CHAPTER XII

TO THE CRIMEA AGAIN

(September 1855-July 1856)

I am ready to stand out the War with any man.--FLORENCE NIGHTINGALE

(Nov. 4, 1855).

On September 8, 1855, Sebastopol fell, after assaults, as every one

remembers, which had filled the British cemeteries and hospitals. Miss

Nightingale's time from this date to the end of the war was divided

between the Crimea and Scutari. On October 9, 1855, she left Scutari for

Balaclava, and she remained in the Crimea till the end of November, when

she hurried back to Scutari on hearing of a serious outbreak of cholera

in the Barrack Hospital at that place. On Good Friday, 1856 (March 21),

she again left Scutari for Balaclava, in consequence of an urgent appeal

from the hospitals of the Land Transport Corps, and she remained there

till the beginning of July. She left Scutari for England on July 28.

* * * * *

Miss Nightingale's work during her second and third visits to the Crimea

(of two months in 1855, and of three in 1856) was the most arduous, and

in some respects the most worrying, of all her labours in the East. The

distances between the several Crimean hospitals, enumerated in an

earlier chapter (p. 254), were great; how bad were the roads is known to

every one who has read anything about the Crimean War; and Miss

Nightingale experienced much of the rigour of a Crimean winter. "The

extraordinary exertions she imposed upon herself would have been

perfectly incredible," wrote M. Soyer, "if they had not been witnessed

by many. I can vouch for the fact, having frequently accompanied her to

the [Castle] Hospital as well as to the Monastery. The return from these

places at night was a very dangerous experience, as the road led across

a very uneven country. It was still more perilous when snow was upon the

ground. I have seen her stand for hours at the top of a bleak rocky

mountain near the Hospital, giving her instructions while the snow was

falling heavily." She had for some years been somewhat subject to

rheumatism, and in the Crimea she was at times tortured by sciatica. But

she was "acclimatised," she said, and was strong to endure. Sometimes

she spent long days in the saddle. At other times she drove in a rough

cart. Her first conveyance was a cart--drawn by a mule and driven, adds

the lively Soyer, by a donkey; and she suffered a nasty upset in it.

Colonel McMurdo, Commandant of the Land Transport Corps,[195] then

kindly gave her the best vehicle procurable. It has been dignified by

the name of "Miss Nightingale's Carriage," but was, in fact, a hooded

baggage-car without springs.[196] Some time later M. Soyer identified

the vehicle among other "Crimean effects" which were on sale at

Southampton. It was shown at the Victorian Era Exhibition forty years

later,[197] and is still preserved at Lea Hurst.

[195] Sir William Montagu Scott McMurdo (1819-94); K.C.B. 1881. Miss

Nightingale had a very high opinion of his services in the Crimea,

and Sidney Herbert appointed him Inspector-General of the

Volunteers (see Miss Nightingale's Letter on the Volunteers, 1861).

[196] A woodcut of it appeared in the _Illustrated London News_, August

30, 1856.

[197] See Vol. II. p. 409.

