written delineations of
character required for record, writing them again and again in
order to be perfectly just, not smart or clever, but they were in
excellent language. She was free from self-consciousness; nothing
artificial about her. She did nothing, and abstained from nothing,
because she was being looked at. Her whole heart and mind, her
whole life and strength were in the work she had undertaken. She
never went a-pleasuring, seldom into society. Yet she was one of
the wittiest people one could hear on a summer's day, and had gone
a great deal into society in her young unmarried life. She was left
a widow at 42 with a young family. She had never had any training
in hospital life, there was none to be had. Her force of character
was extraordinary. Her word was law. For her thoughts, words and
acts were all the same. She moved in one piece. She talked a great
deal, but she never wasted herself in talking; she did what she
said. Some people substitute words for acts: _she_ never. She knew
what she wanted, and she did it. She was a strict disciplinarian;
very kind, often affectionate, rather than loving. She took such an
intense interest in everything, even in things matrons do not
generally consider their business, that she never tired. She had
great taste and spent her own money for the hospital. She was a
thorough gentlewoman, nothing mean or low about her; magnanimous
and generous, rather than courteous. And all this was done
quietly.... She had a hard life, but never proclaimed it. What she
did was done silently.[342]
[341] This was Mrs. Roberts: see above, pp. 185, 301.
[342] _British Medical Journal_, Dec. 31, 1892. Mrs. Wardroper retired
in 1887, and died in 1892.
Every artist, it has been said, in painting the portrait of a sitter,
paints also something of his own portrait. Miss Nightingale's vigorous
character-sketch of her "dear Matron" is, I think, a case in point.
After much consultation with Mrs. Wardroper and Mr. Whitfield of St.
Thomas's Hospital, and with Sir John McNeill and others outside, Miss
Nightingale formulated a scheme. The Committee of her Council met the
Governors of the Hospital, and an agreement was arrived at for the
foundation of the Nightingale School. The basis of the agreement was
that the Hospital was to provide facilities for the training, and the
Nightingale Fund to pay the cost, including the payment of the nurses
themselves. In May 1860, advertisements were inserted in the public
press inviting candidates for admission, and on June 24 fifteen
probationers were admitted for a year's training. Thus on a modest
scale, but with a vast amount of forethought, was launched the scheme
which was destined to found the modern art and practice of nursing.
II