In this hooded vehicle, or on horseback, or if the roads were very bad

on foot, Miss Nightingale made her rounds in all weathers, her

headquarters being sometimes at the General and sometimes at the Castle

Hospital. She never presumed on her sex to save herself trouble or

fatigue at the expense of others. She was now without Mr. Bracebridge's

assistance, but she found that the absence of a civilian go-between was

no disadvantage. "A woman," she said, "obtains from military courtesy

(if she does not shock either their habits of business or their caste

prejudices) what a man who pitted the civilian against the military

effectually hindered." She superintended the nursing in all the

hospitals under her orders. Of the hospital huts on the Genoese Heights,

there is a vivid picture in Lady Hornby's _Travels_. "The first day of

our arrival," she wrote, May 1856, "we took a long ramble on the heights

of Balaclava, by the old Genoese castle. On one side is a solitary and

magnificent view of sea and cliffs; but pass a sharp and lofty turning,

and the crowded port beneath, and all the active military movements, are

instantly before your eyes. Higher up we came to Miss Nightingale's

hospital huts, built of long planks, and adorned with neatly bordering

flowers. The sea was glistening before us, and as we lingered to admire

the fine view, one of the nurses, a kind, motherly-looking woman, came

into the little porch, and invited us to enter and rest. A wooden stool

was kindly offered to us by another and younger Sister. On the large

deal table was a simple pot of wild flowers, so beautifully arranged,

they instantly struck my eye. How charming the little deal house

appeared to me, with its perfect cleanliness, its glorious view, and the

health, contentment, and usefulness of its inmates! How respectable

their few wants seemed; how suited their simple dress to the stern

realities, as well as to the charities of life, and how fearlessly they

reposed on the care and love of God in that lonely place, far away from

all their friends; how earnestly they admired and tended the few spring

flowers of a strange land,[198] these brave, quiet women, who had

witnessed and helped to relieve so much suffering! This was the

pleasantest visit I ever made. Miss Nightingale had been there but a few

days before, and this deal room and stool were hers."[199] Miss

Nightingale established reading-rooms, bored for water to improve the

supply near the hospitals, had the huts covered with felt for protection

against the winter, and brought her extra-diet kitchens, with M. Soyer's

good help, into full efficiency. In her absence the work had met with

many difficulties from the supineness or hostility of officials towards

what some regarded as her fads, and others as her interference. "In

April," she wrote to Mrs. Herbert from the Castle Hospital (Nov. 17,

1855), "I undertook this Hospital, and from that time to this we cooked

all the Extra Diet for 500 to 600 patients, and the _whole_ diet for all

the wounded officers by ourselves in a shed; and though I sent up a

French cook in July to whom I gave £100 a year, I could not get an Extra

Diet Kitchen built, promised me in May, till I came up this time to do

it myself in October. During the whole of this time, every egg, every

bit of butter, jelly, ale, and Eau de Cologne which the sick officers

have had has been provided out of Mrs. Samuel Smith's or my private

pocket. On Nov. 4 I opened my Extra Diet Kitchen."

[198] For another reference to the Crimean flowers, see below, p. 450.

[199] _Hornby_, pp. 306-7.

II

Miss Nightingale's work in the Crimea was attended by ceaseless worry.

She had to fight her way into full authority. She knew that she would

win, but her enemies were active, and were for the moment in possession

of the field. "There is not an official," she said, "who would not burn

me like Joan of Arc if he could, but they know that the War Office

cannot turn me out because the country is with me." She was beset with

jealousies in the Crimea, both in military and in medical quarters; and

to make matters worse, religious, and even racial animosities mixed

themselves up in the disputes. Lord Raglan, who believed in her and

always supported her, was now dead; and by some strange omission, the

instructions which had been sent to him from London at the time of her

original appointment were unknown to his successors in the command. The

words in the _published_ instructions--"in Turkey"--gave a sort of

technical excuse (as already mentioned) to jealous officials for

regarding Miss Nightingale as an interloper in the Crimea. The point,

however, had no substance; for there was a female nursing establishment

already in the Crimea, which had received no separate or independent

instructions, and which was yet supported by Government. By what

authority could it be there, except as delegated from the Lady

Superintendent in Chief? But the intrusion of Miss Nightingale was, I

suppose, resented by some military officers the more at Balaclava than

at Scutari, in proportion as the scene was nearer to the front; how

keen the resentment was, we have heard from Colonel Sterling. And as

Headquarters were unsympathetic also, Miss Nightingale had an uphill

task. "We get things done all the same," she wrote to Mrs. Herbert,

"only a little more slowly. When we have support at Headquarters matters

advance faster, that is all. The real grievance against us is that,

though subordinate to the Medical Chiefs in Office, we are superior to

them in influence and in the chance of being heard at home. It is an

anomaly, but so is war in England." There had been in England no due

provision for all the needs of the war. Miss Nightingale, seeing things

that needed to be done, preferred to get them done by anomalous means

rather than that by rule they should not be done at all.

That her analysis of the situation correctly explains the jealousy and

opposition of the Medical Chiefs in Office may be gathered from their

correspondence. The personal situation in the Crimea had not been eased

by the statements of Mr. Bracebridge, already mentioned (p. 213). On his

return home, he had not only extolled Miss Nightingale, but had made

severe strictures upon the whole medical service in the East. His

speech, delivered at a public meeting, was reported very fully in the

_Times_ (Oct. 16, 1855). Miss Nightingale was doubtless suspected of

complicity in this attack; but in fact she was innocent, and she was

quite as angry as were the doctors when she saw the report. Mr.

Bracebridge was her friend, but truth and expediency were greater

friends; and she proceeded to give Mr. Bracebridge a trenchant piece of

her mind (Nov. 4). She objected to his speech: "_First_, because it is

not our business, and I have expressly denied being a medical officer,

and rejected all applications both of medical men and quacks to have

their systems examined[200]; _secondly_, because it justifies all the

attacks made against us for unwarrantable interference and criticism;

and, _thirdly_, because I believe it to be utterly unfair." And she

proceeded in much detail to defend the doctors against Mr. Bracebridge's

aspersions. His indiscretion doubtless raised prejudice in medical

quarters against Miss Nightingale; but there were other and deeper

causes at work. Dr. Hall, the Principal Medical Officer in the Crimea,

was, in some sort, the person most responsible, individually, for the

state of things which had stirred so much outcry in England; and Mr.

Sidney Herbert at a very early stage had put his finger on Dr. Hall's

touchy spot. "I cannot help feeling," he had written to Lord Raglan in

December 1854, "that Dr. Hall resents offers of assistance as being

slurs on his preparations."[201] Dr. Hall wrote fiercely about "a system

of detraction against our establishments kept up by interested parties

under the garb of philanthropy." Some became detractors, he went on, "to

make their mission of importance, and they wish the world to believe

that all the ameliorations in our institutions are entirely owing to

their own exertions or those of a few nurses; and I am sorry to say some

of our own department have pandered to this, and have been rewarded for

it." Miss Nightingale's remark upon this tirade was characteristic: "One

is tempted to ask, have no others been rewarded who have nothing to show

for the result of this same boasted hospital system, but the wreck of an

Army, which they did not advise even the most ordinary precautions (as

to diet and clothing) to prevent, and the graves at Scutari."[202] To

me, after much reading of the documents, it seems that Dr. Hall was the

victim of a false position. He had been appointed Medical

Inspector-General in the Crimea when he was still in India, and he did

not arrive on the scene in time to think out the preparations properly.

Miss Nightingale never allowed personal feeling to affect the

impartiality of her judgments. Dr. Hall disputed her authority and

resented her interference. She fought him, and in the end she beat him;

but there are passages in her letters which bear testimony to his good

services and high capacity in many respects. Nor were their personal

relations unfriendly; but she saw in him throughout an antagonist

influence. The Deputy Purveyor-in-Chief, Mr. David Fitz-Gerald, regarded

her coming to the Crimea with equal, or greater, suspicion and dislike,

and he sent home to the War Office a Confidential Report, criticizing

the female nursing establishment, and making out an argumentative case

against the desirability of sanctioning Miss Nightingale's claim to be

the Lady Superior of the Crimean nurses. Miss Nightingale had been shown

these reports by a friend, and she was angry at what she considered a

campaign of secret hostility against her.

[200] There are applications of the kind among Miss Nightingale's

papers.

[201] _Stanmore_, vol. i. p. 369.

[202] _Notes_, vol. i. sec. i. pp. xxiv.-v. In a private letter

Miss Nightingale's irony was more bitter. "K.C.B." meant, she

supposed, Knight of the Crimean Burial-grounds."

To add to the mischief, the professional difficulty (as I may call it)

became entangled with the religious difficulty. Some of the nuns who had

previously been assigned to the hospitals at Koulali, proceeded in

October 1855, at Dr. Hall's instance, to the General Hospital at

Balaclava. This was naturally regarded by Miss Nightingale as an act of

usurpation upon her authority; it gave an undue proportion of Roman

Catholics to a particular hospital; and, moreover, she did not consider

these particular ladies, or their Reverend Mother, Mrs. Bridgeman,

wholly efficient. They were most devoted and self-sacrificing, and their

spiritual ministrations were admirable, but as nurses and administrators

she thought less highly of them. Mr. Fitz-Gerald, on the other hand, was

strongly prepossessed, as independent observers thought, in their

favour. As ill-luck would have it, these ladies were for the most part

Irish, and the matter was made to assume the aspect of a

racial-religious feud. People who could not understand Miss

Nightingale's single-minded devotion to efficient and business-like

administration supposed that she was actuated by prejudice. Dr. Hall was

not moved by any such suspicion; but the ladies, whom Miss Nightingale

regarded as not among the more efficient of her staff of nurses, were

his nominees, and he strongly backed them. There was a somewhat similar

dispute about another transference of nurses in the Crimea made without

Miss Nightingale's sanction; and some of the women, taking their cue

from their superiors, were inclined to question and flout her authority.

"I don't know what she wants here," said one, when the Lady

Superintendent appeared on the scene.[203]

[203] _The Autobiography of a Balaclava Nurse_, vol. ii. p. 163.

III

All this controversy raised Miss Nightingale's vexation to white heat.

On January 7, 1856, she wrote an official letter to the War Office,

complaining of the encroachment on her department by the Medical

Officer. In semi-private letters to Mr. Sidney Herbert (Feb. 20, 21,

1856) she formulated her grievances. Dr. Hall was "attempting to root

her out of the Crimea." Other officials were traducing her behind her

back. The War Office was not adequately supporting her. "It is profuse,"

she said, "in tinsel and empty praise which I do not want, and does not

give me the real business-like efficient standing which I do want." She

begged Mr. Herbert to move in the House of Commons for the production of

correspondence, so that the public might be able to judge between her

and those who were traducing her, and striving to thwart her work. Mr.

Herbert, in a reply[204] marked alike by good sense and good feeling,

ventured "to criticize and to scold" his friend. "You have been

overdone," he said, "with your long, anxious, harassing work. You see

jealousies and meannesses all round you. You hear of one-sided, unfair,

and unjust reports made of your proceedings and of those under you. But

you over-rate their importance, you attribute too much motive to them,

and you write upon them with an irritation and vehemence which detracts

very much from the weight which would attach to what you say." There are

letters to show that this was the opinion also of the more sagacious

among Miss Nightingale's nearest friends. To move for papers would, Mr.

Herbert added, be very injudicious. There was no public attack, and the

publication of papers would call needless attention to disputes. The

answers to her critics, which she had sent home, appeared to Mr. Herbert

to be complete, and he understood that the War Office so considered

them. Moreover the Secretary of State was about to issue orders which

would clear up Miss Nightingale's position once and for all. And her own

letters, though conclusive as to the facts, had in their tone done

herself "less than justice."

[204] Printed _in extenso_ in _Stanmore_, vol. i. pp. 416-420.

All this was excellent advice, and Miss Nightingale took it in good

part, but not, in a phrase now sanctioned in high politics, "lying

down." She replied at great length and with full vigour. The gist of her

letter was that it was easy to be calm and "statesmanlike" at a

distance, but difficult not to be angry and downright when you were on

the spot finding your work for the sick and wounded hampered at every

turn. She had been criticized, among other things, for interference in

the Purveyor's sphere. Her reply to Mr. Herbert on this point is

decidedly effective, and incidentally throws light on the hardness of

her life in the Crimea. Happily, she said, she had brought with her

adequate supplies for herself and her staff. If she had not, they would

have been in danger of starvation:--

(_Miss Nightingale to Sidney Herbert._) CRIMEA, _April_ 4 [1856]. I

arrived here March 24 with Nurses for the two Land Transport

Hospitals required by Dr. Hall in writing on March 10.[205] We have

now been ten days without rations. Lord Cardigan was surprised to

find his horses die at the end of a fortnight because they were

without rations, and said that they "chose" to do it, obstinate

brutes! The Inspector-General and Purveyors wish to see whether

women can live as long as horses without rations. I thank God my

charge has felt neither cold nor hunger (and is in efficient

working order, having cooked and administered in both Hospitals the

whole of the extras for 260 bad cases ever since the first day of

their arrival). I have, however, felt both. I do not wish to make a

martyr of myself; within sight of the graves of the Crimean Army of

last winter (too soon forgotten in England), it would be difficult

to do so. I am glad to have had the experience. For cold and hunger

wonderfully sharpen the wits.... During these ten days I have fed

and warmed these women at my own private expense by my own private

exertions. I have never been off my horse till 9 or 10 at night,

except when it was too dark to walk home over these crags even with

a lantern, when I have gone on foot. During the greater part of the

day I have been without food necessarily, except a little brandy

and water (you see I am taking to drinking like my comrades of the

Army). But the object of my coming has been attained, and my women

have neither starved nor suffered.

[205] The letter is printed in _Hall_, p. 451.

The memory of the petty persecution to which she was subjected by

hostile and jealous officials in the Crimea never faded from Miss

Nightingale's mind. A reference to it will be found in a much later

chapter,[206] and she often mentioned it in her notes and letters. But,

though she fought the officials hard, she never showed temper in public,

and she did not allow either the obstruction itself or her vexation at

it to impede her work. She had come to the Crimea prepared, and her

private stores sufficed to feed her staff till official obstruction was

removed; whilst as for her vexation, she was careful not to show it lest

her work should suffer.

[206] Vol. II. p. 195.

Meanwhile a dispatch was already on its way from the War Department,

which gave to Miss Nightingale the full support for which she had asked.

The dispatch was not settled, however, without a stiff fight against it

by subordinates at the War Office, who sided with Sir John Hall and Mr.

Fitz-Gerald. The curious in such matters may consult the minutes and

counter-minutes upon Miss Nightingale's letter of protest preserved in

the archives of the War Office. Lord Panmure, however, took her view.

Even when the lines of the dispatch were settled in accordance with his

instructions, protests were still made against a policy which, in

supporting Miss Nightingale, would censure Dr. Hall, but the Minister

was not moved. He had already, on November 5, 1855, written to Miss

Nightingale herself, stating that Mrs. Bridgeman was not justified in

acting as she had done.[207] He now, on February 25, 1856, wrote to the

Commander of the Forces directing that Dr. Hall's attention should be

called to the irregularity of his proceeding in introducing nurses into

a Hospital without previous communication with Miss Nightingale, and

that the following statement should be issued:--

The Secretary of State for War has addressed the following dispatch

to the Commander of the Forces, with a desire that it should be

promulgated in General Orders: "It appears to me that the Medical

Authorities of the Army do not correctly comprehend Miss

Nightingale's position as it has been officially recognized by me.

I therefore think it right to state to you briefly for their

guidance, as well as for the information of the Army, what the

position of that excellent lady is. Miss Nightingale is recognized

by Her Majesty's Government as the General Superintendent of the

Female Nursing Establishment of the military hospitals of the Army.

No lady, or sister, or nurse is to be transferred from one hospital

to another, or introduced into any hospital, without consultation

with her. Her instructions, however, require to have the approval

of the Principal Medical Officer in the exercise of the

responsibility thus vested in her. The Principal Medical Officer

will communicate with Miss Nightingale upon all subjects connected

with the Female Nursing Establishment, and will give his directions

through that lady."[208]

[207] See _Hall_, p. 438.

[208] _Hall_, p. 450. The text of the General Order as issued on

March 16 was printed in the _Times_ of April 1, 1856.

Miss Nightingale's strong feeling in this matter was not caused, as a

hasty, prejudiced, or uncharitable judgment might suggest, by wounded

_amour propre_. It was based on the conviction which experience had

given her, that only by the strictest discipline exercised through

properly constituted authority, could the experiment of female nursing

in military hospitals be made successful. In the Confidential Reports

which were sent to the War Office criticizing the experiment, advantage

was taken of mistakes and misdeeds which Miss Nightingale felt that she

might have prevented had she been armed earlier with explicit and

plenary authority.[209]

[209] See on this subject her Report to the Secretary of State,

_Subsidiary Notes_, pp. 1, 2.

Armed with this full authority, Miss Nightingale proceeded to make such

transferences among the nurses as she deemed necessary in the cause of

efficiency. She had no desire to remove Mrs. Bridgeman and the nuns; she

was anxious only to make some reforms in their administration, as she

would now have express authority to do; and she begged Mrs. Bridgeman to

remain. Sir John Hall and the Deputy Purveyor-in-Chief, smarting under

the War Office's edict, seem to have laid their heads together, and

advised Mrs. Bridgeman to resign.[210] "It must rest with you to

decide," wrote Sir John, "whether you wish to remain subservient to the

control of Miss Nightingale or not." She and her Sisterhood, resigning

forthwith (March 28), returned to England, and Miss Nightingale filled

their places by others of the staff. In her retrospect of the whole

campaign, she regarded the spring of 1856 in the Crimea as one of the

three periods when her nurses gave the greatest proof of their

utility.[211] There was then great sickness among the Land Transport

Corps. The other two periods were on the arrival of the wounded from

Inkerman at Scutari (p. 181), and "during the heavy summer work of

nursing the wounded at Balaclava in 1855." There is, I think, no

memorial of Miss Nightingale in the Crimea. But on the heights above

Balaclava, visible from a great distance at sea, is a tall marble cross,

erected to the memory of the heroic dead, "and to those Sisters of

Charity who had fallen in their service." The words engraved upon it

are, "Lord, have mercy upon us."[212]

[210] See the letters printed in _Hall_, p. 457.

[211] _Notes_, p. 158.

[212] It has often been stated that the cross was erected by

Miss Nightingale, but this is not the case. The inscription was

suggested by Mrs. Shaw Stewart. In 1863 a Maternity Charity was

established at Constantinople "in honour of Florence Nightingale."

Miss Nightingale was much exhausted by her labours in the Crimea, and, a

few weeks before she left it for the last time, she wrote some

testamentary dispositions which, in the event of her death, were to be

handed to General Storks, in command at Scutari: "As you," she wrote to

him (Balaclava, May 3, 1856), "are of all those in office, whether at

home or abroad, the officer who has given the most steady and consistent

support to the work entrusted to me by Her Majesty's Government, I

venture to appeal to you to continue that support after my death, and to

carry out as far as possible my last requests." She expressed an

"earnest desire" that Mrs. Shaw Stewart should be appointed to succeed

her. She left messages of commendation and pecuniary gifts to the

Reverend Mother of the Bermondsey Nuns, Sister Bertha Turnbull, and Mrs.

Roberts: "To the Queen I beg humbly to restore the 'Order' with which

Her Majesty was pleased to decorate me. If she sees fit to return it to

my family, it will be prized the more by them. I cannot express the

support which the approbation of my Sovereign has been to me in all my

trials. But I would assure Her that neither by word or thought or deed

have I ever for one moment been unworthy of Her service or of the

charge entrusted to me by Her. I would wish the Commander of the Forces

in the East, in restoring to Her this jewel, to assure Her of this."

There were other requests, but her last thought was of the Army: "I

would wish that I could have done something more to prove to the noble

Army, whom I have so cared for, my respect and esteem. If the Commander

of the Forces would put into General Orders a message of farewell from

me, of remembrance of the time when we lived and suffered and worked

together, I should be grateful to him." She was to be spared to render

services to the British Army greater than any she had been able to

render in the Crimea.

IV

At Scutari, during the last months of Miss Nightingale's sojourn (Nov.

1855--March 1856, and July 1856), her work was as continuous as in the

Crimea. Her companions, Mr. and Mrs. Bracebridge, had returned to

England in August 1855, and their place was taken by Mrs. Samuel Smith.

From her letters we get a glimpse of Florence's daily toil at Scutari.

"Mine," wrote the aunt (Dec. 31, 1855), "is mere copying; hers is

perplexing brain-work. I go to bed at 11; she habitually writes till 1

or 2, sometimes till 3 or 4; has in the last pressure given up 3 whole

nights to it. We seldom get through even our little dinner (after it has

been put off one, two, or three hours on account of her visitors),

without her being called away from it. I never saw a greater picture of

exhaustion than Flo last night at ten (Jan. 7). 'Oh, do go to bed,' I

said. 'How can I; I have all those letters to write,' pointing to the

divan covered with papers. 'Write them to-morrow.' 'To-morrow will bring

its own work.' And she sat up the greater part of the night." But with

all this pressure, there was no flurry. "Such questions as food, rest,

temperature," wrote her aunt in another letter (Jan. 25, 1856), "never

interfere with her during her work; I suppose she has gained some

advantage over other people in her entire absence of thought about these

things; that is, her mind overtasked with great things has not these

little questions to entertain. She is extremely quick and clear too, as

you know, in her work. This I suppose has increased upon her, and she

can turn from one thing or one person to another, when in the midst of

business, in a most extraordinary manner. She has attained a most

wonderful calm and presence of mind. She is, I think, often deeply

impressed, and depressed, though she does not show it outwardly, but no

irritation of temper, no hurry or confusion of manner, ever appears for

a moment." Mrs. Smith's work was not only copying. Mrs. Bracebridge had

called herself "Boots," because she did all Florence's odd jobs, and to

this part Mrs. Smith had succeeded. "Aunt Mai," who had helped so

greatly in Florence's struggle for independence, must have felt rewarded

for her self-sacrifice in leaving husband, home, and children, by being

able to stand at her niece's side through some part of the life of

action.

For Christmas Day (1855) Miss Nightingale accepted an invitation to the

British Embassy, and another guest has drawn a picture of her on this

occasion:--

By the side of the Ambassadress was a tall, fashionable, haughty

beauty. But the next instant my eye wandered to a lady modestly

standing on the other side of Lady Stratford. At first I thought

she was a nun, from her black dress and close cap. She was not

introduced, and yet Edmund and I looked at each other at the same

moment to whisper _Miss Nightingale_. Yes, it was Florence

Nightingale, greatest of all now in name and honour among women. I

assure you that I was glad not to be obliged to speak just then,

for I felt quite dumb as I looked at her wasted figure and the

short brown hair combed over her forehead like a child's, cut so

when her life was despaired of from a fever but a short time ago.

Her dress, as I have said, was black, made high to the throat, its

only ornament being a large enamelled brooch, which looked to me

like the colours of a regiment surmounted with a wreath of laurel,

no doubt some graceful offering from our men. To hide the close

white cap a little, she had tied a white crape handkerchief over

the back of it, only allowing the border of lace to be seen; and

this gave the nun-like appearance which first struck me on her

entering the room; otherwise Miss Nightingale is by no means

striking in appearance. Only her plain black dress, quiet manner

and great renown told so powerfully altogether in that assembly of

brilliant dress and uniforms. She is very slight, rather above the

middle height; her face is long and thin, but this may be from

recent illness and great fatigue. She has a very prominent nose,

slightly Roman; and small dark eyes, kind, yet penetrating; but her

face does not give you at all the idea of great talent. She looks a

quiet, persevering, orderly, lady-like woman.... She was still very

weak, and could not join in the games, but she sat on a sofa, and

looked on, laughing until the tears came into her eyes.[213]

[213] Letter from Lady Hornby to her sister Mrs. Vaillant, Jan. 5, 1856;

_Hornby_, pp. 150, 152. The enamelled brooch was the Queen's jewel.

It was during this latter portion of Miss Nightingale's sojourn at

Scutari that she made a new friendship, which was of some importance to

her work. In October 1855 Colonel Lefroy,[214] confidential adviser on

scientific matters to the Secretary for War, was sent out by Lord

Panmure to report privately on the state of the hospitals. He formed a

high opinion of Miss Nightingale's work and abilities, and a friendship

with her then began which continued to the end of his life. Lord

Panmure's confidence in her, and the full authority with which, as

already related (p. 292), he invested her, were partly due to Colonel

Lefroy's reports.[215] At the time when the matter was under discussion,

he had returned to his post at the War Office, and the papers were sent

to him. His view of the case was the same as Miss Nightingale's, and he

expressed it with a force inspired by his personal observation, alike of

her services and of her difficulties. The medical men, he wrote in one

minute, are jealous of her mission. "Dr. Hall would gladly upset it

to-morrow." "A General Order," he wrote in another minute, "recognizing

and defining her position would save her much annoyance and harassing

correspondence. It is due, I think, to all she has done and has

sacrificed. Among other reasons for it, it will put a stop to any spirit

of growing independence among these ladies and nurses who are still

under her, a spirit encouraged with no friendly intention in more than

one quarter." For many years Colonel Lefroy was one of Miss

Nightingale's most constant correspondents on subjects connected with

military hospitals and nurses, and they often co-operated in schemes for

the welfare of the soldiers. Colonel Lefroy's services to the army,

both in scientific matters and in philanthropic directions, were long

and distinguished. Miss Nightingale had detractors and opponents in the

service; but the more progressive an officer was, the more probably may

he be included among her admirers and supporters.

[214] John Henry Lefroy (1817-90), Lieut. R.A., 1837; engaged in a

magnetical survey, 1839-42; F.R.S., 1848; at the War Office,

1854-57; inspector-general of army schools, 1857; afterwards

governor successively of the Bermudas and Tasmania; K.C.M.G., 1877.

[215] See a letter of Sidney Herbert printed in _Stanmore_, vol. i.

p. 417.

The Life of Florence Nightingale, vol. 1 of 2 · 第 12 / 16 章